[Page 332]

Without any doubt the ‘Little Tailor Synagogue’ was one of the earliest ‘groups’ in Tartakov. Just a few steps from the Bet Hamedrash stood a small wooden building, that consisted of one, not very large, built low to the ground house with a nearby room, which served as a storage place. The innermost decorations, like the Holy Ark, the table, the shtenders and benches were crafted in a primitive fashion, in contrast to the state of the Great Synagogue, which was exceptional with a certain elegance and skill.

Several quorums of working people prayed at the ‘Tailor Synagogue,’ not confined to tailors. But the name of the facility was indicative that years ago a group of Jews practicing one craft, organized themselves in a group and built themselves a sacred place, with the purpose of discharging their prayer duties in general to live socially together in a warmly familiar location. The members who prayed there would gather in the ‘Tailor Synagogue’ but not only to pray. On the Sabbath, before afternoon prayers, one of them who had a bit of education, read and translated the portion of the week for the audience, or the relevant chapter of Pirkei Avot, and occasionally a chapter of the Mishnah. Either that or recite the Psalms as a group. The religious working people live a cultural life in accordance with their capacity.

And not only that. Professional issues also such as ‘shop talk’ (as authorized by the national hand worker's organization) and other problems would be dealt with at these gatherings and meetings in this little synagogue.

In time, however, the city synagogue ‘The Great Synagogue,’ at one time became more democratized. The number of craftsmen of worshipers there grew larger. Their children grew up and became balebatim on their own. With time, more working people prayed at the Great Synagogue and even – though in a smaller number – also in the Bet HaMedrash. The number of worshipers at the Little Tailor Synagogue grew smaller year-to year, which at one time was the only place to go for the Jewish working man, wishing to practice his faith and acquire a socio-cultural way of life.

The second oldest and biggest organization in our shtetl, the ‘Linat Tzedek,’ was a people's society, to which practically all the Jews belonged, regardless of class or profession. The members of this group paid monthly dues of a modest set amount for every visitation sum. They also had the responsibility to stand watch for one or more nights in the home of a sick member and to help the family, especially in tending the sick person.

[Page 333]

The poor sick were given access to a doctor and required medicines. Every member of ‘Linat Tzedek’ had the right to demand a guard for his house, when any member of his household fell sick and for the length of that sickness as is needed. Also every member could take part in the collective ‘Melaveh Malke’ that was joyously arranged annually, on the Saturday night of the Parsha of Noah, most of the time in the Bet HaMedrash.

At this feast, a report was received from the departing Gabbaim in connection with their activity, and regarding revenues and expenses.

‘Linat Tzedek’ was the most popular society in the Tartakov Jewish settlement, where there was no hospital, no convalescent facility, and no other available medical institution. The nearest hospital and a Christian one at that, could be found in Sokal.

A very necessary activity developed in our shtetl, the so-called ‘Ladies' Committee.’ At the beginning of the thirties of our century a group of refined and religious ladies, but not fanatic, mothers of children who had grown – mostly Zionists--created a committee with the purpose of giving help to poor sick women and orphans.

The lady Brein'tzeh Linsker (the mother of the wealthy Zionist protagonist and activist Israel Linsker), stood at the head of this ‘Ladies' Committee.’ The following upright women belonged to this committee: Rachel Reinman, Chaya Kramm (mother of Koppel Kramm, a Zionist and pioneering activist, Hebrew teacher), Mrs. Leah'tzeh Becker (the mother of this writer) and a few others, whose names, regrettably, I cannot recall.

Quietly and modestly these energetic women carried out their activities, which rounded out the work of ‘Linat Tzedek,’ which had provided the poor sick with a night guard and medical help. But apart from this, the ill person needed better and more nourishing food, and in this area, the ‘Ladies' Committee’ took on the responsibility.

With the decline of the economic condition on the Jewish street, there also was a rise in the number of poor and beggars. Almost every day, especially on Friday, wagon loads of all manner of paupers--men, women and children--would arrive among which there were many young and healthy. These were the victims of the economic crisis and unemployment as well as a wave of extreme anti-Semitism, which with the support of the ruling Polish forces, years before the Holocaust, flooded the cities and towns of Poland.

Yet however poor our shtetl was, no one was refused help, some more, others less, but all the poor people were given donations, and in addition they were provided with free food and lodging.

[Page 334]

Among the compassionate Jews who spared no effort and material help for those homeless Jews without an income was the simple and decent man, R' Aharon Hersch Ducker ז”ל ,who was outstanding. Himself being a poor working man and itinerant village peddler, he lived in great poverty with his wife and children, in one house on the Schul Gasse. However, regardless of how crowded they were, he always took poor people in, set up a place to sleep, and if one of them got sick, he would give up his own bed for as long as needed. The home of R' Aharon Hersch Drucker eventually evolved into a free inn, and he conducted a sort of private ‘Hakhnosat Orkhim’ becoming an address for all the wandering poor people.

Apart from the frustrate paupers who were strangers, that used to come to the shtetl, we had no shortage of our own homegrown poor, who needed continuous weekly support. Part of them were no longer embarrassed, and they would approach the houses themselves. By contrast, there were others, especially bankrupted merchants or unemployed skilled craftsmen, were embarrassed to extend a hand for charity. Rather than beg, they would be quicker to go hungry. These Jews, as well, did not remain without any help. Respectable balebatim looked after them, who ran what was called the ‘Matan BaSeyser’ action. Nobody knew the name of the Jew without an income, for which they discreetly carried on fund-raising.

In connection with this ‘Matan BASEYSER’ action it is worth mentioning other necessary forms of support activity for Jews who had been rendered poor in our shtetl. In order not to expose those Jews who felt ashamed, a weekly bread-action was implemented. Every Sabbath in the morning, before prayer services two Jews (usually Gabbaim) – would visit the houses with a porter and fill up a large sack with whole loaves of bread, which was later divided up among the need poor.

One of these permanent Gabbaim was R' Chaim Leib Rosenfeld ז”ל, a wealthy merchant, a very ardent Belz Hasid, who took upon himself the mitzvah to go about every Saturday before daybreak, and whether winter or summer, in the greatest of frosts and rains, gather up these breads.

The Maot-Khitin action was broadly supported which started immediately after Purim, when the leadership of the community with the Rabbi at its head designated a commission to carry out a larger-than-usual collection of money to provide the poor with Matzos for Passover. The Rabbi, R' Yitzhak the Bet-Din Senior זצ”ל and later on his son and replacement in his holy seat R' Yehoshua Heschel הי”ד, in general never left our shtetl, excepting a mitzvah deed, or presiding over a wedding, and for example to preside over a circumcision, or to kosher a mill for Passover in a neighboring village. Or when the Maot Khitin action was launched, not only in Tartakov, but also in the surrounding villages, the Rabbi, in all his dignity, personally joined the community delegation, to partake in a tour over all rural settlements, that belonged to the Tartakov community circle and gathered larger donations to provide for their impoverished brethren with all their Passover needs. And when that beautiful and decent Seder night came, every Jew could say, with an ease of mind:

‘All who need, let him come and eat – And who has a need, let him come here to celebrate the Passover.’

[Page 335]

E) The General Help Activity and the Gemilut-Hasadim Bank

A frightening want reigned in our shtetl after the First World War. Tartakov lay just 6 kilometers from the former Russian-Austrian border and was therefore a focal point for the opposing bloody battles between the opposing two sides – starting with Russia and Austrian armies, and later between Ukrainian and Polish military divisions, and our shtetl was always placed in the midst of the cruelties inflicted by the occupants, who constantly harassed one another. All the Jewish places of work had been denuded, stores were robbed, and the number of

The Management of the Gemilut-Hasadim Bank in Tartakov

The acts of war destroyed all of this before already, the poor Jewish settlement in our shtetl. All Jewish places of business were decimated, stores were robbed, and the number of widows was now large, as well as women who didn't know the fate of their husbands, and children. And those scions of Tartakov who had the fortune to return from the fronts, they had no means to make a living. Additionally, there was no shortage of invalids, the sick, and unskilled labor.

[Page 336]

The Jewish settlement in America came to our aid. At first in the rescue operation was a private thing run on an individual basis, not organized. America Jews simply sent their relatives clothes, food and money.

However, immediately this help action took on a more constructive character, when the ‘Joint’ (American Jewish Distribution Committee) began its work. A local ‘Joint’ committee was created, which for a long time was led by that action-rich social activist R' Aharon Gertel ז”ל led. Along with him, the father of this writer ז”ל took an active part in the local ‘Joint.’

This ‘Joint’ Committee also opened a people's kitchen in the home of Sarah Leah (Motya's daughter-in-law) who also ran the kitchen, and as a result, she got help in running the kitchen from two young women on a daily basis. All the women who worked in the kitchen, and served the food did so without pay, and worked with extraordinary commitment.

Thanks to the subsidies from the ‘Joint’ it was also possible to hold onto our Hebrew school and to look after the needed sanitary requirements of the Jewish populace in the city.

With time, when the economic circumstances of part of the Tartakov Jews improved, that local settlement took on the responsibility directly to provide for the poor segments of the poor Jewish Tartakov residents. And when the ‘Joint’ started up its support activities on the Jewish street, emphasizing the needy, and to create self-help institutions, the Jews of Tartakov, with the help of the central society of the Gemilut Hasadim Banks in Poland, we created the so-called ‘people's institutions’' such as the local Gemilut Hasadim Bank, which enable a large number of the severely impoverished store keepers and workers to obtain interest-free loans with easy terms of repayment. Our Gemilut Hasadim Bank which was lead by an energetic committee had our active and committed heads in Abraham'tzeh Schtifnflehr ז”ל, had much to do with the rebuilding of ruined workplaces of the Jewish Workmen's Circle's populace in Tartakov and more than one laborer and retail merchant was saved from complete ruin.

Until the end of The First World War, the political presence of the small Jewish settlement was very weakly developed. With us, Jews lived strictly by the confining rules according to the Torah and tradition. In all Jewish homes, with a small number of exceptions, the one same way of life reigned, the same religious practices, the same customs.

The one difference in understanding that once led to sharp quarrels in our [otherwise] tranquil and observant shtetl – was the issue of believing in one or another Rebbe.

With the benefit of hindsight, this settlement in Tartakov was divided between Belz Hasidim, and the Hasidim of Czortkow-Husiatyn. The former were in the majority, and grouped themselves around the city Rabbi R' Yitzhak Bet-Din Senior זצ”ל of the Belz dynasty (a brother of his was the Rabbi in Tarnopol and a second in Podwoloczysk).

[Page 337]

In contrast, a small amount f influence was had by the Hasidim of Tartakov and Husiatyn, headed by the modest scholar R' Chaim Moshe'leh Hamudot (Khameides) זצ”ל.

For many years a very deep-seated anger reigned between these two groups of Hasidim.

It is worth filling out the picture of the spiritual life of those times in the Tartakov Jewish settlement, stressing that at the beginning of the 20^th century before The First World War, we had living amongst us individual Jews who read newspapers and books, taking an interest in politics, and sending their children to secular schools. These few such Jews included: R' Avigdor Freier, an Enlightened man and a merchant, a rich man and a mitnaged, – R' Aharon Gertel, a merchant and industrialist, a former burgomaster of Tartakov, and R' Isaac Guz, an Enlightened Zionist activist, the owner of a large library.

After the First World War, new winds began to blow through our community life.

For a short while, even the Soviet authorities had control of our shtetl, this being the reverberations of the echoes of the October Revolution, that reached us from Soviet Russia, but there was no one to pick up this on the Jewish street… our Jewish way of life continued onward in its old well-trod way.

At this point, it was Zionism that was the mightier force, that changed the generations-long path of small-town Jewish life and set it out on new tracks.

With the arrival in Tartakov of the energetic and tireless Zionist protagonist Yehuda (Yudl) Grossman – a new epoch in the history of our settlement began.

The writer of these lines left a small bit of memories about the personality of Yudl Grossman and the meaning of his battle for winning over the youth of the Bet HaMedrash for the Zionist ideal – to another place in this Yizkor Book. Here – I want only to flesh out my memoir with a few details, which give a clear picture of this extraordinary energetic protagonist, and this will simply throw into sharper relief and reflect more, his sacrificial strenuous efforts to broaden the influence of the Zionist ideal on the Jewish street.

Yudl Grossman came from Witkow-Novy after the First World War. When he returned from the Austrian military, and not having any closer family, he took up residence in Tartakov, where an uncle took him in, the Gemara melamed R' Shimon (Shim'eleh). Grossman immediately took to the Zionist explanatory communication (Hasbara) in our shtetl among the Hasidic youth in the Bet HaMedrash, and thereby, in an equivalent time he came in contact with the local enlightened Jewish people, such as Yaakov Gertel, Israel Linsker and Isaac Guz. The first two were balebatim of the school, of the synagogue, where Jews prayed who were not from the extreme Hasidic circles, merchants, craftsmen and in general the more Enlightened Jews. By contrast, the third, Isaac Guz, was a Hasidic Jew, very well-versed in the Tanakh and Talmud, together with Yudl Grossman

[Page 338]

created an impact for the Zionist cause in the Bet HaMedrash. They provided the young people there with new Yiddish and Hebrew literature.

The reaction of parents did not help, who often employed drastic means to ‘save’ their children, and to extract them from the influence of Zionism. The number of the youth from the Bet HaMedrash, who left the Yeshiva and entered the Zionist circle, grew day-by-day, which had just been founded at that time in Tartakov.

At almost the same time, a group of working Tartakov Jews locally founded a Bundist organization. But because both the Zionist and Bundist circles were still too weak at that time and could not support their own organizations with local branches using their own resources, – so an agreement was reached between the two groups to found a joint culture society, in which suitable cultural activities were implemented. In this fashion, each side of political activism had the right to carry out its objectives according to its own doctrines. A number of books were bought from classic Yiddish literature for both groups, as well as a number of Zionist and Socialist books for each side separately.

This first joint Zionist-Bundist society did not last for a long time. From the outset disagreements ensued between the founders on both sides – often because of motives, that were bounded by plain political naiveté. For instance, I remember, how it was told about the arguments between these two partnering parties, when the Zionists hung up a map of the Land of Israel in the branch, one of the individuals, who claimed to be a Bundist, demanded unearned equality… it would be necessary to hang a Bundist map on the second wall! His argument was that ‘Equality… is equality.’

You can understand that this immediately led to a schism. Each side took possession of its own books, and the Zionists who were in a substantial majority, remained in the branch location. The ‘Bund’ members, who coalesced around the most intelligent among them – Isser Kremmer (today in New York ), were smaller in number, and did not have the strength, nor the resources, to establish and support their own society with a separate branch. Indeed, they did not play any larger role on the Jewish street in Tartakov.

The Zionist organization went through a substantial development, which by this time had consolidated its base in the school and the Bet HaMedrash and, in time, took in all the Jewish youth in our shtetl. Among these Zionist protagonists, under the influence of the teachings of A. D. Gordon and Y. Kh. Brenner, formed a separate group with a socialist tendency, and saw in the program of Labor-Zionism a synthesis of its national and socialist elements, and grouped itself around the ‘Hitakhdut’ party with Yaakov Gertel and Koppel Kramm (later a Hebrew teacher) at its head. Because of this, this very organization became the strongest on the Jewish street in Tartakov.

In smaller numbers – but with greater political influence was the plain Zionist party under the leadership of Israel Linsker and Isaac Guz, and later also his son, Moshe.

Without any religious motives, a number of Zionists joined the ‘Mizrahi’ organization, finding in this party an expression of their Zionist and religious aspirations. The Heads of this organization were Wolf Ruker and Hersch Krantz.

[Page 339]

With time, a Revisionist Party was added, led by Leibusz Beck (today in Israel) and Lejzor Ziskind (today in Brazil).

The ‘Agudat-Israel’ group was active among those in the Hasidic camp up to the last years before the Holocaust but had a smaller number of members.

For technical reasons, but especially financial reasons, all of the Zionist groups, understood that in order to sustain a joint branch, an intensive cultural activity needed to be carried out there. As a result of the fact that many of the [joint] society membership also belonged to a variety of other organizations, very heated discussions would take place, to which an audience would listen to with great interest.

The work on behalf of the Hebrew School, for K.K.”L., and Keren HaYesod, to create a single Zionist ballot to elect members of the Sejm and the Senate, to the community or to the municipal council, and other institutions open to voting, unified all the Zionist groups into a sing strong Zionist camp.

The movement of the Halutzim was very active here. At the training point that existed in Tartakov, the children of Hasidic balebatim were supported, who were the Yeshiva students of yesterday, and who carried out all of the mundane and difficult work needed… and in order to prepare themselves to make aliyah to the Land of Israel, this group of Halutzim traveled out to train in field work, in a private sector in the neighborhood of Belz. It is regrettable that only a small number of these Halutzim actually traveled to Israel, where they live to this day. An example would be Israel Krantz, and his wife Bluma Rabinovich. In a later segment of time, the following of their relatives made aliyah: Leah'tzeh Rabinovich with her husband Leibusz Beck, and Avraham Rabinovich. Also, Shaul Linsker had the good fortune to realize his ideal as a pioneer and make aliyah.

The previously mentioned Zionist groups also had youth organizations. It was in this manner that the youth group ‘Gordonia’ was founded by ‘Hitakhdut,’ which counted Meir Leikerman and David Glazer among its members. The ordinary Zionists created the ‘Akhava’ organization and later ‘HaNoar HaTzioni,’ where Feiga Guz stood out for her special activity.

A separate initiative among the Zionist youth caused the development of ‘Has homer HaTza'ir’ (Chaim Isaac Kremmer).

All these organizations – each in its own sphere – raised and educated their members in the ideals of Zionism, of love and bonding to the Jewish people, its culture, to the Hebrew language, to pioneering spirit.

[Page 340]

Jewish Cultural Activity in Tartakov

Until the end of The First World War, our entire cultural life consisted of us learning the Torah. The sole lecture came from this book. For the scholar – [there was] the Gemara and Mishna, and another Holy Writ, while for the simpler individual – a bit of Tehilim. For the Jewish Mother, there was ‘Tzena uRe'ena’^[1] and ‘Kav haYashar’^[2]; for the Jewish daughter – story booklets, which were bought at the same time with ‘Benchers^[3]’ from the itinerant bookseller (Pakn Treger). In general, one could not find a secular book in a typical Jewish house. The few exceptions to this were the houses of Aharon Gertel and Avigdor Freier, who, already in pre-war time, sent their children to [secular] study. In their homes one might be able to find a small book in German or Polish.

But the ‘exception of our time’ was the large and rich library of Isaac Guz. He was a Russian Jew, who married the daughter of someone from Tartakov. After spending several years in America, he came home to his wife and children and brought back a substantial amount of valuables… several large boxes of books. Books in a variety of languages: Yiddish, Hebrew, German and English. These well-bound books took up the entirety of a large room from the ground to the ceiling and were a true source of knowledge for those who thirsted for, and craved a book in Yiddish or Hebrew, those being the former Yeshiva students, working men and young people in general who after The War, thanks to Zionist propaganda, began to read books from the outside world.

Isaac Guz did not turn his library into a profit-making business. He lent his books out for free. He personally would lend them to his friends, and his children followed his example, each individually with their coterie of friends.

This private library was very popular in the whole city and vicinity. It was only later that an ‘open’ Yiddish-Hebrew library was founded by the Zionist Society ‘HaTekhiya,’ as well as a library for children beside the Hebrew school.

A lively type of cultural activity was carried on in the ‘HaTekhiya’ Society, where the Zionist world would come together every evening, to read newspapers, to play chess, or to carry on conversations and discussions. Lectures often were given there about literary and political themes. The ones who listened to all these speakers were: Yudl Grossman, Yaakov Gertel, Israel Linsker, Isaac Guz, Koppel Kramm, and from the younger generation, Moshe Guz, Wolf Ruker, the writer of these lines, when he got home in time for these events.

[Page 341]

Apart from this, we would hold special celebrations at the yahrzeit of great Jewish leaders. The ‘HaTekhiya’ group also had an active Drama Circle, which presented a play for almost every Festival Holiday. Among the principal cast were Meir Leikerman, David Glazer, Chaim Isaac Kremmer (today in New York), Gershon Greindinger, Issachar Korn, Shayndl Kram, Bina Schleier, and from time-to-time Sabina Schussheim and this writer would also participate. The director of these plays at the beginning was Boszwic from Sokal, and later a scion of our own, the active Zionist Moshe Sauerbroyz. The revenues received from these plays, as usual, were allocated to the K.K.”L. And the Hebrew school.

We did not have an appropriate auditorium for these plays. We therefore rented the Ukrainian Society Hall ‘Proszwita’ which was in a neighboring village, about 2-3 km from the shtetl. But even this location attracted no small audience, to se homegrown artists or to take in the cultural material, in order to spend the evening, and thereby support Jewish national institutions.

In the shtetl itself, there was a nice large theater hall, which belonged to the Polish Society ‘Sokol’, and not a single Jew contributed to the construction of the ‘Sokol’ building, and so long as the head of this Society was a Roman Catholic priest, one could not rent this hall for a Jewish affair. Only later, when the leadership of ‘Sokol’ was taken over by the former police commandant Wagner, was the large ‘Sokol’ hall opened for Jewish plays.

The Hebrew school had an especially great influence on cultural life in our city. As demonstrated at a different opportunity, it also was the ‘rock of dissent’ between the Zionists and the Hasidim. The latter did not want to implement any change in the traditional education in Heder. They thought of the Hebrew school as a way leading to… conversion and assimilation. It should therefore be easy to understand the extent of the great difficulties that were encountered in the struggle for the introduction and continuation of a modern educational institution. A vigorous propaganda program had to be carried out among the parents, to get them to send their children [to school] and had to make do with minimal tuition and free poor children entirely from paying anything. At the beginning, it was necessary to bring in teachers from the outside, who were involved with larger finances. Later, Yudl Grossman became the director of the school, working for a trivial salary, because the school needed to deal with deficits.

Tens of children received a national-Jewish education thanks to this modern educational institution, which always was under the administrative leadership and special oversight from the active Zionist and party leader Yaakov Gertel (today in Israel).

Later, it became possible to recruit, from these Hebrew school students, loyal, committed and active Zionist participants, and Halutzim.

My Jewish birthplace in the shtetl of Tartakov was small and poor.

The burden of making a living was a hard one, and bitter, every struggle was for existence. But despite this, our settlement carried on a Jewish life, based on good vibrant moral foundations and

[Page 342]

messianic ideals. Our youth struggled to achieve a spiritually rich and nice way of life, and for the development of the Zionist ideal in Land of Israel.

Tragically, the murderous Nazi hand put an end to this Jewish way of life. Tartakov shared in the fate of all Polish Jewry under German occupation. This generations-old Jewish shtetl was destroyed. Almost all the scions of my city were exterminated.

A pity to have lost them, but not to forget them.

1. A well-recognized translation of the Pentateuch into Yiddish from Hebrew. Return
2. Kav haYashar (lit. The Just Measure) authored by Rabbi Tzvi Hirsch Kaidanover (1648–1712), is one of the most popular works of musar literature of the last three hundred years. Return
3. A miniature prayer book containing the blessings to be recited before and after meals. To ‘bench’ is to ‘bless’ in Yiddish. Return

Dedicated to the memory of my parents:
Leibusz & Esther, and my brothers:
Herman, Bernard & Benjamin, his wife
Leah & son Nina (?), David & his wife Mikhal,
Hanoch, & Shmuel, who were exterminated in
The Nazi Holocaust in the years 1941–3.

My parents and their family came to the shtetl of Tartakov in 1913, which was located beside the border between the Austrian monarchy and Czarist Russia.

In the year 1914, The First World Was broke out, and during its initial days, the Russian Army broke through the border, and entered our town, and with them came the Circassians and the Cossacks who were well known for their wildness in their predations. The first of their undertakings was to plunder, beat, and create disarray among the Jews. We lived on the Szniki farm outside the town. As we were a distance from the town, we were compelled to find a hiding place in the home of the Rabbi Babad. From this time, I recall an interesting detail that could wreak havoc and frighten the entire town. My father was a lessor of the farmlands of the Nobleman Urbanski, and the Graf Voroshinski, and he had the keys to the distillery of whiskey in his hands, The Circassians stormed the distillery and attempted to open the gates but could not. It became known to them that my father had the keys, and they decided to find him. However, a miracle happened, and literally one of the farmers heard this intent, and he dressed my father and the rest of the family as Ukrainians, and took us over to a certain village, and hid us in a cellar for a length of time, and meanwhile the danger passed, and the town remained unharmed.

A second detail that no less casts light upon the plight of the Jews is etched in my mind. When the Circassians and Cossacks captured the city, after some time, they started after the young Jewish girls. The Circassians raped and violated them, and the fear was terrible. Many of the girls hid themselves in the home of Rabbi Babad, and the Circassians burst into his house. The Rabbi was sitting and teaching Torah to the girls. First, they started to beat the girls with whips, they cut the sidelocks off the elderly men, of the Rabbi and the remaining Jews that were in that location. The girls fled to the attic, and out of confusion and fear, trod on the skhakh of the sukkah and fell into the house in a state

[Page 343]

of faint. The Cossacks took out harmonicas and began to sing and dance around the girls, and it was then that my brother Benjamin (Bank) using wondrous strength, broke through the door of the Rabbi, and with a sack, ran quickly to the palace of the general who was in charge of the armies settling in the area, and told him about the incident. The temerity of the lad (he was then 15 years old) pleased the commandant, and he sent guard detail, and arrested those who were rioting out of control.

This terrifying condition continued up to the year 1917, until the Austrian victory, and when that victory arrived, we breathed more easily, but not for a long time. The Ukrainians captured Eastern Galicia and once again, troubles started for the Jews in our town. Their lot was to suffer plunder and beating on a daily basis. At the same time the Lurcziks, a part of the Polish Army in Galicia, burst in to liberate Poland, and the pogroms reached their zenith. The Lurcziks excelled in their strong hatred of the Jews, and they cut off the beards on all Jews they encountered, and did not spare the children or the elderly. In the year 1920, yet another and new war broke out this time between the Bolsheviks and Poland. Out of great fear that we could not take any more of this, almost the entire town fled, and our family was among them. We fled to the city of Yaroslav and only after the land quieted down, and order was returned to the nation, did we return to Tartakov, and life began to get normal again.

However, it was already in the early thirties that signs began to appear that augured badly – and the skies over Jewry in Poland grew dark. An intense friendship began between Poland and Germany, and Mrs. Pristur was sent to create bonds of friendship and culture with Germany, and the results of the visit were not late in coming, [including] the forbidding of kosher slaughter out of humanitarian reasons, because according to their thinking, slaughter of this nature causes torture to the living creatures; the Numerus Clausus decree which resulted in the expulsion of Jewish students from the universities, made heavier the pressure on Jews in regards to their economic earnings, and they were continued to be felt.

[Page 344]

My father died in the year 1938, and it is possible to say that this was a blessing since he did not live to see the Holocaust that was inexorably drawing near. In 1939, Hitler, a”nh provoked the beginning of the Second World War – in this way enabling the danger felt by all Eastern European Jewry. The first German invasion found me in Rawa Ruska near Lvov. The Germans immediately began the pursuit of the Jews under the guise of searching for arms and radio equipment. The populace was taken away to hard labor. Several tens of Jews were taken out to be killed, among them the sons of the family of Imr'l Avraham, Ze'ev Imr'l of Sokal.

In accordance with the Ribbentrop–Molotov Pact the Germans fell back to the border of Tomaszow–Belz, 4–5 km from Rawa Ruska and the Russians entered in their place.

The Cohen–Eisen Family

At the same time, my husband, brother and I, were taken to do work in military transports, I fell sick and got a high fever. At the same time, a transport from Sokal was on its way to Belzec, and on the way, my sister–in–law, and her daughters Nina and Miriam (Mushka); Leah and Nina returned to the ghetto at Sokal, and after a great effort Miriam reached Rawa Ruska. After the aktion my husband and brother Shmulik went out to check the situation and ran into Mushka. The encounter was very dramatic and together we returned to the ghetto in Rawa Ruska. The doctors advised my husband to get me out of the ghetto because my health had completely deteriorated. I was then taken to the hospital for infectious diseases called Ahafya Kostiuk, and I lay there for six weeks without food or drink. From time to time, my husband, at mortal risk, brought me fruit from the ghetto and I received a note from my husband in which was written: ‘Save yourself; we have no possibility of helping you.’ On the same day, Dr. Kotzak asked of me and one other Jewish woman, Zina Gutman (who remained alive and is in Warsaw, Poland) to leave the hospital immediately. Our physical condition was so bad that we could not walk, and not even stand. They brought us our clothing, and gave us encouragement to walk together, and there was snow and freezing cold out there. The two of us slithered, literally, until we reached a nearby stable, and there we hid in the straw. We warmed ourselves by staying close to one another. I was thirsty from the high fever, and I drank from the still muddy water. On the second night a nurse came from the hospital and with a prod, demanded that we leave the stable. Toward evening, we left the stable and turned in the direction of the train station. Along the way, we saw that the ghetto was lit, and the Ukrainian police and Gestapo guarded the ghetto. We tried to walk between the fences in order to hold on to one another. We got off the road to a Christian acquaintance to ask if she had seen anyone from the family. The Christian woman was

[Page 345]

terribly fearful of the intrusion. We promised her to leave the house. We drank only two glasses of tea, and ate bread, and for this we paid 500 gulden. In addition to this, she sent her son to buy a train ticket going to Lvov. We dragged ourselves after him, and along the way he encountered the Gestapo who took him. We continued to the train station. In the cage, the ticket seller recognized me and advised us to get out of there quickly. With the greatest of effort and difficulty we entered the train and reached Lvov at two o'clock in the morning. Outside there was indescribable snow and frost. We waited until six in the morning for daybreak. We were filthy, our clothing was torn, and, of local style, our heads were full of straw and our hair was unkempt. And this alone gave us focus. We reached Sokolski Street – to the Zhukowsky–Marmaluva family. Initially, they did not want to take us in, but in accordance with the signs that I gave to them, we were allowed inside. The difficulty was with my friend Zinia Gutman – she was taken in under the condition that she had to leave the house at nightfall. Mrs. Marmaluva rented me a nearby room in the name of Ahafya Kostiuk. I waited for my family with my eyes giving out. While we were still in the hospital, we made up a place to meet in Lvov with my husband and brother. I fell sick into bed, because I still had typhus. Mrs. Marmaluva told me about Mushka's arrival, and the meeting with Miriam was earthshaking; when I asked about the rest of the family, she had no answer. When we rested up a bit, Mushka began to relate: after the ghetto was liquidated, they hid in a bunker. The condition in the bunker was indescribable, the wailing of children was terrifying; the children were made drunk with strong beverages to put them to sleep. It was not only once that mothers were driven crazy because they had to choke their own children [to death]. The Gestapo took them out of the bunker and brought them to the synagogue. Along the way, she saw men, women, children and infants killed and stacked up in piles. It was literally like a flock of sheep that had been slaughtered. A short Cossack was taken to the cemetery, and there he buried those that had been killed and after his work. He was shot on December 15,1942. Miriam and my Herma Pula were taken to the camp at Rawa Ruska, Miriam worked in the interior of the ghetto.

On December 31, 1942, the Gestapo came and took my daughter and other women. Miriam saw how they were shot by them. There was a small distance between them. The little one, ten years old, understood a great deal, and begged to be left alive – ‘I am small,’ she begged.

[Page 346]

Mushka, who reached me, was infected with spotted typhus, with protuberances from her head. I took her into my room without the knowledge of the lady home maker. All day, she lay hidden beneath my bed, and, at night, I took her into bed with me. I got re–infected from her and fell sick a second time. Miriam got over her illness and took care of me, and Marmaluva secretly invited a doctor to tend to me, and they bought medicaments for me from the ghetto. It is possible to say ironically that they were more afraid I would die rather than stay alive. The death of a Jewish woman brings destruction and the end to all residents of the house. To give disinfectant and to give close examination in the case of the death of a Jewish woman who had received protection – the punishment was death by gunshot. In those day, they began to liquidate the Lvov ghetto. An order was issued that every attic and cellar be registered in the name of the resident homeowner, and the rest of the houses are to remain open, to allow the Gestapo to look for fleeing Jews. In connection with this Mrs. Marmaluva came with a proposal – to spend nights in the nearby church and during the day, to wander in the outside until the danger passes. We accepted Mrs. Marmaluva's proposal, and I with another person sick with high fever were forced to change positions during days and nights, in a state of continuous fright that we would be discovered. I became deaf because of so much high fever. After the Lvov ghetto was liquidated, we returned to the Marmaluva family. Mrs. Marmaluva got infected with typhus from us, was taken to the hospital and died there. For us, this meant the death of the person who protected and saved us. May her memory be for a blessing. While still alive she contacted a woman of character, Nina, who gave us cover. Shmulik came to us with surprising news, that thanks to him, it encouraged us a bit. We had given up on our lives, and many a time we thought of hastening that end, because we lacked the physical capacity to continue. Our brother Shmulik gave us energy and instilled hope in us when he said: ‘continue to live

[Page 347]

in order that you be able to exact revenge from the Nazis ימ”ש’. After the death of Mrs. Marmaluva, we went to live with Mrs. Nina, Shmulink's condition was frightening and terrifying. For a number of days he remained hidden in a Franciscan monastery, and the priest Victor provided him with food. The other monks took note of this, and

The Girl Herma – Daughter of Chana Cohen

I decided on this and did it. The following morning, I had the temerity to reach the Podzymacya train station. My parting with Mrs. Nina was emotional. Mushka decided, at all costs, to stick with me despite the fact that I refused to take her. We were dressed in Ukrainian clothing because we spoke this language fluently. I waited beside the train station. And from a distance I could see hundreds of people from the Gestapo and the Ukrainian police. The transport passed beside me, moving four–by–four. I passed through the opening between the train sections with Miriam beside me, and together with the others getting aboard, we got onto the train. To this day, I cannot recall how I managed to disappear among the stream of people. When we were on the train car, I saw Shmulik with the priest Victor, parting at a distance from us. We felt a terrifying loneliness, here we were two Jewish women among thousands of Poles and Ukrainians. We wept endlessly, and we were asked why we were crying, and we answered: all our swine and cattle were plundered and taken from us (this was particularly tragic to villagers, more than the death of parents). We had nothing to eat on the train. We were not worried about procurement of food, because we didn't think we would reach the train itself. The sack on our shoulders was there only as a disguise, but with all this we recovered [and carried on.] We took what was given to us, and we continued the train ride for eight days. Periodically we were investigated by the Gestapo. They searched and counted us not to tell, because many of the Poles jumped off the train. We reached Khum^[1] that is in Wastolia^[2] a coal mine and crop works, and this was April 1943. Our courage was counterfeit. They organized us according to work, the carrying of coal, and carrying train supplies. The work was beyond our strength. The food was very bad. They cooked up a soup from potato skins and cabbage and in addition to this, they distributed 350 grams of bread to each man (and I was then working as a man), and a piece of margarine, and this was our portion on a day–to–day basis. All the time they said that we were Jewish women. And slowly, but surely information was passed, and despite my unnatural energy, I managed to silence this. But it happened that one of the residents of the group, Julia Towarnicka, told me openly that I was a leprous Jew, and terrified me that she would reveal me. My patience gave out and reserve, and I said to her ‘go, you have to go.’ She ran to the Gestapo and informed on me. I begged Miriam to destroy her purse with all the papers and I was ready for everything. The search began.

[Page 348]

The chief of the camp appeared Parnagol, with his deputy, and asked me if had encountered Julia in Poland? I answered: No. And to the question, am I a Jew? – the answer was no! From the Gestapo they phoned the chief of the camp, and he answered that he personally takes responsibility that I am perfectly all right and have no shortcoming. Julia was also interrogated to find out the basis on which she suspected me: her answer was: ‘I found her on the train, at the time that all of us before departure were in a transit camp.’ I was interrogated again by the Gestapo, and I answered all their questions. The head of the interrogation was sent to the village of Kamionka and Luvska beside Rawa Ruska, where my supporter Ahafya Kustyuk lived, and she confirmed that I was a genuine gentile, and with this, the process of informing ended. It is not hard to describe what happened to me during this period. I flitted between life and death. This is the way we continued to work until 1945.

And the day of liberation finally arrived. In that same year a second front was opened, and step by step the allied troops to gain ground, as did the heavy bombing of German cities. All the trains, factories and work to sustain life were bombed. The destruction was terrifying, and it is not possible to describe the terror of the Germans. A large chaos arose, and news reached us that the Germans, out of fear of vengeance by the foreign nationals among them who were turned into slaves were now plotting to take them to the east and exterminate them. This reached Miriam and myself and I decided to work towards saving ourselves. At three o'clock in the morning, I leapt over the camp wall and hid with a German family, but they immediately informed upon me, and I once again fled and along the way I ran into Miriam, and we were both saved.

After being in the ghetto after one aktion after another, one question was in everyone's heart: ‘With God's help, will one of us out of a thousand live to see the fall of the cursèd Nazis’ – and the dream became a reality.

On April 27, 1945, the American Army entered the city of Stanscheid where Miriam (Mushka) and I worked in a camp for the German Army.

Miriam was the first to see the this exciting scene and brought me the big news (and I was then peeling potatoes in the cellar). We burst outside I wild and unrestrained joy. American and British soldiers appeared and immediately disarmed the Nazi guards and freed us all.

After liberation, I began to work at the hospital of UNNRA, but all the travail and suffering that I had gone through and their signs, brought me down and I got very sick. I got paralysis in a leg as I lay in the hospital for two months until I returned to help and traveled to England.

To end my story, that I have shortened intentionally, I see it as my responsibility to remember the loss of my family as it was related to me: My precious mother was taken to the ghetto at Sokal, and was shot and killed on the way there – my brother Herman died from the burden of travel in the year 1941; my brother Bernard fled from Russia to Hungary and there was taken to a ghetto and exterminated; David and his wife, Mikhl and Hanoch that were in the Sokal ghetto were taken during an aktion to Belzec and exterminated there; my youngest brother Shmulik was killed by a means unknown to me.

1. Possibly Komariv Return
2. Possibly Wolhynia Return

  Sokal, Ukraine     Yizkor Book Project     JewishGen Home Page

Copyright © 1999-2025 by JewishGen, Inc.
Updated 10 Jan 2025 by JH