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The accession of Joseph II to the throne in 1780 marked the beginning of changes in the life of the Jews and inauguration of a new era. He was one of the most enlightened of the absolute monarchs of Europe. He regarded his high post as a mission and sought to base his authoritarian rule on wisdom and logic, bearing the stamp of humanistic sentiment. This approach naturally influenced his manner of ruling. During the ten years of his reign, he introduced innovations which had hitherto been unknown among his people including religious tolerance. The liberal spirit was most significant for Hungary, a land of many religions. He sought to create a new status for the Protestants and was no less diligent in improving the condition of the Jews who were the most oppressed of all. He wished to open up new fields of livelihood for them and to cancel the various restrictive regulations, but at the same to, to compel them to study in school and most important, to root out their “peculiar beliefs” as he put it, so that they might eventually become converted to Christianity and be transformed into useful citizens of the state. (1) Upon his instructions, Jews were permitted to make their homes in the cities, except the mining towns, a step which completely changed the map of Jewish settlement in Hungary. Large communities, which later became very well known, were established as a result of this new arrangement.

The tolerance edict of Joseph II was issued in 1783. The price for tolerance was high. According to the new regulations, the use of Yiddish, the folk language, was forbidden in official documents. Hebrew was permissible for religious use only. The Jewish youth were to attend existing schools, or schools to be established for them so that they might learn the accepted tongues, namely Latin, German and Hungarian. Textbooks for the general subjects at school were to be uniform throughout the country and the censors were, therefore, ordered to expunge from them anything which pertained to religion. Inasmuch as the censors were unfamiliar with Hebrew, the printing of books in that language was banned, except for holy works. On the other hand, religious lessons, at the expense of the parents, were permitted within the school schedule but additional study of religion, outside of school, was not permitted. Though religious instruction was an external subject, it was placed under general school supervision. If qualified Jewish teachers were not available for the Jewish schools, then instruction there would be given by Christian teachers. Compulsory education was given added teeth with the ruling

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that no Jew would receive a permit to carry on any business unless he could produce a certificate attesting to his education. Parents who refused to send their children to school would be punished to the full extent of the law. At the same time, Jews were permitted to enrol in the universities. As a further step toward complete assimilation; his royal highness decreed that all identifying marks which might serve to distinguish Jews from the remainder of the population were to be abolished. This included an order that the Jews desist from raising beards or bearing any other external signs which might differentiate them. The various authorities were directed to assure the security of the Jews and to protect them from all harm.

Most of the Jews of Hungary did not consider the tolerance edict favourably because it did not grant complete equality of rights. Some of the Jews in western Hungary welcomed the paragraphs pertaining to education but there was no great rejoicing in the eastern regions. Some thirty Jewish schools were established throughout the country including in Zemplén. (2), Újhely and the surrounding area was under the authority of the Kassa region whose chief supervisor was Ferenc Kazinczy, the most prominent local resident. When the regulations were issued in 1785, a Jewish school was set up in Újhely. In the first year, it contained three classes and after the second year, it had an enrolment of forty children. The local school supervisor was Rabbi Samuel Weill who had previously served as a dayan (religious judge) in the Bonyhad community. Hatam Sofer, the noted halakhic authority, mentioned Rabbi Samuel in one of his response. (3) The teacher in Újhely was Abraham Monisch. The chief supervisor, Kazinczy, paid tribute to the school for the progress it made.

In the same year, a school was also founded in Bodrogkeresztur with two classes and twenty-five pupils. The local supervisor was Rabbi Eliezer London who was mentioned in the response of Rabbi Ezékiel Landau, the noted rabbi of the Prague community. (4) The teacher was Philip Lowe. This school operated for two years: in 1788 it was transferred to Mad and nothing further is known about it. In 1787, a school was established in yet another Zemplén community. Szinna. Moses Benjamin of Potsdam in Germany was invited to serve as teacher and he underwent an accelerated summer course in Kassa;

Kazinczy was ever motivated by the principle that: “all of mankind are entitled to the treasures of science”. He served as supervisor for four years and during his time, there was an increase in the number of schools throughout the nation and among the Jews as well. He had a marked influence on the Jews of Zemplén. (5)

The king made every effort to do away, as quickly as possible, with

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every external mark which set Jews apart from the others though without granting equal rights to accordance with both law and custom, the Jews of Hungary had not worn the yellow patch or the pointed hat since the Middle Ages. Joseph II permitted the dignitaries to carry swords but they were commanded to shave off their beards. The traditional Jewish coat, the cuftan, was originally red but with the passage of time, no special colour was fixed. The only requirement being that it must come down to the ankles (the Jews were asked not only to give up their beards but to also cut off their ear-locks and abandon the use of tzitzit fringes on their garments).These regulations thoroughly upset the Jews and they presented a special petition to have them rescinded. In the face of convincing arguments, the monarch quickly yielded and in April 1783, these requirements were revoked. (6)

The toleration edict created a sensation and especially in the Protestant community in Sarospatak since their status was affected even more than that of the Jews. A synod (zsinat) was assembled in that town in 1781 and on that special occasion, three Jews were converted. (7) Such conversion was a rare event at that time in Hungary and more especially so in the eastern part of the country where the Jews were devoutly observant and loyal to the faith of their ancestors.

As befitting an enlightened rule, Joseph II conducted a population census in his Kingdom. In the columns which indicated religion, there was no longer any distinction between Catholics and Protestants, both were listed as Christians, but the Jews were counted separately. The record showed that there were 37,603 Christian households in the county with a total of 203,491 souls. The Jews numbered 1295 households with 6370 souls. The average number of persons in a Christian family was 5.41 and for the Jews 5.06. The Jews constituted 3.03% of the general population in the county against 1.7% which was the national average. This was undoubtedly a result of the growing shift in internal population, since the Jews had constituted only 0.5% of the population in the county in the 1720 census. (8)

At this point, it is interesting to take note of the reaction in 1782 by some Jews in Zemplén with regard to change in their family names. The names chosen by some, while not necessarily part of a process of Magyarization, nevertheless indicated clear intentions. One family in Erdobenye selected the name Benyei; another chose the name of Horvath in place of Herschko. Some, who had previously been members of the Meyer family, selected a name with a Slavic ring like Potosnyik. (9)

In 1785 the king revoked the personal excise which had been levied only against Jews although the tax was later collected under a different name since the treasury did not wish to give up this source of income.

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The freedom of movement and the right to settle in the large cities increased the Jewish population in these places. The right to engage in many new occupations resulted in the emergence of a Jewish middle class in Hungary's cities, among them Újhely.

Joseph II is known in history as “the hatted king” because he had never formally assumed the crown. He waived coronation for ideological reasons so that he would feel free to carry out his reforms. His death in 1790, after a serious illness, had a great impact on the Jews. Many of them understood that despite his efforts to bring about their assimilation and to do away with their customs, his intentions were liberal and humanitarian. On his deathbed, the king could no longer withstand the pressing demands of the Hungarian nobility from the counties which were deeply rooted in the doctrine of the sanctity of traditional Hungarian institutions. He, therefore, revoked most of the regulations and innovations except those which bettered the lot of the peasants. It appeared as though everything had collapsed and the improvement in the conditions of the Jews was to be but a passing episode.

Thereupon the Jews addressed the Diet (the national assembly) a long and moving petition which reviewed their situation, requested that their rights be assured and that they be protected from hostile steps being taken against them by the cities. They asked for complete freedom of religion, without intervention, freedom of movement and the right to choose their place of residence, the right to possess real estate, freedom to pursue trade, crafts and agriculture, to employ Christian servants and to be accepted in schools of all levels. The Jews also requested that they no longer be subjected to legal action before the municipal or village judges but before the feudal or royal courts. (10) Antal Szirmay, representative of Zemplén, was particularly active in the Diet. He maintained, among other things, that the regulations promulgated by Joseph II should be left in effect. After due deliberation, a law was passed to prolong, for the time being, the situation as proclaimed by Joseph II. Suitable amendments were to be made in due course. All this occurred in 1791. The anticipated continuation did not come, however. The wars following the French revolution caused a delay of some fifty years in the attainment by Hungarian Jewry of their full rights as citizens. (11)

The gradual increase in the number of Jews in Zemplén made it necessary to institutionalize the kehillas in Újhely and in the other population centres in the county. The process was accelerated, no doubt as a result of the improvements brought about during the reign of Joseph II. The kehilla in Újhely was organized as an autonomous body and its regulations were determined in accordance with Halacha (traditional Jewish law). However, since it was under the supervision of the various

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Government bodies, their approval was required. In general, the authorities supported the kehilla leadership since the latter served in effect as faithful guarantees for orderly collection of the various taxes levied against the Jews. The kehillas in Zemplén were also expected to associate themselves with the larger Jewish community in Hungary, together with all the other kehillas in Hungary, especially since the local Jewish population had grown to such an extent.

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At the onset of the nineteenth century, Hungary remained a backward state in contrast with the sweeping developments which were taking place in western lands. The Hapsburg regime was not the least bit concerned with progress and sought only to make Hungary an integral part of the larger Austro-German entity. The economic policies of the government in Vienna made no provision for the strengthening of the country's economy; to the contrary, the government exploited the economy and maintained Hungary in a colonial state, subservient to Austrian interests. The antiquated imperial administration was unable fully to exercise its influence and the regional administration which was in the hands of the provincial aristocracy, therefore, remained in power. The latter became the flag-bearers for the new nationalism, while at the same time carefully preserving its own class privileges.

Under primitive conditions such as these, commerce too remained rudimentary. The shortest path was from the producer direct to the consumer without any intermediary intervention. Artisans and farmers took part in the national fairs and perishable food products were sold in the markets by the land-working peasants or their wives. This elemental situation changed somewhat as a result of the French wars during which agents were necessary for acquisition of supplies for the imperial army. The nobility did not engage in such undertakings, the peasants were not suitable and the urban classes too poor. The Jews filled the gap.

The reforms instituted by Joseph II and the opportunities thereby created, led directly to a very substantial increase in the Jewish population. Most of the new arrivals came from Galicia and they quickly surpassed the descendants of those who had come from Bohemia and Germany. The new immigrants established themselves in fields of trade connected with agriculture and farm life in general. The Jew sold the wine of the estate owner, gave credit to the peasants who got drunk in the taverns, and purchased their crops. The tavern operator paid a rental (arenda) for his business. Several of them did very well as a result of the French wars and it quickly became clear that it was impossible to provide the needs of the army without them. The Jews were willing to take risks and they knew the market prices. At Hegyalja they made a name for themselves particularly as wine dealers.

The history of the first half of the nineteenth century was marked by the struggle of the national and county assemblies against the efforts of

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of the Hapsburg regime to impose central control. The latter was final compelled to govern the state without them. The counties, Zemplén among them, were transformed into bastions of resistance. A liberal agitation was launched simultaneously leading to a complete change in social conditions since the Hungarian intellectuals maintained that there was an interlocking relationship between the retardation of the economy and the backwardness in social development. The Jews, with the gains they had made because of the reforms of Joseph II, stood at the very centre of this eddying agitation. There were differences of opinion with regard to their status and their welfare depended on the goodwill of the county noblemen.

More than once, Zemplén preceded other parts of the country in its liberal attitudes. According to documentary evidence, Jews were permitted to purchase real property in Újhely and the local land registry records that on March 5, 1800 the Jew, David Marcus and his wife Maria purchase a vineyard at Kiskoveshegy. In the delineation of its boundaries, it was noted that on the north, it adjoined the vineyard of the Jew, Svajger. (1) Nowhere else in the country were Jews permitted to acquire property like this.

Although the county at times treated its Jews generously, it was also able to bear down with cruelty. As noted earlier, immigration of Jews from neighbouring Galicia had swelled since the regime of Joseph II. This resulted in many complaints but no action was taken, although the government had it in its power to prevent Jews from entering Hungary in general, and Zemplén County which bordered on Galicia, in particular. This inaction may be ascribed to the fact that any closing of the border would have been interpreted as acknowledgment that Hungary was subject to a status different from that of the other lands in the Hapsburg empire, something which the ruling powers were by no means willing to acknowledge. Consequently, the problem of the flooding of Hungary by Jews from neighbouring states was written and talked about for decades but nothing was done about it except for one incident in 1807. A year earlier, the vice-regal Council (helytartotanacs) had ordered the county “to get rid of the burden of these poverty stricken people….resulting from the excessive increase in numbers (of the Jews)”. It is no longer possible to ascertain why, in this instance, the Council changed its general policy and acted contrary to the imperial interests. For some reason, the chief officer of the district (foszolgabiro) showed great zeal in carrying out the order. He gathered 83 families (about 360 souls) in Újhely and deported them over the border. Among the deportees were 67 family heads who were born in foreign countries, most of them resident in the district for ten years or more, and a few who had come there from other parts of

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Hungary. Thirty-two family heads were residents of Újhely, among them Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Meisels who apparently succeeded in evading the deportation inasmuch as he was invited to serve as rabbi for the Mattersdorf kehilla in place of the Hatam Sofer, who went to Pressburg. (2) Rabbi Pinhas Luria of Homonna was also among the deportees. Most of those deported were craftsmen and operators of taverns, but there were also three folk musicians, a scribe, a ritual slaughterer and a synagogue sexton. Újhely apparently suffered a severe blow since its principal religious functionaries were taken.

The episode was described by Rabbi Israel Goldberger in an article in the Hungarian language periodical: “Data on the History of Zemplén County”. (3) He closed his article with the following words: “We, the descendants, give thanks to the Lord, blessed be He, that the chivalric and law-abiding sentiments of the Hungarian people will never again permit cruel deeds such as this. Our tortured and afflicted forefathers who gave their lives l'kiddush hashem (for sanctification of the Name), will never be forgotten. We shall preserve the memory of their souls, may they rest in peace”. Rabbi Goldberger, spiritual leader of the status quo community in Újhely and later rabbi of the community in Tata, could not in his wildest dreams imagine that thirty-two years later, not only a few hundred Jews but the entire Jewish community of Zemplén with him at the head of his Tata flock, would be deported, this time to the death camps far from Újhely, thus sharing the tragic lot of Hungarian Jewry as a whole.

We shall never know why the grim fate fell only on the Jews of Újhely since the instructions issued by the Vice-regal Council in 1806 ordered that: “all the Jews who were unable to earn a livelihood, or those who had come to the county without permission after 1790, should be banished to their former lands of origin…” so that, “their numbers may be reduced”. The county authorities ordered a general census for the purpose of locating Jews maintaining illegal residence. A census was also ordered in the Homonna region. Abraham Wasserman, a teacher in the elementary school, conducted the count and the leaders of the kehilla signed it in Hebrew. A total of 209 Jews was enumerated. This time, the county officials were content with a simple count, and although a not inconsiderable number were found to be of foreign birth, there were no far-reaching consequences. Immigrants who had lived in the region for dozens of years were listed, among them Leibl Israelovics, fifty years old, Moshe Abramovics, forty years old and others. (4)

The banishment of the Jews from Újhely and the surrounding area was undoubtedly an extreme act. In normal times, the lords of the county contended themselves with supervision over the Jews and renewal of

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existing regulations such as, for example: “the prohibition against granting permits for peddling”. In other words, every opportunity was seized to make it more difficult to earn a livelihood.

The Jews paid taxes to the royal treasury, to the county, to the feudal nobles and others, but the county masters knew how to take advantage of every occasion to make life more difficult. Thus, the Jews of Terebes were compelled to pay for the losses sustained by the city in supplying the garrison, although the Jews were supposed to be exempt from these expenses. This new regulation was very difficult to bear especially since the Jews had paid the tolerance tax since 1749 as required by Queen Maria Theresa and this was supposed to be in place of all the other state taxes.

Various fields of commerce were one by one taken out of the hands of the Jews by the county assembly. In the same year, 1808, they were forbidden to deal in gun powder and saltpetre. However, they were still obliged to pay the tolerance tax to the Salt Office in Tokaj. This tax came to 10,674 florins; an astronomical figure, considering the other taxes which the Jews bore. The county administration, as a rule liberal, stubbornly insisted on collecting the payment despite the fact that they regarded the tolerance tax as illegal since it was imposed on the Jews by the regime in Vienna and not by the Hungarian parliament. The county followed a certain order of priorities in collecting taxes; sums due to the feudal lords and to the county came first, so that by the time the Jews were called upon to pay the tolerance tax to the king, they were squeezed dry. This onerous tax remained in effect for about a hundred years until its repeal. (5)

Despite the deportation of some of Újhely's Jews and the pressure on the others to pay the tolerance tax, the county lords did not hesitate to turn to them in time of stress. Such a case occurred only a year after the attack against the elementary right of a man to live in security in his own home and to earn an honest livelihood. It was during the time of the invasion of Austria and Hungary by Napoleon's armies, that Emperor Francis I called upon the aristocrats among his citizens to enlist in defence of the homeland. Although the nobles were exempt from payment of taxes they were obliged to defend their native land, within its boundaries, in the event of danger created by any foreign invasion so that, in effect, the tax from them was payable in blood if necessary. Conscription of the nobles took place in 1809 and this was the last time in Hungarian history. To be sure, Jews could not be included in the military ranks of the aristocrats but in Zemplén they became unwilling participants and suffered as a result. In his desire to split the Austrian forces, Napoleon had his agents organize an uprising in Galicia so that this province

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would be unable to throw its full strength into the battle. The first of the new recruits had not yet reached Gyongyos when they were called upon to change their route and move in the direction of Poland. As usual, the Jews suffered from both sides. Polish recruits, due to be enlisted in the emperor's forces, set fire to the tavern owned by a Jew in Virava near the Galician border and the Jew lost his home and all his possessions. The county did intervene but only to prevent the spread of the “fire” and it is not known if this hapless village Jew ever received any recompense for the loss of his property.

What happened there was only an introduction to what was to come. Word came from the neighbouring county that the Jews had been a party to the unrest in Galicia and the authorities therefore took immediate action. They instructed that the border be closed to the Jews for crossing in either direction, and as a result, they suffered heavy losses. A committee dispatched to investigate the matter in the wake of the many complaints, determine that the difficulties in crossing the border could be eased if the authorities on each side would examine the passports carefully and in each case, add the notation: “monitored”, certifying the validity of the document. Every Jew wishing to cross into Galicia, therefore, had to report in Újhely first to have his passport verified. The surveillance on the roads was most meticulous. Twenty-four permanent road checks were set up, manned by armed guards and passage became such a hardship that Jews, who had no share whatever in the revolt and were perfectly innocent of any offenses, feared for their lives and were compelled to avoid travel across the border.

It was standing procedure to give credence to any and all false rumours about the Jews. Yet despite all the anti-Jewish regulations enacted by the county, there was no hesitation in utilizing their services and exploiting them whenever it would serve local interests. Thus, the county requested that the Jewish horse traders procure the horses for the aristocrats going into the army. The original minutes recorded: “Since the acquisition of the necessary horses….requires particular attention and the local Jews are in a position to render considerable assistance to the county, it is decided that (here appear the names of the officials) shall impose upon the Jews the task of obtaining the horses for each battalion to be recruited according to district, and of delivering them against payment to the members of this committee”. According to the lengthy record, which details the sequence of events, it becomes clear that the county made fitting payment for the horses and the authorities were so satisfied with the matter that they purchased the textiles for the soldiers from David Burik and the saddles from Michael Schoenwald, the saddle-maker who also repaired sixty used saddles. Both of them were Jews from Újhely. (6)

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The war with France in 1809 marked the end of a phase during which inflation soared in the Habsburg kingdom. The process had begun decades earlier but mounted during the Napoleonic period. The treasury printing press worked overtime. Various attempts were made to improve the fiscal economy, one of them in 1811 when the government proclaimed a devaluation of the money to 1/5^th of its nominal value. Special government notes were issued (valtocedula) and the question thereupon arose as to how people were to pay their private and public debts. Within the year, the value of government notes became a central subject of discussion before the national assembly. The Jews of Zemplén felt the problem in 1811 when they were called upon to pay their highway tax which was earmarked for maintenance and for financing of the postal service. The document notes that the county took into consideration: “the poverty stricken tax paying elements of the population, among them the Jews….and up to the end of October of that year, did not insist on five-fold payment”, in keeping with the devaluation. This shows the masters of the county in quite a different light, sometimes bearing down on the Jews and sometimes revealing a very humane attitude. The agreement reached between the two sides was drawn up in writing, in German, and signed by the Jews with a Hebrew signature. Signatories were Abraham Teitelbaum from Mad, Answhel Hartstin from Patak, Samuel Propper from Homonna, Yehuda Deutsch of Újhely and Joel Rotenberg of Dobroka – all heads of kehillas. (7)

Despite this helpful attitude, in that very year, the Jews were forbidden to deal in copper coins so as to protect the value of the government's paper money which was of doubtful worth. This dual conduct was further exemplified in the readiness of the county to send a committee to determine if any damages had been sustained by the synagogue in Újhely, perhaps in the event of a request for reparation. It appears that the school established during the time of Joseph II was still in existence. Some clarity is cast on the matter by mention of the name of the teacher, Marcu Gruenfeld (great-grandfather of Mezei Mor) who, in 1807, was appointed translator of Hebrew texts. He was popularly called, Professor Mordche.

The Jews of Újhely requested that the teacher's salary be paid in part also by the Jews of the surrounding villages whose children studied at the school. In the spirit of the reforms of Joseph II, the county ordered in 1808 that a list of the books used in the synagogue and in the school should be sent to the censor. This might be interpreted as an indication of the continuance of the centralized and absolutist nature of the government, but on the other hand, another document in the Zemplén county archive sheds light on a latent tendency toward German education.

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A mahzor (High Holy Day prayer book) with a German translation was published by the Viennese printing press owned by one Schmid. The Frankfurt rabbis banned the book, however, and threatened to excommunicate those who used it. The ban was issued but the government in Vienna cancelled it and forbade its circulation. More than anything else, the government document in Újhely attested to the heterogeneity of the Jewish community in Zemplén, and provided early indication of the imminence of the Haskalah (enlightenment movement). Two years later, the records told of the case of a Jewish woman and her son who filed a request that they be converted – this after a similar case in Patak. (8)

Another batch of documents contains a request by the Jews of Újhely that the rabbi of the community be removed and replaced. Israel Goldberger did intensive research in the matter and uncovered extremely interesting details. After the departure of Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Meisels, Rabbi Pinhas Luria of Homonna was invited to occupy the post of rabbi in Újhely. It will be recalled that the name of Rabbi Pinhas had been listed among those departed from Újhely district but it is very possible that there were inaccuracies in the list with regard to the two rabbis. According to one story, certain rabbis declared invalid a ruling which rabbi Pinhas had given in Homonna on the matter of a divorce and he, therefore, took up a new position in Terebes. (9)

He came from Galicia, descended from the family of the Ari (Rabbi Isaac Luria) and the Maharshal (Rabbi Solomon Ben Jehiel Luria). The rabbi is referred to by his family name of Luria or Lores, in various versions, whereas the county officials and the general public usually called him Lorincz. This name frequently appears among the family names in the Zemplén population census of 1811-12. In contrast to what was reported about him in the Homonna source, another document tells of a declaration by a three-man rabbinical court attesting to the reliability of Rabbi Pinhas Luria against whom they had no complaint. The supervisor of the feudal estate in Homonna wrote about him in similar vein. Upon creation of a vacancy for a rabbi in Újhely, Rabbi Pinhas accepted the post and reached an agreement with the representatives of that community. According to the district officer, the Jews were satisfied with their rabbi for six full years until: “because of their naturally insatiable spirit, they wearied of the tranquillity and turned to his Honour (the head) of the county, seeking to transfer him (the rabbi)…” The first of the complaints against the rabbi was that he had only lately come from Galicia and a local Jew had been found suitable for the position. If the county would permit this change, large numbers of other Jews would come to Zemplén. Finally, it was contended that the rabbi knew not even a single language. This was a typical internal controversy in which the

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opponents of the rabbi did not hesitate to denounce him to the authorities. This time, however, the non-Jews were much more tolerant and the county decided to permit Rabbi Pinhas to remain in his post for three years, until termination of his contract.

His principal opponent was Marcus Gruenfeld, mentioned previously, who apparently had little with which to accuse him if he relied on charges based on his origins in Galicia, and his lack of knowledge of any language. From the latter, it may be inferred that the rabbi spoke only Yiddish as was customary in those days. Furthermore, were there indeed rabbis of any other origin in that part of Hungary at the time? Gruenfeld's complaint in 1806 drew no reaction from the county. The teacher did not desist from repeated applications in the matter, either on his own behalf or through certain members of the kehilla. Another section of the kehilla lined up against the teacher and vigorously defended the town rabbi. The district officer was convinced that the kehilla was not behaving properly and instead of dismissing the rabbi, permitted him to remain in his post for another six months during which the kehilla was to invite a new spiritual leader. The support of the rabbi grew in intensity despite rumours to the effect that he had a tendency to intoxication. Besides, the kehilla was making no effort to obtain a replacement.

About two years went by and in 1808 the district officer gave his final approval which confirmed the legality of Rabbi Pinhas Luria's position. Amazed at this turn of events, Gruenfeld filled a formal and serious complaint with the county, charging drunkenness and unsuitability for the post of community rabbi. He insisted on the dismissal of the rabbi and diligently gathered witnesses from neighbouring villages who testified as to the rabbi's habit of inebriation. This incriminating evidence was countered by character witnesses on behalf of the rabbi and the rabbi's foes sought to influence these witnesses to withdraw their testimony. Much to his discomfiture, the district officer found that he was left as almost the sole supporter of the rabbi and he maintained that the accusations against their rabbi by members of the kehilla were dishonourable. Eventually, the county yielded to the pressure, deciding that there was no point in a confrontation with the Jews on a matter which was really of no concern to it. Rabbi Pinhas Luria was banished from Újhely on Lag B'Omer, 1808 and was never heard of again. His successor, also from Poland, was Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum.

A full picture of the Jews of Zemplén is obtained from two censuses; that of 1811, when the Jews were listed together with the remainder of the population, and that of 1812 – a count of the Jews only. The register of the Jews of Hegyalja alone has been preserved. An addendum repeats

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the matter of the prohibition against immigration in general, and the ban against settlement for those who reached Zemplén after 1790. Mention is made of the fact that the Jews' passports had been checked, and all the brandy distillers, the teachers and the beggars, 83 heads of families in all had already been deported, as noted earlier. The addendum makes further note that in all of Hegyalja in 1812, there were no merchants who made a profit of 1000-3000 florins, but there were Jews who were compelled to engage in two pursuits in order to make a living, as for example, butcher and teacher or the binding of Jewish books. It was certainly to the credit of the Hegyalja kehilla if a bookbinder was able to earn a livelihood there, no matter how poor. The latter census was intended to ascertain the number of Jews so as to “root out of this poor nation the burden (of the Jews) who multiplied so rapidly”, as if the Jews were directly responsible for the down-trodden condition of the peasants. The principal reason for the increase in the number of Jews, the addendum goes on, is that “the Jews marry off their children at a tender age whereas the non-Jews are quite content to be able to embrace their grandchildren – they (the Jews) derive pleasure from their children's grandchildren…” This exaggeration was followed by other reasons, among them, that Jewish widows and Jewish daughters never left the county to get married; to the contrary, men from beyond the borders were absorbed there. Furthermore, the Jews received babies from Galicia and raised as their own children. Jews came there on business or for a visit and brought orphans with them who were raised there. Finally, there was an influx of beggars who remained sometimes for a month or two but more often for half a year, or a year, and this included also brandy distillers, teachers and butchers. The Jews of Zemplén helped the newcomers earn a livelihood in every way possible such as sub-leases, and even provided direct assistance to assure their sustenance despite the fact that the local Jews themselves were “in wretched circumstances, struggling to earn their daily bread and using up their earnings daily”. The old regulations to the effect that anyone wishing to get married must show a certificate attesting to his studies at school, was no longer in effect.

The edit requiring Jews to adopt German family names was issued by Joseph II in 1787 but many Jews in Zemplén nevertheless continued to bear patronymic or matronymic names (according to the father or mother), with the Slavic suffix: “vics”, indicating filial relationship. Actual German names were few in number in contrast to the large number of Hungarian names adopted. These indicated the occupation of the bearer, affectionate nicknames by which the Jews were known locally, physical deformities or any other nickname or appellation which had become popular and was accepted as a family name. There were also

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names, many of them of Hebrew origin, which were adapted to the Hungarian tongue. A Jew from Zemplenagard, listed in the 1811 census, bore a German name which today provokes a reaction of anguish and abhorrence. That was the name Eliyahu Hitler. The Jews of Hegyalja were by occupation, merchants, tavern keepers, lease-holders, craftsmen, distillers of spirits, etc.

One of the Jews who immigrated to Hungary after 1790 was Asher Schwartz who lived there for twenty-two years and was an army veteran. The district officer recommended that he not be deported. Another name cited by the district officer was that of Joseph Rosenberg of Taktaharkany who came to the county in 1723 i.e. 89 years earlier, and had established a reputation as a decent man leading an unblemished life.

Rabbi Israel Goldberge, who diligently assembled many details on the history of the Jews of Zemplén, estimated their number to be about 15,000 in 1812. (10)

In that very year, the inhabitants of Mad, for some reason, became angry with the Jews and complained that the Jews: “are oppressing us”. Not to be outdone, the Jews came up with a counter complaint. The county decided to appoint an investigating committee which finally recommended banishing the Jews on the basis of the census, to punish money lenders at high interest, to prevent increase in the number of the Jews, and to restrict their livelihood to tavern keeping. It was also proposed that the Jews be compelled to sell their vineyards (evidence that they did own vineyards, despite the regulations to the contrary) and thus prevent, as they put it, the adulteration of the various wine. At the same time, as if to indicate a sort of even-handed justice, it was also recommended that those non-Jews, who had behaved illegally toward the Christian public, would be placed on trial. All these recommendations never got beyond the paper they were written on and were never implemented.

While on the subject of Mad, it is worth noting that the school, which had been transferred there some two decades earlier, was closed by the local Jews, apparently out of an understandable fear that it would lead to secular education and assimilation. The county assembly decided to re-open it in 1813 although it is not known if this decision was ever implemented. The county leaders very likely sought to alter the way of life of the Jews and adapt them to the environment. Thus, it was required that promissory notes, to be valid, had to be written in the mother tongue (Hungarian?). Soldiers had to be recruited on a quota basis, inasmuch as the Napoleonic wars had not yet come to an end. At this very time, the kehilla in Szerencs sought the intercession of the authorities to compel their members to attend synagogue services regularly. It is odd that while

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the Jews requested outside aid in strengthening their internal religious practices, the county announced that The Jewish War (against the Romans) by Yosef ben Matityahu (Josephus) had been translated in Hungarian and published. Was this translation intended for the Jews? It is a pity that we do not know the reaction of Zemplén's Jews to this literary event since they, undoubtedly, were familiar with the popular Jewish folk version of this work known as the book of Josippon. Another indication of the attempts by the county to change Jewish customs was the ban on burial of the dead within 48 hours, a regulation which was contrary to accepted Halacha. (11)

Progress in Jewish community life was indicated by the fact that in 1817 a Jewish hospital existed in Újhely at Virag Street near the Ronyva River. (12) The Catholic priest in Szerencs, who had served his flock for twenty-five years, wrote a short paper about his city in 1820. He mentioned that when he came to the place there were only two or three Jews in Szerencs and now they already had a synagogue. The Jews spoke German (Yiddish) among themselves but Hungarian to the townsfolk. They were permitted to buy homes only in the lands of Count Aspermont. For the most part, they operated taverns but they were not permitted to engage in in-keeping. (13)

It was usual practice for Jews to participate in the celebrations on the occasion of the coronation of the king, or installation of governors or other high officials in their posts. This was the case in 1820 when Alonyai Janos was appointed chief prefect of Zemplén. The county put up illuminated inscriptions on the town hall and on the bridges which the new chief was to cross. The Jews too wished to pay homage to the chief prefect and they erected a “victory arch” in his honour. With regards to the epigram to be inscribed on the arch, they consulted Ferenc Kazinczy whose relationship with the Jews was known since he had been regional supervisor of schools, including those of Újhely. Kazinczy sent them the well-known sentence (from the Book of Esther): “Thus shall it be done to the man who the king delighteth to honour”, translated into Hungarian. The original letter, in his handwriting, passed into the possession of the archives of the Piarist high school (monastery). (14)

Hungary was faced by many issued after the Napoleonic wars but Zemplén had some special problems of its own. A terrible famine, which had been forecast, swept over the land in 1817 and as a result, the distilling of spirits from grain was forbidden. The county complained to the prefectural council that under existing conditions, it was difficult to provide supplies for the garrisons stationed on its soil. Consequently, the Jews too were called upon to bear a share of the burden, despite the fact that they were exempt from this levy because of the many other taxes to

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which they alone were subjected. The Jews fulfilled their obligation by furnishing supplies in kind; loaves of bread, barley and fodder, the quantities of which were determined according to the amount of the tax due. Since the distilling of strong drinks was forbidden, a ban was also placed on music and dancing at the farmers' weddings (not among the nobility), and the district officer was made responsible to assure that there was no profiteering in food prices. Severe punishment was in order for all violators of these regulations, whether Jews or Christians.

The prohibition against distillation of spirits seriously affected the income of many Jews for whom this was the main source of livelihood and they, therefore, requested permission to distil brandy from oats or at least from potatoes. The application to the prefectural council was to no avail and the regulations remained in force. As the distress increased, the county drew up a list of those suffering from hunger. A part of the military garrisons was transferred to adjacent counties where the situation was not as severe. The Jews purchased potatoes for distilling purposes from these other areas, thus assuring themselves a livelihood, but they did so in secret.

In 1815 the county was again requested to deport immigrants from Galicia but the district officers seemed to be in no particular hurry to carry out these instructions since two year later they were again requested to complete their tasks in this regard. One of the explanations offered by the county was that they day set for the deportation had been deferred until the spring because of the winter cold. It is possible that a few of the new immigrants were compelled to retrace their steps but mass deportations such as had taken place ten years earlier, no longer occurred. Unlike the situation in other countries, the Jews of Zemplén were able to lease property from the nobles or to pawn various valuables for them but under the new regulations, all such contracts were to be abrogated although Jews were permitted to lease royal properties. The county decided not to execute the instructions to the letter and instead of cancelling the contracts; they permitted them to remain in effect until their termination dates. There was a prohibition against leasing of the tithe collection, however, because the peasants suffered considerably and unjustly, according to the county, if they came under the control of the Jews who had the leasehold. (15) During these years there were many quarrels between the central administration, which was interested in increasing the tax burden, and the county which was headed entirely by the local nobles who objected vigorously. The noblemen feared, and with justice, that the proletariat who carried the burden would be so pressed that they would be unable to pay what was due locally. For that reason too, the county assembly supported the petition of the Jews to

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cancel the balance of the obligations for the tolerance tax and to reduce the levy in the future (1822). Arguments against the increase in numbers of the Jews in the county recur again and again in the deliberations of the county assembly and in various correspondences. (16)

A somewhat amusing episode was the prohibition against Jewish celebration of the Purim festivities which occurred during the fast days preceding Easter. (1824). (17)

The famine returned in 1827 and was most severe in the northern districts of the county. Hundreds and thousands of starving people were registered in these districts but help was slow in coming. Instead the county gave advice, handed out recipes for use of all kinds of plants in place of grain and conducted lengthy correspondence with the prefectural council. With intervals of some years, the distress recurred again and again. A state of emergency was proclaimed in 1826 because of repeated unrest and violence as a result of the shortage of food. To all this was added a plague which broke out among the cattle, decimating them considerably. Word of an outbreak in Galicia reached the county in 1831 and a committee was set up to deal with the situation. All roads leading to Galicia were closed except two which could be used only by those possessing certificates attesting that they came from regions which were not infected. Jews with packs on their backs were denied admittance even when they possessed passports. The Jews who bathed frequently in their mikva (ritual bath) were certainly no more infected than non-Jews who never even knew what a bath was. Nevertheless, the gentiles generally maintained that the Jews were filthy and contaminated. The county did everything possible to contain the plague. The defence forces were placed on the alert, quarantine camps were quickly constructed and two doctors were despatched. In 1831, the county was afflicted by three scourges: the curse of the famine; the danger of cholera, and in their wake, an uprising of the farmers. The Bodrogkeresztur region was covered by a might flood and all communication with several villages was cut off, except by boat. Faced by these natural disasters, the district officer announced that he had appealed to the estate owners requesting help for the wretched peasants. The cholera did indeed penetrate Zemplén despite the quarantine and the careful precaution, and reached the Bodrog and Újhely itself. The city was quarantined. Some 40,000 persons fell ill and about half of them died.

Together with the outbreak of the cholera in Zemplén came a revolt of the peasants who claimed that the estate owners, the Jews and the priests were poisoning the nation. Rumours spread that the lords knew in advance what was going to happen and the Jews and the physicians received from five to ten florins for each person who was poisoned.

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Hatred mounted and acts of violence multiplied. The peasants no longer heeded the district officers and even attacked them. Most of the disorders and the assaults took place in the northern part of the county and a series of blood libels began in the village of Izsep, north of Újhely, near the Ronyva River. On January 31, 1831 a girl maintained that she had seen a Jew scattering something into a well. The inhabitants forcibly rounded up the Jews of the village and treated them most cruelly. In Terebes too, the peasants seized the Jews together with the soldiers encamped there, despite the fact that the latter too, had suffered from the plague. Only the quick action of another military unit rescued the ill patients who were being tortured by their captors. Jews in the neighbouring villages were tied up, their beards were plucked out and they were about to be burned at the stake, when the rebels, yielding to the influence of the son of the registrar (jegyzo) changed their minds and sent the captives to Terebes. The residents of Bodzasujlak were conspicuous for their cruelty. The families of the estate owners were no less in peril from these outbreaks and sometimes they had to use weapons to save their lives. In the Nagymihaly district, the peasants procured a physician's signature on a statement to the effect that it was the intent of the estate owners to poison them. They imprisoned eight estate owners and all the Jews in the villages of the district. In Varannno the rebels murdered the landlord and plundered the home of the priest and the homes of the Jews. Many district officers and nobles and their families were murdered. The Jews were tortured, although there is no evidence that any were murdered. The rebellion which took in the northern districts of the county, inhabited largely by Slovaks (tot), was suppressed by military force brought in from the border regions with Galicia. (18)

Jewish immigration into Zemplén continued. Archival records reveal that mutual assistance worked quite well among the Jews. The local Jews used to transfer the destitute new arrivals and their families from place to place until the latter became accustomed to their new surroundings and were no longer strangers in the county. More than once even the estate proprietors or other aristocrats, when it served their own economic interests, gave refuge to new arrivals. Rabbi Nathan Lipschitz of Mad helped out by receiving immigrants as pupils. Was there indeed a yeshiva in the village in 1833 or, was the programme of studies merely a subterfuge to provide the new arrivals with a legal cover?

A few trivial items may help cast light on the lives of the Jews in Zemplén. Beginning 1825, the kehillas were requested, upon the death of the rabbi, to hand over for preservation the lists of births, marriages and burials since it had been customary to bury these record books together with the rabbis. Notation to this effect in one of the archival

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documents is of special interest because as a general rule, it was the mohel (circumciser) who asked that the records be buried with him so that they might serve as character evidence for him when he faced the court on high.

It was customary for the Jews to say Selichot (Penitence) prayers before dawn during the days before Rosh Hashana (The New Year). The sexton used to go from Jewish home to Jewish home, knocking on the windows and calling on the Jews to rise and come to prayer, apparently creating considerable noise is so doing. According to one document, the community rabbi, Moshe Rosenbaum, made a special request to the authorities not to ban the conduct of these prayers and his request was granted. A further time: Beginning in 1832, Jewish midwives were permitted to rush to the aid of Christian women in childbirth. (19)

The earliest minutes of the Újhely kehilla were drawn up in 1831. The secretary was Heshel Gruenfeld. As of 1834, the records were kept in Hungarian. The effort to split the community from within was first recorded in 1842 but this was prevented by the district officer. The split was only delayed by some three decades.

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Hasidism is a religious folk movement that arose in Eastern Europe in the middle of the eighteenth century against the background of the severe political problems in Poland and the messianic crisis following the collapse of the Shabbetai Zevi movement. The traditional leadership was undermined and the injustices of the social systems were sharply emphasized by the social tensions. New communal alignments were created in many kehillas based on elements quite different from those prevalent at that time. Consequent upon the study of the Kabbalah, and under its influence, Hasidic Kabbalistic groups came into being, some of them ascetic in nature, whose members afflicted themselves with periodic fasts and spent their days in prayer and acts of penitence as they awaited speedy redemption. Others adopted a completely different life style. They prayed according to the Sephardi form of the Ari, with unusual fervour; they were strict in fulfilment of the commandments but worshipped the Almighty with open rejoicing, with song and dance and bodily movements. They attached great important to the shalosh seudot (three meals eaten on the Sabbath) and at times even consumed strong drinks in their enthusiasm. These first Hasidic groups still lacked leaders of the type known as Zaddik (outstanding pious person) and in this respect they were different from the Hasidic movement which came into existence with the appearance of Rabbi Israel ben Eliezer, the Baal Shem Tov (Besht) during the thirties of the eighteenth century. Rabbi Israel was a leader of repute and was credited with outstanding qualities. He formed a special minyan, gave sermons clarifying his theory of devoutness and gathered about him scores of rabbis, teachers, preachers, maggidim (expounders of Scripture) and others.

The Besht was born in the Carpathian Mountains. Hasidic tradition maintains that he visited the counties of Szabolcs and Zemplén, reaching the city of Szerencs in 1746 on a market day when large numbers of Jews were wont to be there. His mannerism attracted attention and a large crowd gathered about him. He gave a parable based on the market: “The clever and the alert hasten to buy and sell their merchandise immediately upon their arrival and after they complete their business can relax and enjoy themselves…but the lightheaded ones first go off to have a good time…and later, when they seek to do their business, to buy or to sell, they are overtaken by darkness and nightfall. Thus, it is with our people…. The alert ones will lose no time in preparing everything while

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They can but a lazy one…will suddenly realize that he is too late, the day has waned and night has come - - darkness, death….”(1)

Hasidism was able to spread in the northeast regions of the county, adjacent to Galicia, but it had no appeal for the learned Jews of the west who had come from Bohemia and Germany. Organized Hasidism began in Hungary at the beginning of the nineteenth century when Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum became rabbi of Újhely in 1803. Opposition to Hasidism never took root in that country because there was no point of friction between the Hasidim and the Mitnagdim (traditional opponents of the Hasidim). The former resided in the eastern part of the country and the latter in the west. Hasidism in Hungary was an extension of the movement in Galicia and the Jews living in the north eastern part of the country were primarily of Galician origin.

After the death of the Besht, his pupil, Rabbi Dov Bzer, known as the Magid, was accepted as the leader. During his time, Hasidism took on organizational form and the personality figure of the Zaddik made its appearance. Patterns of behaviour and through processes were formed and the new ideas began to spread. Hasidism did not constitute a break from Judaism; it continued with punctilious observance of the laws and study of the Torah. It stood firmly on tradition and the Shulhan Arukh (a codification of Jewish Law) but became a special movement, adding the spiritual elements of devoutness and unbounded enthusiasm in the worship of God, with an admixture of kabbalist elements. The Zaddik was the leader, embodying in his personality and in his mode of living, the sum total of Hasidic thought. All the Hasidic movements were open to any Jew who accepted the leadership of the Zaddik and took upon himself the worship of the Lord according to the Zaddik's version. The Zaddik's followers were drawn from all strata of the people without regard to status or intellectual prestige. They were not limited to any geographic area but could be scattered even at great distance from the Zaddik. Most of them believed that it was incumbent upon them to visit their leader a fixed times, to benefit from his wisdom, to seek his advice on personal matters and the like. Hasidism is open to every Jew, whether a scholar or a plain ordinary person. It is marked by democratic principles in Jewish existence with only the Zaddik standing out above the others. Some of the Zaddikim set up “court” which they conducted in some splendour, whereas others remained humble and in good times or bad, remained devoted to their flock. The distinctiveness of the Zaddik leader, who was recognized as being above everyone else, continued in effect even after his death. It was customary to erect a permanent structure (ohel) over his grave where his followers would gather on the anniversary of his death. This was the custom in Újhely as well, in the old

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Jewish cemetery in the southern part of the city, where Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum was buried.

Hasidism did not seek to break up the kehilla structure, the embodiment of organized Jewish life in the Diaspora nor did it aim at undermining the status of the community leadership. It sought to become part of the community and, if possible, to obtain for its Zaddik or one of his followers, the post of community rabbi.

Such a type was Rabbi Levi Yitzhak, one of the first of the Zaddikim who served in a number of communities but is recalled in Jewish history as the rabbi of the last place in which he served, as Levi Yitzhak of Berdichev. Even the Mitnagdim acknowledge his learning in Torah. Levi Yitzhak became a beloved personality as a result of his exhilaration in prayer. He travelled a great deal to win followers to Hasidism, and during 1783-84 visited Hungary. One Purim day he was in Mad and while uttering the blessing for the reading of the Megillah, was seized by such ecstasy that he leaped upon a table and began to dance. The Jews of Hungary had never seen anything like that. He apparently had a great influence on Rabbi Moshe Wahl, the first rabbi of the kehilla, and as early as the beginning of the last century, a miniature Hasidic centre was established there. (2)

Of the many Hasidic “courts” in Galicia, that of Rabbi Menahem Mendel of Rymanow had the greatest influence. It is no longer possible to ascertain if Rabbi Menahem Mendel ever visited Hungary but it is clear, from various allusions that Hasidim from Hungary went to him at the end of the eighteenth century. Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum makes reference to this contact in a letter to the Hatam Sofer in Pressburg in 1833. A sizeable concentration of Rymanow Hasidim existed in Mad. (3) The wealthy man of the community, Haim London, is credited with the establishment of the well-known Bet Midrash (place of study and prayer) in the town, and it was apparently due to him that the Sephardi form of prayer was introduced. Rabbi Menahem Mendel corresponded with Haim London and congratulated him on his purchase of a new house. When London complained to the Zaddik regarding the envy of the gentiles, caused, he believed, by his wealth, the Zaddik replied: “The fire of envy is directed against our people and especially against the women who attire themselves like loose women so that it is hardly possible to distinguish between a Jewish or non-Jewish woman”. Had assimilation already come to Mad preceding other communities in Hungary in this regard by a full century, or was this merely a normal plaint against even the slightest deviation from the ways of ancestors?

The Mad kehilla continued to remain in close touch with Rymanow. Rabbi Zvi Hirsch was a Hasid (devotee) of Rabbi Menahem Mendel and

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During his service in the rabbinate (1799-1809) made frequent visits to him. During one of these trips the rabbi of Mad disappeared in the thick forests of the Carpathian Mountains and was never heard from again. (4) According to another version, he was on his way to the rabbi of Przytyk and since members of the party took different paths through the mountains, the rabbi was separated from his group. It is to be assumed that he was a victim of bandits or anti-Semitic peasants. The rabbi of Homonna, Rabbi Jacob Shapira, was also a Hasid of Rabbi Menahem Mendel and went to see him together with a large group of followers. He was not the only rabbi from north eastern Hungary who reached Rymanow. Rabbi Ezekiel ben Joseph Panet, (a zealous follower of Rabbi Yizhak Isaac of Kalov) who came from Poland to occupy the rabbinical post in the Tarcal kehilla in 1813, was also considered a follower of the Rymanow court, as was his successor, Rabbi Haim Joseph Gottlieb. (6). Upon the death of Rabbi Menahem Mendel, he was succeeded by Rabbi Naphtali Zvi Horowitz of Ropczyce (1815). The rabbi of Tarcal and the well-known Mad Hasid at that time, Rabbi Mordechai Zvi Schwartz, who was known as an “unrevealed Zaddik” (his widow married the Zaddik of Kallo) as well as Rabbi Abraham Yehuda Schwartz, a native of Mad and his son and successor, Rabbi Naphtali Schwartz, were all Ropczyce Hasidim. (7)

Rabbi Amram Rosenbaum, rabbi in Mad during the years 1820-26, went to Palestine and contrary to the recommendation of the Hatam Sofer, settled in Safed rather than in Jerusalem, which was, at that time, filled with opponents of the Hasidim from the Beth Midrash of the Vilna Gaon, head of the Mitnagdim. Little wonder, therefore, that a man under the influence of Galician Hasidism should prefer the Galilee city, home of the Ari, the Kabbalist and spiritual father of Hasidism.

Another “unrevealed Zaddik”, Rabbi Mordechai, made his home in Bodrogkeresztur, where he was a teacher. Still another “unrevealed Zaddik”, Rabbi Haim from a village in Galicia, came as an emissary of the Besht. Újhely was not lacking in its own “unrevealed Zaddik”; the dayan (rabbinical judge) Rabbi Leibush Halevi, who came to the city at the same time as Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum. (8) Rabbi Abraham Friedman, father of the Admor (title of a Hasidic rabbi) from Liszka, was in his day, considered one of the leaders of Hasidism in Újhely before Rabbi Teitelbaum arrived and began to conduct affairs according to Hasidic custom. Rabbi Meir Treitel, another “unrevealed Zaddik” was buried in Sztropko in the extreme north of the county. (10). The Besht wrote about Rabbi Mordechai of Keresztur: “In a few days I shall be revealed and my friend Rabbi Haim will not be disclosed; yet he is a Zaddik, a pillar

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of the world”. (11)

The true beginnings of Hasidism in Hungary can be traced to two Zaddikim. One was Rabbi Yizhak Isaac Taub, born in 1751 in the city of Szerencs in the county of Zemplén, who studied at the Bet Midrash of Rabbi Schmelke of Nicholsburg and Rabbi Elimelech of Lzhansk, among the very first teachers of Hasidism. Rabbi Yitzhak was an authority on the Mishnah and on Poskim (literature on halachic matters). He became a rabbi in Kallo, in the county of Szabolcs, ministering there until his death in 1822. He was well known for his melodies which survived in many Hasidic communities, and Jews of Hungarian origin will know the song: “The Rooster Called”.

The other was Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum who was invited to serve as rabbi of the Újhely kehilla and is also recognized as the founder of Hasidism in Hungary. (12)

Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum was descended from the Rema (Rabbi Moses ben Israel Isserles of the sixteenth century) famous for his Mappah which added explanations and customs of European scholars to Joseph Caro's Shulhan Arukh, in which Sephardi practice was codified. With the Rema's additions, the Shulhan Arukh was acceptable to all communities throughout the Diaspora and it became the accepted book of Jewish religious practices. Rabbi Teitelbaum was born in Przemysl in Galicia in 1759, son of Rabbi Zvi Hirsch, a merchant who later became a rabbi. Young Moses established a reputation as a child prodigy. At the age of thirteen, he was married to Haya Sarah, daughter of a wine merchant who came to Hungary each year to purchase wine. When the merchant returned from his journey he would seat himself in the Bet Midrash and devote himself to his studies, leaving the sale of wine in his tavern to his wife and daughter. The young bridegroom did not remain in his home but returned to the yeshiva and only at the age of sixteen did he come back to his father-in-law's house. At the age of seventeen, he conducted a yeshiva and it was told of him that he knew 800 pages of the Talmud by heart. Within a few years, the father-in-law passed away and the support of the family fell on the boy's shoulders. The young couple lived in great distress from the meagre estate left them.

In 1785 Rabbi Moses accepted the invitation of the kehilla at Sieniawa to serve as their rabbi, succeeding Rabbi Samuel. The young rabbi was extremely devoted to his community, delivered many sermons on the Sabbaths and on holidays, taught his flock Torah and derech eretz (respect, good manners and politeness), ethics and justice in work and in trade. He set up a code of regulations for his kehilla and asked his members to conduct themselves according to the highest of standards. From his earliest years, he was an organized and orderly person, faithfully

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writing out his daily schedule, even providing time for thought as to how to administer the kehilla. He placed special emphasis on education for the young. He was a lover of peace and sought justice. When he was appointed to the position of community rabbi, he recorded his plans in a little notebook which was later discovered, copied and published. Among the items was notation regarding the need for sermons on the Sabbath and on the eve of holidays regarding the laws in the Shulhan Arukh. He sought to assure the kashrut of foods, of tefillin (phylacteries) and matters concerning the Passover. He wished to be strict with all the mitzvoth both those in the Bible and those commanded by the rabbis, and to keep an eye on the religious judges. He watched over the work of ritual slaughterers to assure that meat was readied in accordance with all the religious requirements. He attached importance to negotiation in good faith, demanded honesty in weights and measures, emphasized the ban on interest, pursued peace and unity, among other things. Most important, he insisted on setting aside a special time each week on Wednesdays, after midnight, to consider what required change or improvement.

He organized his study programme in the same way and each field of study had its allotted time. His lessons were prepared in advance. His congregation was not wealthy and so his livelihood was meagre. He was ascetic and afflicted himself with periodic fasts. His reputation quickly spread throughout the Jewish world and many rabbis turned to him for guidance, despite the fact that he ministered in a small and depressed town.

By nature, Rabbi Teitelbaum was a Mitnaged, but is heart drew him to the Hasidim and during his stay in Sieniawa, he revealed himself to them like Rabbi Elimelech of Lyzhansk but his oppositionist feelings prevailed over him. Many in the kehilla sought to persuade him to go to Rabbi Elimelech but he rejected these requests and the two never met. Later, he regretted this and as an act of contrition, he saw to it that Rabbi Elimelech's writings were published. As fate would have it, his only daughter married a young Hasidic scholar, Rabbi Aryeh Leib Lipschutz, one of the pupils of Rabbi Jacob Isaac Halevi Horowitz, known as the Seer of Lublin. The son-in-law later became widely known as the Admor of Vizhnitz who, from the very beginnings of his relationship with the family, exhorted his father-in-law to go to Lublin. For Rabbi Moses, the transition was accompanied by much hesitation and gnawing doubt for he was not happy with actions of the Hasidim which transgressed certain specific laws. Primarily, he could not understand their rejoicing during most of the year, for surely man should be distressed because of the destruction of the Temple. With heavy doubts, he went to the Seer of

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Lublin. Rabbi Jacob Isaac was a poor man, known also as the Prophet of Lublin. He taught that because of man's insignificance, he must constantly seek to improve himself for the great redemption, when he would stand before his Creator. The Seer struck roots in Jewish public life and left behind him many dissertations, interpretations of the Bible and ethical commentaries. Rabbi Moses was deeply influenced by his personality and became his disciple. They met three times. After Lublin, Rabbi Moses went to the Maggid of Koznitz and the Admor of Rymanow, but he held the Seer in esteem over all the Hasidim of the generation, and so long as Rabbi Jacob Isaac was alive, Rabbi Moshe himself did not wish to be called Admor. He used to say that if Jacob Isaac had lived in the Land of Israel, he would have risen to the level of Isaiah, the prophet. After he became a Hasid, and contrary to the usual practice, Rabbi Moshe continued to observe every law and custom meticulously. He was never tardy for prayer, as were the Hasidim. He had constant differences of opinion with his son-in-law. In essence he did not change his ways and to the end of his life, remained a man of the Shulhan Arukh.

Rabbi Moses attached great importance to his dreams and saw in them inspiration from on high. He analysed them, seeking solutions to his doubts in matters of ethics, human behaviour and even solutions to problems of Torah and halacha. His most beautiful dream was marked by a symbolic significance and at the same time a great human truth. Perhaps it was not a dream at all but a device he used to explain a point. In the dream, he was taken to visit the Garden of Eden where the Tannaim (teachers during the Mishna period) were. He was brought to a large and pleasant building in which was a sage studying at a reader's stand, and his escort informed him that the scholar was one of the Tannaim, creators of the Mishna. Rabbi Moses expressed surprise that this was what the Paradise of the Tannaim was like, for facilities like this were available on the earth below. Replied his escort, the angel: “Do you imagine that this Tanna is in the Garden of Eden? The Garden of Eden is located in him, deep within his heart”. There can be no better illustration of how the Hasid utilizes his own mysticism to give expression to an abstract human thought.

Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum moved to Újhely in 1808. He delivered his model sermon on the Sabbath of the Torah portion Nahamu, and was accepted as spiritual leader of the yeshiva. He established a yeshiva and Hasidim began to gather around, seeking advice and aid. At the outset, he refrained from serving as a “miracle worker” and used to send those seeking such deeds to others, especially to Lublin and Rymanow. With the death of the two Admorim there in 1815, he could no longer refuse to

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receive the petitioners who came to him. He also began to distribute charms, hesitantly at first, until he became convinced that he was doing the right thing. Yet he always emphasized that he was giving the amulet to the glory of God, and God alone could help. The charm would be of no avail unless the recipient believed in its efficacy. Many regarded the dispensation of charms as shameful and the local authorities in Újhely were not happy about the matter because he gave them to Jewish soldiers as well as to those who sought to evade military service. The kehilla finally asked him to desist. Despite mishaps such as these, Jews continued to come to him. (13). The Hatam Sofer too asked Rabbi Moses to pray for the health of his ill son.

A legend prevalent among both Jews and gentiles in Újhely told that the great leader of the Hungarian revolution, Lajos Kossuth, was cured of an illness thanks to Rabbi Moses. At the age of nine, Kossuth came down with an ailment that his physicians could not cure. Over the objections of her husband, the boy's mother turned in desperation to the Zaddik in Újhely since the Kossuth family came from Zemplen. When they came to him, the Zaddik inquired as to the boy's name and when he heard that it was Kossuth, he blessed him with the Hebrew words from the Psalms (60.6) “Thou hast given a banner to them that fear Thee, that it may be displayed, because of the truth”. The Hebrew word for “truth” (koshet) in the Psalm is similar to Kossuth. The lad was cured and lived to raise the banner of revolt for Hungarian freedom from Austrian oppression. The noted statesman who became the regent of Hungary never forgot the favour bestowed on him by the Zaddik from Újhely, and his childhood memory of the thrilling scene when the rabbi laid hands on his head and blessed him, was doubtless reflected later in his attitude toward the Jews.

Though he was a Hasid, Rabbi Moses continued his close contact with the Hatam Sofer. Every approach to him met with a response, and he had a faithful partner in the struggle against the beginnings of liberalization in Judaism. The set of regulations which he issued for the kehilla when he assumed the rabbinical post in Újhely was an attempt to seal up every crack in the wall of Halacha, especially regarding violation of the Sabbath and laws of kashrut, and was against the free and easy ways that had already begun to spread among the youth. Purpose of the regulations was to provide the kehilla with a firm foundation of the traditions which the Jews had received from their forefathers, and to dam up the flood which at the beginning of the nineteenth century already threatened the walls of traditional Judaism. In the tenth year of his ministry in Újhely, a body of Hasidim, attracted to the teachings of the Serr of Lublin, had already crystallized in the city. Another pupil of

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Rabbi Jacob Isaac who came there was Rabbi Alexander sender of Komarno, who frequently visited Hasidim in Hungary and in Újhely. On his last trip in 1818, he died suddenly and Rabbi Moses eulogized him. Rabbi Alexander found his final resting place in the Újhely cemetery and when the end came for the rabbi of Újhely, he was buried in a grave adjacent to that of Rabbi Alexander Sender. Thus it is that today there are three graves in the famous ohel of the old cemetery in the city. Rabbi Moses and his wife Haya Sara and Rabbi Alexander Sender of Komarno.

Rabbi Moses was a splendid preacher and delivered many sermons to his congregation throughout his incumbency. He prepared every talk very carefully and some of them lasted for hours on end; his auditors never tired of hearing him. He always made mention of the destruction of the Holy Temple, followed by dispersion of our people among the nations. He felt the extent of the catastrophe in every fibre of his being; his eyes would fill with tears and the congregation wept with him. He had a talent for clarifying symbols and the lessons to be learned from them. For example, in his view, there were three reasons why a Jew wears a kittel (white robe) on Yom Kippur: firstly, it corresponded to the white garment worn by the high priest who, by his sacrifices on that day, sought atonement for all the children of Israel. Inasmuch as the Temple no longer existed, each one must purify the Temple within himself, as if he were the high priest. Secondly, this is the garment of the dead and it arouses feelings of penitence. Thirdly, dressed in a tallit (prayer shawl) and kittle, every Jew sill someday stand before the court on high, but by that time, it will be too late for atonement, whereas here and now confession can still bring pardon and forgiveness. Rabbi Moses made frequent use of parables as a method of moral instruction with the lesson to be learned from them.

The respect paid to him from outside of Újhely was reflected also on all the Jews of the country; on the Mitnagdim and even on those Jews who were already tending toward liberalization and reform. Rabbi Moses did not reproach his people. Except for severe demands which he made upon himself, he served as a vigorous defender of Israel. With great daring, he was ready to made a case against the Holy One when on one holiday night, he spoke out and proclaimed: “One and the many - - the Halacha rules according to the many”, and he added: “The Holy One, blessed be He is one and we are the many. The Halacha therefore favours our ruling: we decree well-being for the people of Israel”. There is nothing too lofty or too exalted when hair-splitting argumentation is combined with the folksiness of Hasidism.

Despite, or possibly because of his personal austerity, Rabbi Moses was

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healthy all his days. As noted, his schedule was arranged to provide fixed times for study, for teaching and for matters involving members of his kehilla or other Jews who came to him in time of need. He spent much time in his simply furnished room, lined with books. His daily programme began at dawn and ended in the late hours of the night. He was busy and active during all the hours in between. He spent much time at his morning and evening prayers. His entire being was the embodiment of devoutness which transformed man's approach to his Creator into the central value in his life.

Until the morning prayer, Rabbi Moses studied the revealed lore (Torah, Talmud, Halacha) and thereafter, the Hidden Lore (Kabbalah). Upon completing his studies, he donned tallit and tefillin and remained immersed in prayer until midday. From the point of view of the Ari (Rabbi Isaac Luria), the intense concentration of the worshipper served as a Godly radiance; a reflection of God in the words and the letters, transforming prayer in public which is a principle in Jewish tradition, into prayer of the individual, without violating the original group composition. Rabbi Moses therefore used to pray in his own room with the minyan gathered in the adjoining room. He would shorten the time spent in prayer only on the Sabbath and on holidays so that guests at dinner would not be kept waiting. The kehilla leadership once complained about this habit of private worship in which he would answer: “amen” or listen to the reading of the Torah from another room. To this, he replied that he looked upon the separate room as his private Land of Israel and surely they would not banish him from there in his old age. The community leadership yielded. The Zaddik's answer may be regarded as an expression, in normal speech, of the outlook of the Ari, seeking to fuse individual prayer with joint public prayer, yet without affecting the participation of the individual in the Jewish people as a whole, including its prayers. After morning prayer, he would have a bit of bread in wine, take care of the needs of the public, utter his afternoon prayers and then return to his lessons. Toward evening, he would immerse himself in the evening prayers until midnight and only then would he have his main meal.

As a rule, Rabbi Moses refrained from many Hasidic customs which were followed by the Admorim. On the other hand, he was punctilious in observing all the commandments, the weighty and the trivial alike. He was especially painstaking during the Passover. He ate matzo (unleavened bread) only on the two nights of the Seder, and took great care in preparation of the matzo. He considered it necessary to observe even the minutest of details to be found in any ruling. He was scrupulously careful in the arrangement of his writings in his desk drawers, and in

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similar manner was always immaculate in dress and appearance. He was pleasant and courteous toward his pupils and was never arrogant.

His contemporaries said of him that he had the soul of the prophet Jeremiah, for throughout his life, he mourned the destruction of Jerusalem and particularly during the three weeks preceding the Ninth of Ab (the period leading up to the destruction of the Temple). He firmly believed in the coming of the Messiah in his lifetime and, therefore, refused to move from his ramshackle home citing from the sages: “If someone should offer you a plot of land worth a thousand dinars for a price of only one dinar, do not take it”, which Rashi explained as imminence of the redemption, in which case even the single dinar would be lost. Upon retiring at night, he always put on his best holiday attire and left his walking stick by his bedside lest he be delayed in hurrying to greet the Messiah.

Contrary to the usual practice among many Hasidim since the days of the Besht, Rabbi Moses did not smoke a pipe, nor did he inhale snuff on the Sabbath. Like the Mitnagdim, he abstained from strong drink. His wife died in 1840 and a year later, after he had gone to the brit (circumcision) of his great-grandson, he passed away.

The emotional exaltation and piety of Hasidism did not blur his attitude to Halacha. Opposition to halachic disputation developed in the early days of the Hasidic movement, when study of ethics and the Shulhan Arukh alone were considered compulsory, whereas study of the Talmud, it was said, for all its virtue, could make the Hasid too conceited. Even during the time of Rabbi Moses' teacher, the Seer of Lublin, there was bitter controversy with regard to theoretical studies but the rabbi of Újhely was a perfect blend of scholarship and traditional intellectualism with the emotional excitement of Hasidism. This tendency was indicated in his book of response, Hayshiv Moshe. From his early youth, Rabbi Moses had begun to give replies to queries sent from as far away as Warsaw to this resident of the small and out-of-the-way village of Sieniawa. The responsa were published by his grandson, Rabbi Yekutiel Yehuda in 1866, twenty-five years after his grandfather's death.

The day of his death, July 16,1841 was a Sabbath. Thousands participated in his funeral. Three weeks later, the Hevra kaddisha decided to erect an ohel over his grave, that of his wife and Rabbi Alexander Sender of Komarno. They synagogue officials, Jacob Zinner (?) and Marcus Schweiger were put in charge. Within the year, arrangements were made for the keeping of the keys and an entrance fee of eighteen kreuzers was established. The ohel was ready on the first yahrzeit (anniversary of the death). Evidence in 1859 (16) indicated that some 600-700 Jews, even from Galicia and Russia, came to prostrate themselves on the grave. After

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Rabbi Jeremiah Loe assumed the rabbinical post; he sought to reduce the number of visitors to the grave. Rabbi Loew had been educated in western Hungary and did not subscribe to the idea that a person's grave should be an object for pilgrimages. At one time he even considered calling upon the police to close the road leading to the cemetery. The Zaddik's grave continued to draw an ever-increasing number of people, however, and from the end of the last century, Újhely became accustomed to the sight of crowds on the yahrzeit day. On that day the city assumed a different appearance as hordes of people poured out of the trains. During the twenties of this century, the border with Czechoslovakia, at the city's eastern boundary, was opened so that Jews could cross over without transit documents. (From the personal recollection of the author). The cemetery was opened from the early morning hours and a market for holy books and religious calendars was conducted on the narrow approach street. Admission fees were collected at the gate, and the tickets were given to the guards at the entrance to the ohel. A scribe seated at a table at the entrance wrote out the supplications for those who could not write in the holy tongue. Others brought their entreaties and those of others with them, already written out. Still others wrote their requests on the wall where they remained until they faded with time. (17)

Two contemporaries who stood out in contrast to Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum in Zemplen were Eliezer Ze'ev Libermann, rabbi of Homonna who came into conflict with the Hatam Sofer, and David ben Meir Hacohen Friesenhausen, a dayan in Újhely, a great scholar and an outstanding personality in his time, who never attained the recognition due him for his qualities and his scientific work.

Rabbi Eliezer Liebermann became a party to the bitter debate about the Haskalah and the reform movement which erupted in Hungary at that time and in which Rabbi Aaron Chorin of Arad and Rabbi Moses Kunitz of Buda were prominent. Rabbi Eliezer was a reformed and in his essay, Or Nogah (Light of Distress) he demanded changes in the external forms of the worship in the synagogue. He maintained that Jewish youth no longer understood the content of the prayers or of the rabbi's sermons. Instead of the halachic disputations, the rabbis should teach faith, ethics, love of the homeland and loyalty to the government. Jews who were abandoning Judaism should be returned in pleasant manner and by changes in accordance with the spirit of the times rather than be subjected to excommunication and ostracism. It was no longer sufficient to know only Torah and tradition; the Jews should also acquire a general education. He gave as an example the pleasant appearance of worship in the Christian church and in his opinion, this was not in conflict with the

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admonition not to follow the ways of the gentiles. He based most of his suggestions for renovation on a traditional basis, citing appropriate authorities from the literature of the sages, but the Hatam Sofer came out squarely against all the proposed changes. The Homonna rabbi left Hungary moving to Berlin then to Vienna where he wished to establish a reform synagogue and invited Rabbi Aaron Chorin to become preacher. (19)

Among those who paved the way toward religious regeneration was David Friesenhausen who was born in Bavaria (1750?) and until the age of 30, studied Talmud and both the early and latter day poskim (rabbinic authorities who rule on halachic questions). His Hebrew style was smooth and readable. He also wrote poetry and his erudition was celebrated. After some dozens of years devoted to holy studies, he decided to veer to secular wisdom and spent ten years studying mathematics, mechanics and optics. The result was two works: Kelit ha-Heshbon, a Hebrew manual on algebra and geometry and Mosedot Tevel, a treatise on astronomy. The first appeared in Berlin in 1796 with the approval of the rabbi and bet din of that kehilla. It was intended to help his contemporaries understand the wisdom of the sages and various Talmudic problems and halachic judgments related to mathematics and geometry. The writer commented that he was distressed by the lack of secular knowledge among religious Jews, and on the basis of a ruling from Rabbi Moses Isserles, began to devote his time to study of science. He reached a level which enabled him to explain all Talmudic problems and halachic judgments of the Rambam and others which were connected with computation. In the book, he gave mathematical explanations for twenty-one problems, emphasizing that it was not his intention to cover all the mathematics known during that period but only those subjects without which those problems could not be understood. The book contains seven chapters including; the four arithmetical functions, linear equations, simple and decimal fractions, quadratic equations, basic concepts in geometry, the employment of algebra in the solution of geometric problems, mathematical and geometric tables, logarithms, cubic root and cubic equations. The book contains solutions to many problems with the help of which the author demonstrated various mathematical principles as well as the Talmudic problems which he presented.

Mosedot Tevel was published several years later, in 1820, in Vienna. It dealt with organization in space according to the Copernican system, also offered proof of the eleventh axiom of Euclid, and finally contained the author's testament, affirming the existence of God, prophecy and the immortality of the soul. He extolled education of children and emphasized the teaching of Hebrew and grammar to both boys and girls so that they

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should understand the prayers. He also expounded the need to teach European languages- German, English and French. Most of the changes which he advocated dealt with the training of rabbis and for this purpose, he presented a memorandum to the Prince Palatine (nador) Josef in 1806 in which he detailed the programme of studies, living accommodations in a dormitory, etc. In addition to their religious studies at the rabbinical seminaries they were to study German, Latin, the language of the country (the Hapsburg empire comprised many lands), geometry, astronomy, physics, geography, history, oratorical arts and philosophy. The studies were to continue until the age of eighteen or beyond, unless the youth was married at that age. Deliberations on the memorandum continued for some years, until in 1813 it was finally decided to reject it because of inability to carry out the proposed programme. The authorities maintained that because of the general taxes, and especially the tolerance tax, the Jews were unable to bear any additional burden. His failure in this matter, as well as difficulties in maintaining his family, embittered Rabbi David's life. A number of rabbis harassed him because of his unconventional ideas. It was under these conditions, and even before publication of his book, Mosedot Tevel, that he came to Újhely where he served as a dayan in the rabbinical court of Rabbi Moses Teitelbaum. For some years, he also had a hand in the wine business. It appears that he completed the writing on his second book in Újhely and when it was finished, he sought and obtained approval of the volume from several rabbis such as Hatam Sofer, Rabbi Kirshaber of Paks as well as Rabbi Moses, whose approval included the following: Diligent and well-versed in all the secrets of the Torah; a man of many deeds, moved by the spirit of God to conduct himself with truth and justice….possessed of ability and strength in many fields of wisdom. (For lack of space we cannot go on…) He laboured over the publication of his book for four years in Vienna. He never occupied a rabbinical position and died in Gyulafehervar in 1828 where he was buried.

It is interesting to note that in his writings he condemned Hasidism and the distribution of charms. (20) Did this escape the eye of Rabbi Moses? And were Hatam Sofer and the other rabbis who gave their approval in agreement with him in the matter of his programme for training of rabbis and the teaching of secular studies?

The writings of David ben Meir Hacohen Friesenhausen, the dayan in Újhely, are worthy of re-publication especially Kelil ha-Heshbon, which could prove of interest to both youth and intellectuals because of its literary form, its interesting didactic method and the exercises connected in part with Halacha and tradition.

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