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The summer of 1940 saw the beginning of the aktions sending young men to the forced labor camps in Lublin, Tishevits near Hrubieszow, and other places.

Three camp inmates from Tishevits. Kalman Horowitz survived. The other two were killed.		A group of butchers from Otwock in the Tishevits camp. Kalman Horowitz survived. The others were killed.

The work consisted of regulating the water runoff from the fields. Ditches 4 meters deep and 3 meters wide were dug. Afterward, the ditches were finished with peat.

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There were 500 Jews from various cities in the Tishevits camp: Warsaw, Otwock, Tomaszow, Tyszowce, and other areas.

The camp was located in a mill that consisted of a one-story building. The inmates slept on the straw covered floor. The rations consisted of 20 decas of bread a day with black coffee and soup for lunch.

The management and the guarding were done by “The Blacks.” These were a special commando group (S.D.) dressed in black uniforms. They were degenerate sadists, Volksdeutsche from various lands, who tortured the inmates by constantly calling for roll calls by day as well as during the night.

The inmates gave the camp directors special names. The camp commandant, a Czech Volksdeutsche, was called “Toz.” His deputy was called “Red Toz.” One of the most brutal camp supervisors was called “Tsik–Tsak,” or “Hop-Hop.” This was because while marching, instead of calling out one, two, he shouted, “Tsik, tsak, tsik, tsak.” He also used to force people to run, shouting, “Hop, hop.”

The camp was fenced with barbed wire, and guarded by the “black” guards.

Roll call started at 5:00 am. The inmates were divided into groups. A group consisted of 60 men, led by a group leader. The group leaders were Jews, and their work entailed assuring everyone was present for the roll calls, distributing the rations, and supervising during the work to make sure everyone was working, and no one was escaping.

Torturing the inmates at work or in the camp manifested itself in various punishments. The “black” supervisors would accuse an inmate of not working well enough, and would beat him bloody. Once a guard decided that someone's shovel was dirty and punished everybody. He drove them into a river 80-90 cm deep, and tortured them there for hours. The guard, Tsik-Tsak used to search for a victim, force him to the ground, his foot on his neck, and beat him with the butt of his rifle, or with a riding crop over his whole body until the victim showed no signs of life anymore. When he had to work in the camp at night, the inmates would not get any sleep. Every couple of hours, he called for a roll call count, and beat anyone who fell into his hands.

At night, it was forbidden to go to the latrine alone. One had to be accompanied by a watchman. There were 2 watchmen who carried big lanterns

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and they led and returned from the latrines. It happened sometimes that, because of the poor food, inmates got diarrhea, and couldn't wait for the watchman to return. If they went to the latrine alone, they were shot by the guards.

The Judenrat in Tishevits made efforts to allow the inmates to be freed for Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, and to go and pray. The result of the intervention was that they were freed for the first day of Rosh Hashanah, but on the second day they were horribly mistreated and forced to do twice the work. Yom Kippur, everyone had to work.

The Tishevits inmates expressed their painful life in the following recitation:

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In December, 1940, the camp was closed and everyone was sent back to the ghettos. The people from Otwock also came back, but later in the deportations, they were killed.

Ringelblum archive, Art. 373
(Jewish Historical Institute, Warsaw)

The reason I was caught and sent to the work camp in August 1940 (one of the first camps in the General Government) was due to the negligence and irregularity of the registration process. From those trying to avoid it, the gmineh recruited the first cadre of camp inmates.

On the 28^th of August 1940, I presented myself to the committee on Kawenczinski Street, where the interim doctor–a Jew–declared me fit, in spite of expecting to be freed because of my weak physique. After this interview, I was issued a departure card, and ordered to show up in two days' time.

On the designated day, I found myself at the assembly place–surrounded by barbed wire, and guarded by Polish police–the place where the building of the camp commission on Kawenczinski Street stood.

From the minute you passed the gate that led to the place, you lost the ability to communicate with the outside world. In truth, there was a way to communicate with parents at a nearby wall, namely the shaliach of the gmineh, but this was possible only for a few, because the liaison officer asked to be highly paid.

The crowd gathered in the yard consisted mostly of the poorer levels of society. They were mostly unmarried people between 20 and 30 years of age. Because we had to wait there all day from 8:00 in the morning until evening, we dispelled the boredom by telling jokes, mostly indecent ones. In general the mood was excellent. The perspective of camp

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filled no one with fear. They all figured that for loyal, and honestly fulfilled tasks, they would receive proper living conditions.

At dusk they put us in groups of three (1500 people had been assembled), and led us in groups to the brick building where they gave everyone a nutritious enough meal consisting of soup and bread. After supper, they arrayed us again in groups of three, and led us out in the direction of the yard. We were accompanied by gendarmes carrying rifles with fixed bayonets. In spite of that, there were plenty of opportunities to run away which several people actually carried out. In general, control was not very strict during the march, because the transport had to have 1500 people, so the gendarmes caught and conscripted a certain number straight off the street in order to fulfill their quota. We were accompanied most of the way by the wailing and lamentations of our mothers and families, until they were finally driven away by the Polish police. As the time of the train departure neared, the gendarmes forced us to march ever faster. As a result, the column broke up, we became completely disoriented, and degenerated into a disorderly mad race. In the process, many lost their provisions and other pieces of baggage. I felt German blows for the first time while getting into the freight cars in the eastern train yard. Getting up into those wagons with our loads required a big effort that some were not capable of. The gendarmes exploited the situation, whipping with their riding crops as hard as they could. Finally, they loaded us in, 88-100 people in a freight car, the cars were locked, and sealed, and the train began to move. The gendarmes travelled in the same train, but in the passenger cars. The matter of locking the cars did not at first seem to interest anyone, or bother anyone. But after a while during the 12-hour journey, we became painfully aware of it. It was a question of our basic, elementary physiological needs. But need is the mother of invention, and we managed in the following way: we broke off the tops of the bottles we all carried, and we used the bottom parts as vessels. During the entire journey, a carefree atmosphere prevailed. Everyone was well supplied with food reserves, and they ate as much as they could. And whoever didn't have enough, others gave him. Full stomachs gave rise to confidence in the future,

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and prevented thoughts about a starker future.

After 12 hours we finally arrived at our destination: the freight yard in Lublin. Here the gendarmes began to drive us out of the freight cars, not sparing any blows. On the platform, we were made to stand in rows of three which turned out to be another source of vexation for the inmates as they did it tentatively which aggravated the gendarmes. In spite of the fact the freight cars had been locked, they made us do a count again. After performing the formality, the gendarmes handed us over to “The Blacks.” Leading us through the streets of the city, they immediately made their brutality known. For a crooked step, for walking out of line, for being a half a step behind, for the slightest deviation from military regulations, in which they themselves were not proficient, they beat us mercilessly with whips and rifle butts.

In this way, they drove us through the whole city to the barracks on the outskirts that were the assembly point for being sent to the nearby camps. Independent of this transit camp there was a work camp here for those employed at various jobs in Lublin. The inmates who were just temporarily here, lived here generally for only two to four days. We were the exception. We stayed for six whole days.

Our conditions as far as provisions were concerned were a lot worse than those of the workers employed in Lublin, and they took every opportunity to lord it over us. In actual fact our and their food was the same: It consisted of ½ kg of bread, coffee or soup: They however, had the opportunity to buy any kind of food in the city, which for us was a dream: aside from that, getting food was disorganized, and very badly managed. (The cook was a Jewish woman).

“The Blacks” in the camp were generally civil enough and familiar. It wasn't until later that I learned the reason for their civility: the inmates gave them a significant amount of money. In addition, “The Blacks” themselves complained in their sad conversations about their lot, forced away from their families. In general, I have to emphasize that initiating or maintaining friendly relations with “The Blacks” was not difficult, and those who excelled in this field had the opportunity to benefit from easier conditions. Above all we tried to befriend the guards. The benefit was, first of all, to be able to go to the city which was very useful,

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because we could bring food into the camp. The prices in camp were around 15% higher, but they varied a lot, because they depended on the number of people who went to the city that day.

It is characteristic that right from the first day of our arrival theft became shockingly widespread, and continued the entire time.

There was no special work defined for us. Whenever they needed someone, they came to us: mostly it involved unloading coal from the freight cars. The work was not hard, and the inmates did it willingly, especially since they could buy things in the city. Soldiers guarded us while we worked. They treated us quite decently. They only beat us when we tried to get out of work. During breaks, Jewish women, sent by a certain charitable society, brought us pots of hot food, and they were allowed to come to us with no particular hindrances. In general, I have to emphasize that the whole time in Lublin we had enough to eat and we never lacked food.

A few words about the appearance of the camp and the commandant. In the middle of the yard stood a tall post with a machine gun on top. It turned out however that it was a big bluff, because every time they took us to work several people ran away, and there was not one case where it led to any consequences.

Upon arriving at the camp, everyone stopped in the yard, lay their packs down on the wet ground and sat on them. After several hours of waiting, the commandant appeared and asked if there were any sick. The inquiry gave rise to whispering and quiet consultations among the inmates, and after a lot of hesitation the general opinion was that the commandant was a fine man, and that strict medical controls existed, and that the ill would be privileged. They would not be required to work, etc., etc. In this sense, it was worthwhile to confess one's own weaknesses. It turned out, however, that the commandant had rather original ideas about treatment: gathering everyone, the sick and the pretenders, he took them into the workshops that were supplied with electricity which he began to touch them with. Inhuman cries from the tortured clearly reached us. It showed that the torture was really

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excellently thought out, and that the one doing it was well experienced. After a short time, the commandant came out leading the stumbling patients along, and he showed fresh enthusiasm for getting another bunch of sick people–but he couldn't find any now. Characteristically, a couple of healthy people voluntarily presented themselves wishing to satisfy the commandant in order to curry favor. But they were bitterly disappointed receiving no privileges, just more suffering.

In the time we spent in the camp, we rejoiced when there was no work. With complete inactivity and freedom, we hung around the camp and did what we wanted with no controls. The nights were, however, quite restless, because they constantly emphasized that we were to leave Lublin in a short time, so we had to always be ready. Quite often, they had night alarms where we had to array ourselves in rows in the yard, and then they herded us back into the building. Finally, one of the alarms had a different ending: they ordered us to march to a certain spot where there were trucks waiting with, to our astonishment, not Germans, but emissaries from the Tishevits Judenrat who paid for the transport.

Tishevits is a pretty big shtetl with about 10,000 residents, 70% of them Jews, a prosperous shtetl in the Hrubieszow region. In August 1939, a bloody battle was waged between the Bolsheviks and the Poles. As a result the city was demolished by the latter. The three nationalities that lived in Tishevits: Jews, Poles, and Ukrainians were doing well. The Jews were in a good position. Their business was mostly in dealing with the farmers around them. It is interesting to note the good relations between the Jews and the Ukrainians who did not hide their sympathy for the Bolsheviks.^[2]

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The camp where the trucks stopped occupied a two-story building beyond the burnt- down mill. Our arrival was connected to the departure home of a group of Lubliners. After us, a party from Tomaszow was supposed to come for 8 weeks. They took up the entire second floor. Our group of 150 people was delegated to the first floor, a spacious hall with wooden walls, whitewashed, and full of holes. Not much less full of holes was the ceiling. The suspicious smell coming from there undoubtedly indicated that there were people living above us. The furniture in our hall was very plain, simply nothing. There was nothing resembling bedding, and for the first few weeks we were forced to sleep on the bare floor. Finally they gave us straw from which we made our bedding like animals. I don't need to add that for the entire time we suffered in the camp, the straw was not changed.

The old inmates received us very amicably, and willingly gave us suggestions and information related to conditions in the camp. What we heard about did not sound very pleasant, and led us completely off track because every one of us left for the camp with the complete conviction that the community would send out a new party after the stated term, in this case, 6 weeks. But whoever hoped for such a possibility, and believed the term limit would be respected was in for an unpleasant disappointment. The Tomaszowers acquainted us with the secretive and convoluted penalties and formalities that involved returning home. In any case, there were varied opinions on certain points, but in general, it was agreed that there was no talk of leaving without negotiations which involved certain costs. In the event that the Warsaw community was not interested in our situation we would have to remain until the end of the work. (And that was how it actually turned out). But even that did not guarantee a return, because there was talk about the possibility of creating a winter camp. It has to be underscored that the German authorities did not interest themselves in the matter of changing workers. As evidence, I can bring up the fact that from the Hrubieszow camp they sent–after

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finishing the work which lasted 6 months–all the inmates to us, and no one took on the injustice. In truth, the Judenrat of a small shtetl near Lublin did make certain efforts in that direction–but they demanded such an immense price for the ransom for these white slaves that they gave up. With such perspectives on the future we approached our work.

The first day, we were free (we arrived at the camp around four in the afternoon), but the following day, they forced us to work.

Seven o'clock in the morning, one of “The Blacks” (there were seven of them in all) gave the signal to get up. We were dressed several minutes later. We went out to the yard and stood in columns to get sour coffee and ½ kg of bread. (the “vikt” here was the same as in the Lublin camp–maybe a bit better. The soups were certainly better. On this topic, it is worth mentioning that there were times of hunger. And there were times when the soup was superfluous, so that we even poured it out. What caused such contrasts? The matter of feeding us depended on the ease of getting food. And that depended on the amount of money the inmates could raise–namely, whether they could buy food in the city, or the money we were sent from home via the mail which was doled out to us every 2-3 weeks (because the official from the Tishevits Judenrat who controlled the mail contributions, “used” our money in the interim for himself.). Consequently, there were periods of hunger as well as plenty. After eating, “The Black” guards had us stand in rows of three in the yard which had a capacity of a few hundred people and was unusually small and cramped. After several minutes waiting, the commandant appeared–a Sudeten German–assisted by the sub-commandant–a Volksdeutsche. The commandant halted before us: inspected the column with the eyes of a Napoleon, and with a stern voice asked us if there were any among us who had served in the military. Several stepped forward, but the commandant chose only those who were tall and strongly built and designated them as group leaders. The group leader had the duty of maintaining the integrity of the platoon (which consisted of 50 people), and was personally responsible for the integrity of the platoon, and for carrying out the designated work. Fifteen minutes later, the newly-

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minted dignitaries, always under a “Black” escort, led the group in the direction of the Huczwa river whose flow we had to regulate.

The river was bounded at one point by a dam under which we had to deepen the ground and keep back the slope. The technical side was overseen by Polish technicians. Order was maintained by “The Blacks.” We were not given much time to look over the work site. Without determining and giving out any information, they ordered us to get to work, which after 15 minutes turned out to be very hard and exhausting. This is what it looked like: There were poles set up in the river on which, in cross section, we threw boards ½ meter wide (around 100 boards), and upon them wheelbarrows coursed loaded by the workers who were standing below up to their knees in mud and water. (The dam leaked). The trip over the boards with the wheelbarrows required unusual skill that we did not naturally possess, and the first 10-20 days it often happened that, to the great schadenfreude of “The Blacks,” people and wheelbarrows fell off, a distance of 3 meters, and often ended with serious injuries. For example, one of the workers suffered broken ribs in such a fall. “The Blacks” enjoyed such incidents and they simply collapsed with laughter when one of the inmates fell and painfully barely climbed out of the mud–from the river bed. With the goal of achieving such an effect more often, our tormentors thought of different methods among which the simplest was to instill panic: the methods to achieve this goal were simple and primitive. When “The Blacks” retreated somewhat, we slacked off. You could see rows of wheelbarrows standing unused on the boards along with the resting workers. When the guards unexpectedly appeared, everyone threw themselves into the work with such momentum that 25% fell off onto the ground. After about 10 days, we got used to the work, and the incidence of falls declined. On the very first day, we learned about the cruelty of “The Blacks” who very often availed themselves of their whips which consisted of springs covered with leather. A welt appeared after a blow with such an instrument that could be seen on the skin for weeks. We worked in such conditions until 4:00 o'clock. At that time they gave the signal for the end of work.

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We were arrayed in columns of three, tools inspected, and led off to the camp. There everyone quickly got their eating utensils and lined up for the soup. (The soup distribution, like all mealtimes, regardless of weather, was conducted outdoors). The soups were generally nourishing, and sometimes you could find 15-20 decagrams of meat in them. Aside from that there were sometimes potatoes or kasha, less often, beans. After eating we were supposed to have free time until dusk (there were no lights in the camp). In reality, we were the victims of the criminal activities of “The Blacks.” This will be covered later. When it became dark, we were ordered to retire (the second day in camp they confiscated our personal documents and certificates in order to prevent escape.

The food in the camp was never enough or satisfying for anyone. Luckily, we were able to get bread at market prices from the Polish baker whose windows adjoined our yard. Other than that there were two small stores, a Polish and a Jewish one, whose windows also looked out on our yard. The small stores did outstanding business, even though they charged the same prices as in the city, and therefore they competed greatly between themselves–in the end the Polack won, having bribed the commandant, and thus pushed out the Jew.

Daily, the Jewish camp doctor, with the name, Atlas, examined the self-reporting patients. He had the authority to let people off work, but he seldom exercised the privilege because his deliberations were not objective: Dr. Atlas tried to win the sympathy of “The Blacks.” They were present during the examination, and his conclusions were generally not in our favor. In truth, you had to be really suffering to get out of work. In addition, it often happened that “The Blacks” nullified the doctor's decision to be let off work, and they hurled insults and threats at him for letting people off work. In general though, the doctor had good relations with the Germans, because he had the right to free someone from the camp for good, the very sick, and thus he made more than one deal with the administration. The exams took place in the ambulatorium which was in a cramped little room with no facilities.

After several days in the camp, our group leaders began to search

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for opportunities to strengthen their power, and to receive sources of revenue. With this goal in mind, they began to propose various, and mostly unrealistic, projects to lighten and make life in camp more interesting. For example, creating an aid fund, a sports club (!), an artistic group, and similar events. Fortunately, we had little trust in our leaders and did nothing to make their plans a reality. The group leaders did not give up, and brought it to the commandant. At first, he didn't respond, but later he exploited it very well: After that day, a hail of blows descended on our backs mostly delivered by “The Blacks”–a litany of threats and shouts so the Jews should not think that they were here on vacation, that they had it too good here, etc. The result was that everyone without exception was savagely beaten.

But our group leaders turned out to be obstinate people, and disregarding the failure, they plotted so long until they found a source of revenue, and a very significant one. They assured us that with the help of an insignificant amount of money they could soften up “The Blacks,” and save us from beatings and brutal treatment. From that time forward, we had to pay weekly from the held-back money from Warsaw. The amount of money given was determined by the group leaders, because the money passed trough their hands. Without a doubt, a significant portion of this got lost in their pockets. The bribes turned out quickly to be impractical, (even though it persisted for the entire life of the camp) because “The Blacks” were responsible for getting the work done, and they had to hassle us. Aside from that, their demands grew as fast as they were placated, and every time they demanded more which, in spite of the raises, lasted for less time. (This meant that if the previous payment was good for 5-6 days, then it was shortened to 2-3 days.)

If the “vikt” was not filling enough for someone, he could buy food from Jewish women at the fence, even a kosher meal, or Shabbes cholent, or other tasty meals. The women subjected themselves to the danger of a beating by approaching the fence, because “The Blacks” vigorously guarded against anyone getting near us. Whoever had the opportunity to go to the city came back sated and loaded with gifts of food from the rich Jews. But not everybody had the opportunity

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to steal out of camp, and the opportunities to visit the city occurred very seldom. But in the early days of our being in camp, the group leaders had the privilege of leaving the camp, and they used it to the fullest. This gave them an excuse for self-aggrandizing. In spite of that, their status was not enviable, because they were often beaten when their underlings did not do their work.

The Edenic conditions which had permitted us to buy food at the fence ended quickly with the arrival of a new “Black” with the name of “Tsag-Tsag.” Rumors about his cruelty reached the camp much before his arrival. Naturally, the new representative took strict measures to establish order in the camp. His first activity was to forbid loitering around the fence which went on at night on a big scale, for the reason that it was at the end of the yard quite far from the mill–no one paid this order any attention, and it became the cause of some drama. One night, when Tsag-Tsag was on duty, we heard several shots fired, and his voice shouting threats and curses at the Jews–this didn't scare anyone. In the morning, we found a dead Jew who had been shot in the head. The dead inmate was from Otwock, a 22 year old whose name I can't remember. His body was removed, and he was buried in the city cemetery. The effect this had on the camp and the whole shtetl is hard to describe. The Tishevits Judenrat actually intervened with the goal of punishing the murderer, and preventing future such cases. But all the efforts were in vain. Our commandant–who came across as an honest and humane person, deflected every complaint with one laconic expression, “Everything's alright.” Tsag-Tsag, possibly feeling a certain remorse, claimed in his talks with the inmates as a mitigating excuse (in spite of the fact no one had asked him to explain) the fact that a day before, a man from Warsaw had escaped from the camp (which had really happened) and he accused the Otwocker of approaching the fence for the same reason. The two new innovations from Tsag-Tsag were the early morning gymnastics which took place before going to work, and consisted of our running around the yard to the calls of “Tsag-Tsag.” (From this the name Tsag-Tsag was derived). This innovation was

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Tsag-Tsag's glory, and he considered it a very worthwhile game for us, especially because the mornings were cold. In general, we convinced ourselves that Tsag-Tsag had chosen this as a point of honor to renew and morally rejuvenate the degenerate “Jewish race” and he tried to realize this goal at every opportunity. The morning gymnastics was one such method among others.

In spite of the brutality of Tsag-Tsag, there were opportunities for many inmates to interact with him as well as with “The Blacks.” The method was–the ability to sing which, as it turned out, many of “The Blacks” enjoyed. That's how our free hours in the afternoon, for many of us, served as an excellent platform to display our musical knowledge based on ribald songs and jokes, usually Jewish, in the presence of the highest authorities like the camp doctor, members of the Judenrat, and Herr Fishleber (for this creature I reserve a special section). After a while, the camp singers got tired of their being singled out for the small group of spectators, and actually the German audience showed itself to be a lot more grateful because the performance of the talented soloists brought no small benefits, like going to the city, exemption from punishments, picking what to eat, and better food. (In general, “The Blacks” used the technique of privileging one group and abusing another, in order to create divisions among the inmates). In time, “The Blacks” worked the song hours into the schedule, and if we didn't have the inclination to attend, they would drive us into the biggest hall, and with blows, forced us to emit shouts and cries that resembled the bellowing of wild animals for hours on end.

Sunday was different because we didn't have to work. We were, however, not free from all the drudgery that “The Blacks” did not spare us. In the morning, after the exercises, came the report for the commandant which was connected to the attendance list. After that came a drill where we had to perform various military exercises. This lasted until the next meal–this meant until 2:00 o'clock. The first Sundays, after the report, when it was still warm, we were taken to the little river and allowed to bathe until the meal. The afternoons were mainly concerned with the performances. You had to be pretty fleet Sunday to avoid being caught for work that consisted of sweeping the yard and the halls,

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taking out the garbage from the kitchen, etc. Those who distinguished themselves could spend a few hours playing cards, or hunting for insect parasites (a few words regarding them: as long as it was warm, they took us to bathe, so infestations of lice were minimal. But later, it became a massive problem. Because of lack of time, we went weeks without washing. At the very end, we didn't wash at all–because the well froze).

The closer it got to the end of our term, the clearer it became that our return would not occur before the end of the job which had, at the least, weeks to go. We sent frightened letters to our parents, and beseeched the community to intervene and send replacement workers. The letters exposed and illuminated with the darkest blackest hues the descriptions of camp life, in order to upset and motivate our parents to make the greatest efforts to get us out of there.

The time of the Jewish holidays approached. Those who had benefited from the privileges bestowed by “The Blacks,” were able to get out into the city and availed themselves of the hospitality of the local Jews. But the majority had to remain in the camp. We were freed from work on Rosh Hashanah, but Yom Kippur compensated for that, because were forced to work a lot longer. Inevitably, this created a somber mood of discontent expressed with anger and curses at the Warsaw community which, as it turned out, took the money from our parents for transport out, and was in no hurry to transfer it. We lived for a certain time in camp with the deadlines for leaving–and when one deadline passed, another was established–in order to mislead us further.

Our work was not anywhere near ending, because after deepening the riverbed, we had to excavate the slope which, according to our reckoning based on our experience, would take at the minimum, two months (and in actuality, that's what it took). In the meantime, the weather was becoming cloudier, but this had a good side, because the supervision was less strict. “The Blacks” stayed away for hours at a time, and seldom stayed at the river, but their every visit made itself felt. Exploiting this, everyone

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who had a few cents in his pocket, stole away to the house of a nearby farmer. This was with the agreement of the technician (a Polack who then got paid by the farmers who took us in), in order to sit for a little in a warm house, and buy something warm to eat. This lasted until “The Blacks” found out about it. The day they discovered our hiding away was terrible. They beat everyone bloody, and did not allow us to rest for a second that day, and forced us to work to exhaustion. This further tried the patience of the inmates. Not a day went by when there wasn't a meeting to send off an urgent telegram to Warsaw, especially when we learned that the delegation that was supposed to come to negotiate our freedom with the Germans was not coming, because the Warsaw community was in no hurry to come up with ransom money for us. This was partly the fault of Herr Fishleber (see the comments below) who had a finger in various dealings with the Lubliner Judenrat upon whom in large measure, the ransom of the workers depended. With a large measure of certainty, I can say that the Warsaw community sent out a new group of people to replace us, but they didn't reach Tishevits, but remained in Lublin, and freed Lublin workers, and Fishleber, who arranged all this, was well satisfied.

As regards the ducking out to the farmers' houses during work that I mentioned earlier, something happened that resulted in the murder of one of the workers. The only volunteer in our camp, under the pretext of going to see a farmer–ran away. (Such volunteers who did so of their own free will were scarce, driven to it by need: there was famine at home. The attitude of the inmates to a volunteer was very unfriendly. Because they considered him a German bootlicker, he was harassed and forced to do all the accumulated jobs like taking out the garbage, gathering up garbage, etc. It's no wonder that the volunteers sought to get out of this environment and get out of the camp) This reached the ears of “The Blacks.” Because the group leader was responsible for the integrity of his group, he went off to look for the runaway, and because he was afraid to return to the camp, he also decided to run away. In the meantime, the work ended. We returned to the camp and “The Blacks”

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noted in their report the missing two inmates, and promised to respond appropriately. An unusually strained atmosphere reigned among the inmates. At night, they drove everyone–except the sick, the group leaders, and the excellent singers–to the yard, and brutal exercises began consisting of throwing yourself in the mud, and carrying out other, the most difficult exercises, practiced perhaps only in Dachau. When we were already exhausted, they forced us, under pain of being shot, to reveal possible places of assistance to the group leader (He was quartered with a Tishevits family). “The Blacks” immediately went to the address given, but they did not find him there. They did, however, get information on where he had gone. They immediately organized the pursuit.

The group leader (he was called Stern, 21 years old, from Warsaw) was found wandering on foot in the direction of Warsaw. We learned of his fate the next morning. When “The Blacks” caught him, they tied his legs to the wagon they had chased him with, and dragged him for a distance of 15 km. Stopping in front of the camp, they untied him, and set him free. The second he stepped into the yard, a well-aimed shot killed him on the spot. That was the last deed done by “The Blacks,” because on November 10th their service in the camp came to an end.

On the day of their leaving, we chose among us–on the orders of the commandant–guards and other functionaries that replaced “The Blacks.” The choosing was conducted in the midst of unheard of enthusiasm and holy pronouncements from the new authorities. We have to admit that our new bosses did not misuse their power, and although they sometimes beat us (naturally less than “The Blacks”) they never did so without an important reason. At the same time, we received a whole batch of privileges, like the right to leave the camp by buying a ticket for 1 Zl (the income from this went into the commandant's pocket), as well as the right to buy food from the Jews who were now allowed to come into the yard, and approach us during work times.

In spite of all the improvements, the atmosphere was not much different than before. Life and conditions without any hope of a quick return became completely unbearable. In the letters

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sent through the mediation of the farmers who travelled to Warsaw, we wrote to our parents fantastical, totally fictitious things about our condition, in order to stimulate them to real activity. We had nothing to expect from the German authorities, because they didn't even cover the expenses of transporting the workers. With increasing frequency, we saw people from neighboring camps wandering around alone with no means of survival, dying of hunger, because the Judenrats of their hometowns were not interested in them, and they had no means to pay for the trip on their own. We imagined that the same fate awaited us. One day, a delegation from Warsaw showed up in the person of a plenipotentiary of the Judenrat, Dr. Levin, a Norwegian surgeon–as well as a representative of the elder committee. The delegation however proved to be completely unable to accomplish anything, in spite of the fact that they brought the Germans a mass of gifts (furs, expensive things) and they spent entire days with the local authorities. The reason was the unchanging decision of the Germans, that the time of leaving was when the work was completed which we had already made peace with. In spite of that, the effect of the delegation was useless, because they could have got assurance that there would be no winter camp. In this depressed mood, we rued the fact that “The Blacks” were no longer here, because their presence sped up the completion of the work…

The advantages of freer movement allowed two inmates from Siedlce to escape. This time we were not held collectively responsible because we were allowed to go into the city by the commandant. He did however alert the local gendarmerie. They organized a pursuit, caught the runaways, and shot them on the spot. The commandant later justified himself by saying he had no other option than calling on the gendarmes, because otherwise he would have been accused of working with the Jews.

In the second half of November, as promised, the inspector showed up. Inspecting the work, he indicated that the end would be December 1^st. The end was however delayed because we simply did not get the job done. We were at the time so resigned and in such a mood that the news of a quick release brought out no emotion in anyone.

The commandant controlled us less and less and showed up less often at the work site.

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He spent entire days in Zamosc where he completed the job of liquidating the camp.

While he was away, his functions were carried out by a Polish engineer who took part in an incident that almost ended fatally. One night, the engineer was in a “cheerfull” mood and wanted to get into the camp with his dog. The Jewish guard did not however want to let him in which he had the complete right to decide. The denial put the drunken engineer in such a rage that he drew his revolver and wanted to shoot the Jew. He avoided death thanks to quick thinking: not reckoning with the consequences, he grabbed the revolver from his assailant's hands. The news of this spread through the city, and the guard, in the space if a few days, became the hero not only of the camp, but of all Tishevits.

Finally, the deadline for finishing the work arrived. The dam on the river was opened, and the inmates began preparing for their return. Almost everyone sold his things in order to buy food. Finally, they gave us the date of departure, December 10th. We did not work on that day. Everyone got a 2 kg loaf of bread for the road, and we went off on foot in the direction of Zamosc (around 4-5 km away), because the vehicles that were supposed to take us back never arrived. Tired and worn out, we dragged ourselves to this destination, and arrived the following day at 3:00vin the afternoon (we had left Tishevits at 8:00 pm). Waiting for us at the train station were freight cars that, after a journey of 24 hours with no food or water, delivered us directly to Warsaw. The Judenrat delegation that had traveled with us, but in the passenger cars, took us to the ghetto. The German guards searched us again and took away all the bread. The rest of the stuff and provisions we were allowed to take with.

Addendum A: Fishleber was a person of ambiguous standing. He most likely determined the question of provisions for the camp, and represented the interests of the Germans. In spite of the fact that in the first weeks he regulated many difficulties in the camp (for example, introducing cards for mealtimes, avoiding chaos) he failed to gain any sympathy, especially among the older inmates, the Tomaszowers. Afterwards, I

[Page 236]

learned that he practiced a trade in “living merchandise” on a big scale, providing whole parties of workers for a fee to Judenrats and labor authorities. The end of Herr Fishleber was a miserable one. The Germans discovered his machinations, arrested him, and in the end, shot him.

Observations from the translator above: “The Blacks”–these were the first Waffen SS with black uniforms, red swastikas on the left arm, and a death's head on their caps (silver death's head). A black flag with a red swastika, the initials SS, and a silver death's head. “The Blacks” were called “mechablim,” demons, by the Jews. They were the first civil administration following behind the first frontlines. Their arrival instilled fear in the civilian population.

The statements about “The Blacks” I received from Moishe Kirschenblat of Radom, who survived WWII in various camps (Dachau, Auschwitz, and others) and lives now in Montreal, Canada.

Henneh Stern-Marder

Footnotes:

1. Name of author not given. (Ed.) Return
2. The author, it seems, got his information from inaccurate sources. The fact is, Tishevits never had 10,000 inhabitants, Relations between the Jewish population, Ruthenians, and the Poles were still very strained from WWI. The shtetl was not bombed out in the “battles” which never took place. The Poles and Ruthenians from the suburbs set fire to the Jewish part when the Jews fled to the forest out of fear of a German bombardment. See the articles by Moishe Ashpiz and Berish Finger who were there at the time. (Editor) Return

Citizen Yakov Zuker, living in Wroclaw on Gnieznienski Street, number 4/5, appears before the Szczecin division of the Central Historical Committee of Lodz. The son of Hershl and Feige (maiden name, Allerhand), born in 1922 in Tishevits, and presents the following testimony after being warned of criminal responsibility for false declarations according to the meaning of art. 140 k.k.

“At the time of the outbreak of the war, I was living in Tishevits. Up to the war, 800 Jewish families lived there. At the beginning of the war, Tishevits was burned down, and the greater part of the residents left for Russia. There remained about 300 Jewish families. During the occupation, the behavior of the Germans to the Jewish population was frightful. In 1941 I believe, there was already a labor camp there. I don't remember the exact date.

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The Jews worked at regulating the flow of the Huczwa River. The workers were not only Tishevits residents, but also Jews brought in from other cities. The working conditions were horrible. They were forced to stand in water all day, the commandant of the camp persecuted them, and every day several victims fell. He was called “Vasser-shed.”^[1] What his real name was, I can't remember. There were a lot of gendarmes in Tishevits. One of them, Schultz, shot a large number of Jews. There was a labor camp in Tishevits, and besides that, there was the gendarme police station that harassed Jews as well. From 1939 there was a Judenrat, and in 1941 the members of the Judenrat were executed during the first aktion. The behavior of the local population^[2] was horrifying; I can give no names, because I didn't know these people well. Before the war, I was studying in Lublin, and during the occupation, I was in Modryn, but I often travelled to Tishevits, so I knew what the local population was going through.

In one of the aktions that took place in Hrubieszow, I lost my family. Then in August 1942, I decided, along with my brothers, my sister, and friends who were working for the bosses, to get to the forest. We made bunkers in the forest and hid there for three months. We had weapons that we bought with our own money. Every one of us had a rifle and grenades. After three months in the forest, where we managed to hide out without losing any people, we were surrounded again, and then I lost my sister and three friends.

In 1942 Jews were obligated to wear a white patch with a Star of David. Being seen without the patch was punishable by death.

In 1942, in the Mietkie-Kolonia (Hrubieszow powiat^[3]) the following incident occurred: On the property owned by citizen Raimak there were Jews working. One night, as the Jewish workers were asleep in the barn, they were attacked by Lithuanians led by a German oberleutnant. They were from the Sacharin police station, there for several weeks. I was also with the workers in Mietkie. I slept in the barn, and avoided death through a miracle. All the sleeping Jews were killed with grenades, and with revolver shots. A 10 year old boy was wounded. A few hours later, I went to citizen Raimak with a plea to help the wounded boy. Citizen Raimak, who up to then had behaved well toward Jews, could not do this without informing the militia station. After informing them of the case, and expressing his willingness to take the child to the Hrubieszow hospital, the militia declared that they had their own doctor, and they would quickly render aid. After about a half hour, that very same militia who committed the killings, did show up at the scene of the incident, naturally unrepentant, and instead of helping the child, they shot him. Citizen Raimak had to bury the child himself.

I certify the truth of my testimony with my signature: Yakov Zuker

Eng. Gildenman
Representative of the Szczecin division

The minutes were received and written by (Mgr. Froi Eichenbaum)
Translated from the Polish by Henneh Stern-Marder

Footnotes:

1. Water-demon Return
2. The non-Jewish population Return
3. Equivalent to a county Return

[Page 238]

I will admit it, and I'm not ashamed: the writing is difficult for me, my hand is shaking and my heart is constricted. Images pass before my eyes that language has difficulty bringing from consciousness to writing. And yet: sometimes it seems to me that these things never happened. Sometimes it seems to me that only an endless nightmare haunts me, and will haunt me as long as I breathe… However, a dim echo from the depths of those days… whispers to me,“Write, even a little”… Tell, so that those who will come after us know what happened to our people, our brothers and sisters, in moments that were unprecedented in human history on earth. And a supreme order, a sort of internal order tells me,“do”!!!

Therefore, I will try, in my poor language, to give a few impressions, and really only a few - of one day, just one day of those fateful days…

…We are inside Tuczapy Forest. Silence and stillness, it seems that even the trees and the birds

[Page 239]

participate in the sorrow of the person hiding in their shade. The rustling of the trees sounds as if they are whispering to each other. The chirping of the birds sounds like a quiet howl.

The sun is shining and its rays reach the trees and warm the figures running here and there. In every corner of the dense forest a campfire is burning, and despite the sun's rays people are sitting and warming themselves after a gloomy night spent without sleep due to the frost, or the fear that has become the routine of every“resident” of Tuczapy. They look at the flame similar to that of yesterday, and shed a tear for those who have just been torn apart and are no more.

Many have run out of tears and only a heavy sigh chokes the throat and breaks the silence. Who knows what awaits us in a day, in an hour, and maybe in a moment…Who knows if we shouldn't be jealous of those who are done with all the suffering and their souls are hovering in the world to come. But the will to live overcomes all the agony and torture.

The figures warming themselves around the campfires are the survivors of our small town, Tyszowce, which was turned into a pile of ruins and its inhabitants scattered like ashes. These figures, who only a while ago were people who lived in the bosom of their family, taught their children brotherhood and friendship, to love others and to do good deeds, have now become broken shadows who are even willing to steal property that is not theirs just to bring their children a slice of bread and a potato to sustain the shriveled body so that they can continue the struggle for life.

Here and there they bring up memories of the not-so-distant past, of the beautiful days that have passed over the residents of Tyszowce, and are no more. From the beautiful Sabbaths and holidays, from the trips to the Krynitzi Spring in the spring, and the forest in the hot summer days. The participants listen to stories of memories and only sighs break the silence. A boy arrives from the village of Tuczapy with a booty of potatoes and beets that he bartered for a garment or silverware, and with increasing tension they listen to the boy's stories that the village is infested with Germans, and it is clear to all that the next day, in the early hours, a“hunt” will begin for those who are still alive.

Silence, everyone is looking around, looking at each other and a question creeps into their broken hearts- will I be among the living tomorrow?…

Suddenly a noise!!! Tumult!!! Bullets pierce the silence, grenades explode in every direction, battle cries are heard from the mouths of the German murderers - the“hunt” has started ahead of time. Everyone gets up and starts running - but where to?!

The murderers' shouts of rage are heard from all sides. They are accompanied by bursts of bullets that blend in with the cries of mothers who have just given birth, of fathers trying to break through the encirclement ring with a mad run in front of the machine gun muzzles, and in their mouths Kriyat Shema to the only God who has been so cruel…

A handful of people remained in the place. They are hiding between the bushes and waiting anxiously for what is to come. This handful included: Moshe Motel Schler, my mother Sheindel Hodes, my sister Golda, Itzik Reiss, Feige Shelprok, my uncle Motl Finger and me.

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We hear the approaching steps of the murderers, see the soldiers' boots, and see the muzzles of the weapons… the heart freezes… the breathing stopped…

My uncle Motl Finger takes a small pistol from his pocket, and points it forward between the branches with bated breath, and everyone is patiently waiting for the next seconds.

The murderers are getting closer and the distance between us is getting smaller and smaller: 30 meters, 20 meters, 15 meters… Tarrach! Motl fired, a German dropped and fell, a hail of bullets opened towards us. Everyone fled in a different direction, some fell on the spot, and some were hit by bullets, a few keep running.

My mother falls as a last call is heard from her mouth, oy mayne kinder! [oy my children]. I held my sister with my hand and we continued to run.

Echoes of gunfire, exploding bunkers and screams of terror were heard from every direction. Our game of“tag” lasted for several hours, and with no other way to wrestle with the brutal lead bullets, we clung to the bodies of the murdered, lay next to them pretending to be dead until nightfall.

At nightfall we got up and went to look for those who were still alive.

Once a week we were“honored” with a“hunt” that thinned out our survivors mercilessly.

This is the description of one day… and there were many like it until at the end only four of us remained…

Only four out of all of Tyszowce whose eyes saw the bitter end of the magnificent community that was completely wiped out…

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