This book speaks about Jews who could have been saved. When Adolph Eichmann and his SS men, helped by Hungarian accomplices, began rounding them up for deportation in May 1944, Normandy was three weeks away. The free world already knew about Auschwitz. Hungarian Jews did not. Why didn't they? Why weren't they warned? You will be confronted by these painful, agonizing questions and other as you read this remarkable book.

You will also find in it important elements of information about the rich and vibrant history of Jewish communities that succeeded, in spite of their hostile surroundings, in building and rebuilding Jewish life, Jewish culture and Jewish institutions.

Like all “Yizkor Books”, this volume will become indispensable to anyone wishing to learn more and understand better both the vitality and the tragedy of Eastern European Jewry.

Elie Wiesel

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The generosity of the following contributors made possible the publication of this book:

Eva Schwartz (Rosman), Leslie Bauman, Dr. Ervin Bard, Bert Bieber, Larry Bourger, Benjamin Eisenberger, Eugene Eisenberger, Sam Frank, Zoltan Faber, Zoltan Friedman, Arnold Frieman, Olga Eisen, Nicholas Gombas (Grünhut), Magda Görög (Bauman), Imre Hamerman, Josef Hartenbaum, George Herczeg, Leslie Kovovic, Alex Kelly (Klein), Paul Kent (Schwartz), Aliza Kornfeld, Chaim Kornfeld, Arthur Krausman, Ernest Lane, Eliezer-Pubi Landau, Yehuda Lipsitz, Dr. Ernest Manson (Mandel), Ted Manson (Mandel), Nicholas Martin (Salamon), Menyhêrt Mittleman, Jenö Molnär, Nicholas Richter, John Saunders (Schwartz), Jacob Steindler, Joe Sorger, Agnes Sturm, Imre Szamet, Rose Szamet, Nicholas Vértes (Weisz), Vilmos Waller, Ted Deutsch, Imre Groszman, Zoltän Zimmerman, Ernest Ehrman, Eliezer Eichler, Wolf Woznica in memory of beloved wife nee Hajnal Rotstein, Larry Baum in memory of beloved wife nee Annie Schwartz.

The Book Committee wishes to acknowledge and thank Jacob Steindler for his untiring effort, dedication and commitment and without whom this book would never have been possible.

Y'yasher Kochacha

[Page 9]

In mid-August, 1972, 27 years after the Holocaust, four young Canadian Jews travelled through the streets of Sátoraljaújhely and the surrounding area. One of those young Canadian Jews was my wife, Judy (née Weiss) and another was our friend Barbara Bresver. My wife was in search of her roots in Slovenske Novo Mesto, her birth place 25 years before and our friend Barbaraz came to see where he mother, Magda Rosen was born in Arpad Utza over 40 years before. By coincidence, as a result of the friendship of their husbands, these two young women discovered, with wonder, that their grandparents could have share a way of life thousands of miles away on the other side of the world during a time which seemed so distant. My friend, David Bresver and I shared the eerie and strange emotions of our wives as we slowly walked through the hot and dusty streets of Sátoraljaújhely and Slovenske Novo Mesto on that eventful day. Few words were spoken amongst us and a dark cloud of sorrow followed us throughout that bright sunny day. To believe that these same houses once sheltered warm, vibrant and committed Jewish families confounded the mind. It was beyond comprehension that those silent, nearly deserted streets once were filled with the sounds of Jewish children laughing and playing. For the first time in our young lives, the four of us faced the stark reality of what had befallen all of our people as a result of the monstrous, systematic annihilation of six million of our brethren.

Elie Wiesel has written to the generation of Jews born after the Holocaust as follows:

“Yours is a privileged generation. You remember things that you have not lived but you remember them so well, so profoundly that every one of your stories, every one of your silences comes to bear on our own”. The depth of the memories and the silences of that day will remain and haunt us for our lives.

Language is completely inadequate to describe the horrors of the Holocaust and all of the images, pictures, records, statistics, books and articles about the Holocaust to-date have not yet enabled any of us to fully comprehend and understand the vast, enormous nature of the calamity. It is still unimaginable to many that an entire peoples' right to exist could be removed by an official decree in what was thought to be a modern, advanced world and the human mind cannot yet absorb the nature of the crimes committed by humans who acted in a calculated and

[Page 10]

sophisticated manner using all the technological resources at their disposal. We are still confounded by the systematic and planned process of seeking out all Jewish men, women and children throughout Europe, herding them in cattle cars, transporting them to specially constructed death camps and then murdering these Jews day in and day out for five years as fast as these factories of destruction could manage.

To us, the number six million is much more than a cold statistic. Each one of those souls who perished was an individual who had laughed and who had cried. They each had a home, a family and a life story. Each had shown compassion and had given love and happiness to others. Each of these martyrs had wisdom gained from learning and experience. They had dreams for the future – a future that was not to be. We also know of the pain with which broken and shattered bodies returned from the death camps, labour camps, forests and deserts to begin the awesome task of resuming what was left of their lives. We can never forget each one of those murdered neither individual souls nor the lessons to be learned from the blackest of days known to man. The legacy which all Jews share today is the same “legacy of Judaism” which has been transmitted for centuries from one generation to the other. It is from the legacy of Judaism that we have gained our strength and resolve to continue in the face of adversity. Our history, as tragic as it often was, forms the intricate threads woven into the fibre and essence of all Jews and our collective memory remains engraved upon our consciousness.

This memorial book of the Jewish community of Sátoraljaújhely and the vicinity will serve for generations to come as a testimony honouring the memory of all the grandparents, parents, brothers, sisters and children who perished merely because they were Jews. This memorial book recalls the history of a warm, thriving and vibrant Hungarian Jewish community which was physically destroyed, but which lives on in the minds and hearts of all those who survived and their heirs. It is a moral imperative for us all to learn from the past – for if we forget our past, our children will surely have no future.

Les Scheininger _________________________________________________________________ Mr. Scheininger, Chairman of the Canadian Jewish Congress. Ontario Region

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The author and editor of this book, Dr. Meir Sas, is not a native of Újhely but lived there since he was five years old. His roots were in Zemplén on both his mother's and father's side. He was educated in Újhely, graduated from the Kestenbaum School and completed the four basic years of high school. He continued his studies at the Rabbinical Seminary in Budapest but retained his ties with Újhely through his parents' home there. His final years of study at the university and at the Rabbinical Seminary were interrupted by the war. As a member of a halutz youth movement from an early age, it was only natural that he spend the period of the German occupation and the weeks of the siege of Budapest engaged in dangerous life-saving tasks. He was stationed in the rescue headquarters on Vadäsz Street until liberation. Very soon thereafter, he learned that every member of his family had been annihilated. None of those who had been deported returned to his parent's home in Újhely.

The need to make a fresh start sent the young man back to his studies at the university. He earned a Ph.D. and after further study was qualified to teach classical languages (Latin and Greek) and history.

With his Aliyah (immigration) to Israel in 1950, however, he realized a lifelong dream and settled in historic Acco with his small family, thus beginning a new life.

Since 1952, he has been a teacher of history at the Israel Naval College where he also served as Dean of Studies. He continued his scholarly work, as is attested by his books and articles, especially in the field of maritime history but he did not neglect classical literature. His translations from Latin and Greek have appeared in book-form as well as in articles in various periodicals.

No one is more qualified than Dr. Meir Sas to write the history of the Jews of Újhely and the county as a whole, and to describe the impact of the Holocaust on this community not only because of personal relationship with Zemplén but also because of his scholarly qualifications. This book is the product of painstaking research into the entire historic span of the community, from its earliest beginnings until its destruction and reflects the spirit of the author as a man of Zemplén, as a scholar and as a Jew.

The volume fills a long-felt need in Jewish-Hungarian historiography and is of precious value to all who came from Zemplén and to their descendants. Surely it is a fitting monumental memorial to our past.

We would like to express our deepest appreciation to Dr. Meir Sas who insight, guidance and contribution made this book possible.

The Book Committee

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More than two score years have elapsed since the great tragedy in Hungary, but time has not lessened the pain or eased the grief on the loss of our loved ones and the destruction of our communities. The surviving remnants, who constitute living witness to the Holocaust, regard it as their solemn duty to set up a memorial to this now vanished body of Jews and to tell the tale of the Jews of Újhely and Zemplén County so that future generations may know.

This volume is the result of initiative taken by a group of native sons of Újhely and the county who now reside in Toronto. Their devotion and unsparing efforts made possible the completion of the task offered as a faithful tribute to the memory of the victims.

The terrible calamity was not a sudden and chance occurrence. The entire history of Hungarian Jewry, including that of the community in Zemplén, provides clear evidence of the steady process which eventually led to annihilation. Equal citizenship rights which the Jews of Hungary had obtained were of no avail to them in their hour of need. The Hungarian people, in general, and the residents of Zemplén in particular, set aside all human sentiments and many not only permitted but also participated in the violent destruction of hundreds of thousands of innocent citizens. They bear a perpetual mark of shame for their unforgivable crime. For us, it has been a terrible lesson in history.

A study of the history of the Jews of Zemplén reveals the uniqueness of these communities; their persistent dedication to their heritage over and above any human pettiness or internal divisiveness, and a concern for the continuity of tradition, irrespective of any differences between one faction or another. This distinctiveness can be understood only against the historical background of the Zemplén communities.

Circumstances did not enable me to carry out my research in the primary archives and I have, therefore, drawn largely on material which has already appeared in various periodicals. When it came to the period immediately preceding the deportations and the deportations themselves, I have permitted the few survivors to speak for themselves. They are the ones best equipped to draw upon their memories and give expression to the emotions they experienced at the time. The sharp scalpel of historical analysis cannot be wielded by anyone in this generation; the task must be left to coming generations who will be unfettered by the element of personal involvement.

At the outset, I wish to express my thanks to all who helped me in the

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preparation of this book; chief among them: The National Széchényi Library in Budapest and especially the department head, Mrs. T. Ferenczy who placed at my disposal and sent me all the publications which I requested. In effect, they made possible the assembly of most of the required material. It is a pleasant duty to voice my appreciation to Mr. Carl Alpert who translated this work into English. He entered into the spirit of the undertaking and his comments and suggestions were extremely helpful. My deep and sincere thanks go to Mr. Alex Bondy who edited and re-wrote the section of personal reminiscences in the Hungarian version. In similar manner, I offer my gratitude to Mr. Simcha Binot who typed the original manuscript in Hebrew; his stylizing and comments were most helpful. Special thanks are due to Dr. Elek Karsai who contributed Chapter Ten in which he delineates the butchers in all their administrative efficiency. Dr. Karsai is a lecturer at the University of Budapest and a noted authority on the Holocaust period. He has published a large number of priceless volumes of documentation. If the subject of the destruction of Hungarian Jewry has not been forgotten, it is due in no small measure to his efforts, both oral and written.

Finally, I am grateful to the Warsaw Ghetto Fighters' House for permission to use its library and to consult the documentation there.

In deep sorrow I pay tribute to the memory of my teacher and mentor, Prof. Alexander Scheiber with whom I corresponded almost until his passing. He encouraged me in my work and helped me clarify problems which arose. May his memory be blessed.

Meir Sas Acre, Israel, October 1985

Note: The original text of this volume was written in Hebrew. The English version was in Hebrew. The English version was, in part, translated and in part adapted from the Hebrew text to make it understandable to the reader of English. For this reason, the numbering of the footnotes is not sequential. The English version does not include certain passages which are steeped in tradition and which an “outsider” would find difficult to understand.

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There is a legend which used to be told in Újhely about a hundred years ago. The tale goes back to a very early period – the third century before the Common Era, and perhaps it would be best not to submit it to any close historical scrutiny.

It is about a prominent Roman military leader, Marcellus Marcus Claudius, known in history as the Sword of Rome. He conquered the famous Sicilian city of Syracuse during which a soldier of his killed one of the great scientists of ancient times – Archimedes (212B.C.E). Many of the inhabitants were put to the sword and the others were exiled far from home and settled as forced labourers in the neighbourhood of the villages of Tokaj-Tarcal. Among these exiles was a Jewish doctor named Shraga. He was not only a skilled physician but adept as well in all sorts of complicated mechanisms which he had learned from Archimedes in Syracuse. The Sicilian exiles were deeply grateful to Shraga since, because of him, they had been saved from certain death but their lives of hard labour under the Roman yoke were bitter indeed.

The Jewish sage promised their taskmasters that he would build a mighty fortress for them and teach them to install military machines which Archimedes had designed. But Marcellus had another reason for saving Shraga's life, quite aside from the latter's wisdom. This was the Jew's beautiful daughter, Sarah with whom Marcellus had fallen madly in love. She spurned all his advances and refused to become his wife. Of course, he could have seized her by force but he wished to earn her love of her own free will. He had noted that Sarah was not entirely indifferent to him but, out of obedient respect for her father, she could not give free reign to her emotions. This situation continued for a considerable period of time as Marcellus awaited a change in her attitude.

Then word came from Rome that because of the war with Carthage, the best military personnel were needed, and he was summoned back. Unable to break the resistance of either father or daughter, Marcellus finally decided to use the power at his command to take Sarah with him as a captive and at the same time, humiliate her as his mistress. When the time came for departure, Shraga exacted a pledge from his daughter that she would not become the concubine of Marcellus and would choose death rather than his bed.

After Marcellus' departure, the Romans made the labour even more difficult and the mighty fortress began to take shape at the junction of the

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Tisza and Bodrog Rivers in accordance with the plans drawn up by the learned Jew. During the construction, Shraga did not forget his strange machines. When the work was completed, the river suddenly surrounded the fortress completely and it became a fortified island with the Romans on the other side of the water. In this way a small but independent Syracuse community came into existence headed by the wise Jew. The Romans were enraged and at once, laid siege to the place but all their efforts were in vain in the face of the stratagems of Shraga.

Back in Rome, with Marcellus away and fighting at Carthage, Sarah managed to make her escape and made her way to Aquincum, as the Romans called Buda. Utilizing a secret exit, Shraga left the besieged fortress and met his daughter. It was a joyful reunion and the two returned to their island stronghold which was still surrounded by the Romans who increased their pressures. Despite rumours that Marcellus had fallen in battle, he too came back but then the unexpected happened. The Roman commander, still madly in love with Sarah, abandoned his army and went over to the other side to help the besieged. The military situation remained critical, however, and at this point Shraga was mortally wounded in battle. He made his followers promise that he would be given a traditional Jewish burial and he further requested that his personal seal bearing his name be buried with him. His final wish was fulfilled and over his grave Sarah erected a stone on which his name was engraved.

The fortress finally fell to the Romans but Marcellus and Sarah were able to make their escape to the hills where they set up their new home.

Thus far, the legend. The tombstone of the wise old Jew no longer exists but in the Nyiregyhaza Museum is an ancient seal which bears the name of Jehiel Shraga ben Menahem Gerson! Was the original owner of this seal the same Shraga who had built the stronghold in Tokaj? No one can say for sure, yet how can one explain the fact that this strange legend was popular among the residents of Újhely? At any rate, there is no reliable historical evidence as yet attesting to the fact that the Romans did reach the southern county of Zemplén in the third century before the Common Era nor any proof that Jews were in this area some 2200 years ago. Was there something in the soil and in the air of the Zemplén and Újhely region which gave strength and character to these legendary figures, far from their original homes and strengthened their determination not to abandon the traditions of their fathers?

The modern history of Jews in Zemplén extends over a period of close to 300 years – from the 17^th century until the middle of the 20^th century when they met their dreadful fate. Today, 40 years after the defeat of the modern Amalek, who sought to annihilate the Jews, the

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surviving remnants of Zemplén are scattered throughout the world with a vital nucleus to be found in their own homeland.

The spirit of Jehiel Shraga, the legendary personality from Zemplén, must surely have hovered over the mountains and the forests, the rivers and the valleys, providing encouragement and inspiration to those who came many years after him and made their temporary homes there.

Historically, Zemplén County extended from the Carpathian Mountains to the Tisza River. It was boarded on the north by Poland (Galicia) and on the other side by Ung, Szabolcs, Borsod, Abauj and Saros. At its longest it was 175.5 kilometres in length. Most of the area, especially in the north, is mountainous. The broadest plain is in the south between the Tisza and Bodrog Rivers. The best known of the mountains in the county is the Eperjes-Tokaj whose southern portion is at the foot of Mount Tokaj and is known briefly as Hegyalja (the foot of the mountain). It is an area devoted to the growing of grapes and the production of the world famous Tokay wine. The principal river, the Bodrog, is created from the confluence of several streams receiving the waters of the Ronyva and the Tolcsva. In turn, the Bodrog flows into the Tisza. These two rivers constitute the boundaries of the swampy plain, the Bodrogköz.

With the end of World War I, there were far-reaching political changes in the national borders. Under the terms of the Treaty of Trianon, 4507 sq.km, constituting most of the territory was transferred in 1920 to the sovereignty of a new sate – Czechoslovakia. Of the total population of about 346,000 in 450 towns and villages, some 210,000 in 373 towns and villages found themselves under Czech rule. Only five of the twelve districts (jaras) remained in Hungary and two of these were truncated. The area of the diminished territory was reduced to 1776 sq.km with a population of only some 136,000. The capital of the county, and indeed its only city of any size, was Satoraljaujhely. (2). Zemplén County, in the north-eastern part of Hungary, extends in a north-south line. Even after the Treaty of Trianon, the partitioned county remained the north-eastern part of the diminished land and the capital of the county was the northernmost of Hungarian cities.

In 1938-39, as a result of decisions in Vienna which determined the fate of Czechoslovakia on the eve of its dismemberment, sections of Hungary were returned to her, among them areas which had, in the past, been administratively part of Zemplén. Satoraljaujhely was no longer a border city. The enlarged county did not enjoy its new status very long, however, six years later, with the ending of World War II, it

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was again cut up according to the narrow lines that had originally been set by the Treaty of Trianon. This short period of time was hardly sufficient to bring about any true unification between the two parts of the population – those that remained in Hungary and those that had been transformed into citizens of Czechoslovakia. This applied also to the Jewish communities which were afforded little opportunity once again to regard Újhely as their natural centre.

The political changes which took place in the district necessarily place limitations on the scope of this volume. The Jews of Zemplén who had been separated from the county in 1920 met quite a different fate from those who had remained under the Hungarian flag. The Jewish communities in the Czech part of Zemplén, therefore, play a limited role in these pages and only up to the end of World War I.

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Historical details about the southern regions of the country are available from as far back as two thousand years and more. The Celts who were among the earliest people of Europe, lived here and were gradually pushed out by German tribes. Southern Zemplén was never a part of the Roman Empire and the few archaeological relics which have been found indicate a commercial relationship at the most. During the historical flow of nations through the area, it was at one time also part of the kingdom of the Avars whom the Hungarians look upon as their original progenitors in their land. The Avars were followed by incursions of the Slavs who eventually conquered the country. To this day, a considerable number of place names recall the memory of the Slav population. The name of the county, for example, is also of Slavic origin meaning: “earthen castle”, harking back to the days when the primitive fortresses were built of clay earth and without stone. Construction of this nature was common in the area around the Tisza River. Another version of the origin of the name is “fertile soil”.

The Hungarian conquerors of the homeland, as the invaders are termed by their descendants, crossed the Carpathians at the northeast corner. Since the county is rather narrow, the military leader, Arpad, led his forces along the Laborec River and then, advancing along the left bank of the Bodrog, set up camp at Zemplén Castle (896 C.E.). A town by that name still exists in our times on Czechoslovakian soil. Negotiations took place here with the Bulgarian Prince Zalán regarding transfer of sovereignty to the Hungarians. One of Arpad's soldiers, Tarcal, gained renown for his scouting missions into the southern parts of Zemplén.

The tales of the conquest by the Hungarians are based more on legend than on historical facts. Practically the only source of the accounts of heroism associated with these events is an anonymous author who lived two hundred years after the vents which he described.

Western Hungary, bounded by the Danube, was conquered by the Romans in the first century before the Common Era and was named Pannonia. The other parts of the country, except for the east (Dacia), were never ruled by the Romans. Archaeological remains give evidence that the Jews came to Pannonia together with the Romans. These relics are for the most part tombstones dating back to the first centuries of the Common Era. Scholars assume that during the centuries thereafter, Jews spread to other parts of Hungary as well. Therefore, when the Hungarian conquerors arrived at the end of the ninth century, they found

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also found Jews among the Slav population.

In the middle of the tenth century, the noted Spanish Jewish sage, Hasdai Ibn Shaprut wrote to the king of the Khazars. If this letter did indeed ever reach its destination, it was transmitted via the Jews of Hungary. The Khazars were a Turkish people whose kingdom extended from the northern Caucasus through all the steppes along the Caspian Sea and the coast of the Black sea. At the height of its influence it reached as far as the Dnieper River. Its population was composed of many peoples and followers of various religions. During the middle of the eight century, as the upshot of a three-cornered disputation conducted before the king by a Jew, a Christian and a Moslem, a part of the population was converted to Judaism. The existence of a Jewish kingdom aroused great interest among the Jews of Spain with the result that the above-mentioned letter was dispatched seeking further information about the state which Yehuda Halevi mentioned in his noted work. Ha-Kuzari utilizes this tale of the conversion of the Khazar king as the literary background for dissertation on the principles of Judaism.

Prior to their invasion of the Tisza and Danube areas, the Hungarians were for a period in the Khazar kingdom and one of the local tribes, the Kabars, joined them. The participation by this group in the conquest of the homeland and its integration into the Hungarian people constituted a background for the historiographical tendency among Hungarian Jews to ascribe their origins to this source. In modern times, the assimilated Jews of Hungary utilized this account to substantiate their claim to early residence in the country and their association with the Hungarian nation. Though this version was rejected by many scholars, and especially by anti-Semitic spokesmen, it is worth noting the writings of the anonymous Hungarian writer cited earlier. According to him, Kabar leaders were allocated most of the estates in southern Zemplén. Other parts of the county were not yet settled. The mountainous and forested regions in the north served as border areas, and the roads were sealed against possible surprise attacks. Later documents from the period of the kings of the royal Arpad reveal that the possessors of these first estates, the largest in Zemplén, were members of the tribe of one Aba of Kabar descent. This tribe was later identified with King Aba Samuel. The tribe increased in numbers and its numerous families soon spread throughout the country.

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In the early period of their settlement, the Hungarians preserved their loose tribal setup and the crystallization of national state forms took place only toward the end of the tenth century, when the kingdom was established and Christianity penetrated from the west. The first royal dynasty was descended from Arpad, conqueror of the homeland and ruled the country until the year 1301. The establishment of the Christian monarchy resulted also in social and administrative changes. Society took on the feudal forms which were prevalent during the Middle Ages in Europe, and the government was organized with a network of royal fortresses each of which, together with the surrounding population, was subordinate to the royal administration. The earliest records available make reference to the Zemplén fortress and later the county as a whole was given this name. In the course of time, this network of strongholds collapsed administratively and the lands passed into the hands of the estate holders, either as a royal gift or as the result of aggressive takeovers. The name of Patak also appears in early documents both as the name of a fortress and of the county. The name also frequently used in place of Zemplén.

The geographic layout of the county from north to south occasionally led to use of the term Lower Zemplén. This name was also applied to the county of Szerencs which bore the name of the settlement in the southern most portion of the county. The county was in fact created in the thirteenth century. To this day, the Hungarian nomenclature preserves the memory of the old setup as in varmegye, Fortress County.

The new administrative system was an expression of the emergence and organization of the middle and lower aristocracy as against the noblemen, the owners of the large estates. Authority in the county was centred in the chief prefect (Sarospatak) and his deputy, the sub-prefect (alispan). The county was given autonomy and was entitled to representation in the state assembly. The noblemen too were given some standing in the administration of the county through the office of the district magistrate (szolgabiro) who was the district officer. He was chosen within the context of county autonomy and his duties included both management and administration of justice. In this way, the administrative structure of the local government was created. To be sure, in the course of some hundreds of years, changes continued to take place and as the central power of the king grew, there was a corresponding reduction in the autonomy of the county and with it, a diminution in the relative in-

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dependence of the prefect and the district officer who became increasingly dependent on the monarchy.

A number of place names in Zemplén, which in the recent past are associated in our minds with memories of grief and sorrow, came into existence during the days of the first monarchy. The most notorious of these beyond any doubt is Sarospatak. It began primarily as a royal town and was frequently the seat of the monarchy. It also served as an important way-station in the trade with Poland. Its fortress is one of the oldest in Hungary.

The second city which attained prominence during the Middle Ages is Sátoraljaújhely. At the time of the Hungarian conquest it was already a settled town, through there are some differences of opinion with regard to its antiquity and its original site. There are those who maintain that there were two strongholds there – one on Varhegy (Fortress Mount) and the other on Satorhegy (Tent Mount). The settlement of Satorhalma (Tent Hill) is mentioned in the twelfth century. As noted previously, the first rules of this city were members of the Aba tribe. The turning point in the history of the place, as indeed in the annals of Hungary as a whole came in 1241 when the armies of the Mongols (Tartars) swept into the country, laying waste to everything in their path. Whole cities were destroyed and wide areas ravaged. This fate also befell the town at the foot of Satoralja (Tent Mount). The population hid in the mountains and those who survived found little more than burnt out embers when they returned to the town. They rebuilt their city but not on its original site which was subject to frequent flooding by the waters of the Bodrog and Ronyva Rivers. Instead, they moved to higher ground where the city is still located today. The city owes its name to that change of location – Sátoraljaújhely, that is to say, a new site at the foot of the Tent Mount. The city was quickly afforded special privileges by the monarchy.

Other cities which date back to the Middle Ages and about which there are written records are: Kiralyhelmec, Homonna, Liszka, Nagymihaly, Galszecs, Tallya, Tarcal, Tokaj, Ceke, Kovesd and others. Some of these made an early name for themselves because of viniculture and wine production.

In addition to the conquering Hungarians there were other peoples who dwelt in the area from the beginning or arrived during the course of time. Walloons from the Low Countries settled in Sarospatak. Saxons from Germany reached Zemplén as early as the days of the Ärpád dynasty and thereafter but did not succeed in taking over the country, despite their repeated efforts. Some of them were absorbed into the local population and some left. After the departure of the Mongols, Italians were settled in Zemplén and engaged in the growing of grapes.

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A number of villages preserve the memory of their presence to this day such as: Olaszliszka and Bodrogolaszi. Russians, known also as Ruthenians, settled here as early as the fourteenth century. The latter succeeded in rooting themselves locally and in ensuing generations, built villages in all parts of the country. Gypsies also made their appearance, apparently in the fourteenth century, and the name of the village of Cigánd is cited as evidence that the first settlers there were of gypsy origin.

The Jewish communities existed in western and north-western Hungary. Aside from the Jews who are presumed to have been there prior to the Hungarian conquest, most of them came from neighbouring lands, settling for the most part in the cities. The most important communities were in Buda, Estergom, Pressburg and Szekesfehervar, all of them west of the Danube. It is almost certain that during the reign of Arpad there were no Jews in Zemplén. Nevertheless, the historian L. Venetianer maintains, without citing sources, that there were Jews in Sarospatak even before the Mongol invasion. (1)

At any rate, King Andreas II took part in the Fifth Crusade reaching Acre in 1217 after a prolonged voyage in a Venetian vessel. The Hungarian monarch and his army engaged in a few sally to the north reaching as far as Marjayoun in Lebanon and thereafter, turned toward Egypt. They were unable to conquer the Egyptians and this campaign was a complete failure. King Andreas came to the conclusion that he had fulfilled his obligations and despite orders from the Pope, turned around and went back to Hungary. It is known that there were two residents of Zemplén among the Crusaders, one by the name of Gyula of Italian extraction from the Ratold or Ratot clan. The Ratot clan were the masters of Sátoraljaújhely following the Mongol invasion. The second Crusader was known as Sebes but no biographical details are available. It appears, therefore, that Zemplén's only contact with Palestine during the Middle Ages was a fleeting one and without any Jewish involvement.

During the Middle Ages the country was known among the Jews as the Land of Hagar. First mention of the name was in a judgement rendered by Rabbi Kalonymus ben Shabbetai in 1050. (2) Tashi also made mention of the name in his book, Pardess, where he referred to Rabbi Yitzhak from the Land of Hagar. Similar mention was made by the Maharam Rabbi Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg. Thereafter, the name appeared frequently in rabbinical literature and in the writings during the Haskalah period, with reference to the Jews of Zemplén as well. (3)

The Arpad dynasty came to an end in 1301 and was followed by various royal families. First was the Anjou line during whose reign the Jews suffered the first expulsion from Hungary. Next came Sigismund, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (Germany). In 1419, during the

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latter's reign reference was made to a citizen of Ûjhely, Lucasius, who was identified as a Jew (Zydo) apparently because of his family name. This is not necessarily proof of any Jewish presence in the city but it could provide a hint of some connection. (4)

The next major reference was during the reign of Mathias Corvinus, the first monarch of at least partial Hungarian extraction since Árpád. He appointed a Jew to the post of “Prefect of the Jews” in which capacity his major function was to collect the taxes from his co-religionists. Beginning in 1482 this office was occupied by Jacob Mendel who resided in Buda in proximity to the King, whereas his retainers were scattered in the Jewish communities throughout the country. One of these men, whose name was Yisrael, operated in Sárospatak in 1489. He succeeded in impounding the wealth of a resident of Kassa who had owed money to the Jewish prefect. It is not clear if this is conclusive evidence of the existence of a Jewish community in Sárospatak in the fifteen century or whether Yisrael was a roving emissary who, during the course of his duties, reached the Zemplén area, and while in the neighbourhood collected from the debtor in Kassa. Yisrael had occasion to turn to the courts for assistance in collecting debts and for thirteen years was successful in all his cases but one. This activity by Yisrael and the possession of property do not constitute firm evidence of the existence of a Jewish community in Zemplén in the fifteenth century though there is no doubt that the economic interests of the Jews made it necessary for them to come closer to the eastern parts of Hungary. (5)

The arrival of the Turks and the defeat of the Hungarian army at Mohacs in 1526 brought about a complete change in conditions. In addition to the Turkish conquest of a major part of the country, there were two claimants to the Hungarian crown. Emperor Ferdinánd of Austria, a Hapsburg, and John Zapolyai, Prince of Transylvania. From the beginning, Zemplén on the one hand was on the border between the two contenders for the crown and on the other hand, the Turks who controlled the central part of the country. After the Turks captured Buda, centre of the Hungarian monarchy, Hungary was subjected to a tri-partite partition which lasted for about 150 years. The county was included within the Hapsburg area and since it was on the border, it was subjected to considerable troublesome outbreaks. Security in the country was never stable. The estate lords battled among themselves, some supporting the king in Vienna and some siding with the Transylvanian prince. From time to time, the Turks sallied into the county and even occupied southern sections temporarily.

Following these vicissitudes, the county passed under the control of the prince of Transylvania, who at the time was George Rakoczi I. The latter gave

[Page 25]

particular support to the school at Sarospatak, which even then, had established a name for itself. The institute had been founded in 1531 at first as a primary school but it quickly developed into an institution of higher learning. The prince determined the governing bodies of the school and guided its administration.

Many of the princes of Transylvania showed great tolerance and permitted Jews to settle in their country. One of those who came to Alba Julia (Gyulafehervar) was the Spanish physician, Valerius David, a graduate of the University of Salamanca. The young doctor had studied at universities in France and Italy as well. Upon his arrival in Alba Julia, he at once made contact with the academy there and under the influence of its professors was converted to Christianity as a Protestant. Prince Rakoczi appointed him a teacher of theology and philosophy at the school. The professor, together with his wife and three children, came to take up their new home in Sarospatak in 1636 and by order of the prince, the journey was accomplished with a military escort as indication of the respect in which he was held. (6) The enlightened policies of the prince and his interest in the development of the academy are indicated by the establishment of a printing press. In addition to Greek typefaces, “Jewish letters” were also ordered in keeping with the spirit of the seventeenth century when Greek, Latin and Hebrew were regarded by the intellectuals as the classical languages! (7)

Zemplén's fame as a wine producing centre extended beyond Hungary and its Tokay wines attained a world reputation for their taste, aroma and piquancy. Hegyalja (food of the mountain) is located on the northern border line of the grape-growing area but areas further south in Hungary cannot compete in the quality of their wines. Grapes had been grown on the southern slopes of the region since the days of the Hungarian conquest, but after the departure of the Mongols in the middle of the thirteen century, the Italian immigrants took over the viniculture. The superiority of the Tokay wines are ascribed to a combination of the unusual qualities of the soil and climate, for even vine stocks brought from other countries and planted there, changed their taste and took on the special flavour of the local product. King of the wines is the asu (Aussbruch) made from the vintage of especially fruitful years. The first asu was prepared from the vintage of the Oremus vineyard in Újhely by a priest from the court of George Rakoczi for the prince's wife, Lorantffy Zsuzsanna. (8)

Poland, Russia and Germany were the principal customers for these wines. Little wonder, therefore, that one of the earliest documents connected with Jewish activity in the region, and written in Hungarian (1609) deals with the vintage of Mad. The writer maintains that “the

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Poles are not the only ones who come to the 'foot of the mountain' to purchase wine: the Jews too came to buy entire productions. The chief prefect of the county, Alaghy sold 50 barrels of the crop to Jews who harvested the grapes themselves and poured the juice into barrels. The allusion is clearly to kosher wine in the preparation of which non-Jews may not be employed”. (9)

A bill of sale for wine in the year 1633 is of considerable interest. The document was written in Hungarian and makes reference to the Jew Yaakov (Yakob sydo) and to another simply as “the Jew”. There were so few Jews that it was apparently sufficient to identify him merely as “the Jew”, and people would doubtless know who was meant. Barrels of wine, not in large quantity, were sold in Kiralyhelmec, in Szolos and in Beregszasz. This enables us to follow the track of Jews engaged in commerce in Hungary from west to east and from north to south, prior to their settling in Zemplén and other counties in eastern Hungary. (10). These facts are confirmed some thirty years later in evidence which records that Jews harvested the grapes themselves, pressed them, etc., and arranged for storage of the wine after its preparation. (11) These Jews could have been dealers or agents from Poland or even emissaries from communities in western Hungary.

There is still another possibility. They might have come from the Turkish region of Hungary though such trade was fraught with many dangers because of the total prohibition against sale of intoxicating liquors to believing Moslems. Transgressors could lose their heads. (12) It is almost certain, however, that during the first half of the seventeenth century, Jews from Poland did come, as evidenced by a query regarding the regulations governing the kashrut of wine, addressed to Rabbi Joel Sirkes in which it is told that they came into contact with the “nobleman Rakoczei”. The traders visited Zemplén Fortress, located in the Szerencs region where the Rakoczi family did indeed maintain an estate. (13) It could well be that these traders may be regarded as the forefathers of the modern Jewish community, laying the foundations for Jewish settlement in Zemplén in the seventeenth century through the growing of grapes and the production and sale of wine.

The production of kosher wine was but one aspect of the establishment of a Jewish community here. As noted earlier, the county was on the border and trade in various commodities passed through the area. Additional evidence tells of contact between the inhabitants of Zemplén and Jews who imported furs and spices from Poland. A Jew named Israel brought in a shipment of these items which, for some reason, were impounded. The consignees, on whose behalf Israel was operating, exerted great efforts to have the merchandize released. Their principal contention

[Page 27]

Was that the Poles were apt to react vigorously if there was interference with free trade. (14) The local authorities benefited from this trade as well as the dealers. Local estate owners and townships imposed tolls for the use of roads, for crossing bridges, etc. The royal treasury also benefited from customs duties charged at the border at the rate of one thirtieth of the value of the imports. Noblemen were exempt from the taxes and others too could qualify for exemption for various reasons. The royal tax collector was known as the tricesimator (harmincados) charging the one thirtieth levy.

The first Jewish lessees appeared in the middle of the seventeenth century and are mentioned in documents. They leased flour mills and taverns in which they sold brandies and mead (méh-sor), a strong drink made of honey and hops. It appears that the village Jews possessed large boilers for the preparation of the brandy and the local authorities in Homonna, in the north, were asked to check up on the number of these boilers so as to assure that the Jews were not evading payment of taxes for their activity. (15) Evidence such as this, scanty though it is, makes it possible to obtain a picture of the first appearance of Jews in the middle of the seventeenth century in Zemplén where they also engaged profitably in the leasing of real estate.

During this period, the county was again placed under the rule of the Hapsburg king and cut off from the Principality of Transylvania. In the decades that followed, Zemplén was not spared the many disasters which swept over Hungary. Toward the end of the same century, the Christian armies under Hapsburg command succeeded in driving the Turks out of most of the country but the Hungarian people were not entirely grateful to the king for this “liberation”. Quite the contrary, even before the departure of the Turks there was clear evidence of widespread dissatisfaction among the Hungarian nobility, which found first expression in an anti-Hapsburg conspiracy. The repression of the Protestants and the discrimination against them served to intensify the revolt. In 1678, about ten years after the liberation of Buda from the Turks, open revolution broke out under the leadership of Imre Thokoly. This was only the first of many rebellions during the conflict which raged for years between the Hapsburg monarch and his Hungarian subjects until the defeat of Ferenc Rakoczi at the beginning of the eighteenth century.

During these fluid and rapidly changing times, no permanent Jewish settlement was established in Zemplén. The Jews, most of them individuals, were scattered in various villages and towns. Most of the documents extant which deal with commercial matters give little indication of the far-reaching changes taking place in Hungary. The set of volumes containing a wealth of documents about the Jews of Hungary

[Page 28]

Tell us that besides their dealing in wine, the Jews leased taverns and toll posts (16), and lived in rented homes. (17) An event which occurred in 1657 in Nyitra county in western Hungary, hundreds of kilometres from Zemplén, was considered an exceptional case. This involved two Jews from Újhely, Marcus Moisesovics, the toll collector, and Marcus Stiasni. They made an arrangement with Hungarian traders in Uj-Galgoc and transported tin that had been purchased in Moravia and Silesia, to Turks in Buda. (18)This transaction was quite different from the usual dealing in wine which had been going on for decades. It was trade across national borders conducted by Jews from Újhely who were operating quite far from their homes. The extent to which such trade was being expanded may be learned from the fact that the county authorities banned Greeks and Jews from dealing in gold and silver. (19) Documentation makes frequent mention of hamlets and towns close to the Polish border, in the northern part of the county. It may be assumed that there were more Jews in Homonna and its environs than in Újhely and the area south of it.

All commerce is dependent on security on the roads. How effective were the county authorities in this regard? There is record of an incident in the summer of 1669 when two Jews travelling through several villages decided, at nightfall, to lodge in the little community of Rakocz. They had come from the north and were bearing textiles for sale. As they left Rakocz in the morning they were robbed. They filed a complaint and the sub-prefect of the county (alispan) appointed a three-member committee to probe the matter. The committee gathered testimony but unfortunately there is no further information available with regard to what happened and whether the robbers were punished. It certainly should have been in the best interest of the community to be concerned with safe conditions for commerce and to protect even Jewish traders. (20)

On the other hand, when the political situation worsened in the country as a whole and especially in a border area like Zemplén, the authorities found themselves helpless. The Jews were subject to molestation from those loyal to the king as well as from the rebels. When the two towns of Tokaj and Sarospatak were destroyed by fire in 1680 by the followers of Thokoly, the official report mentioned that the principal sufferers were the Jews. (21) At any rate, in 1683 it was proclaimed that the Jews must send representatives to participate in negotiations to determine the taxes due from them. Furthermore, they were obligated to produce authorization from Thokoly, lacking which they would not be permitted to continue with their unrestricted trade. However, contrary to the great expectations for collection of large amounts from numerous Jews, the local authorities were due to be disappointed. The official who checked

[Page 29]

the situation hastened to report that only one Jewish lessee was a permanent resident in Homonna. The others appeared there to purchase wine only during the vintage season. His added observation shed further light on the security situation on the highways. He wrote: “Royal loyalists (Labanc) steal the wine from the Jews while in transit and then permit the Jews to continue on their way only upon double and triple payments. The Jews no longer venture to come buy wine”. (22) An item in 1671 adds further testimony regarding the small number of Jews and their scattered distribution: “Two Jewish lessees live on a nobleman's estate in Nagymihaly”. (23)

The county authorities did not always support the foreign traders, whether Poles or Jews. They voiced their complaint in 1688 in Latin as follows: “Poles and Jews (Haebrei) and other foreign nationals who as a rule do not bear their share of responsibilities to the state, frequently penetrate to Hegyalja during the height of the vintage season and buy the very choicest wines making a quick profit…” (24). This was no doubt jealous rivalry of some of the nobles since the grape growers preferred the foreigners over them. If the state had not proclaimed this a monopoly, the merchants and traders would certainly have lowered the prices even more. It would appear that on this occasion the complaint of the county authorities produced no satisfaction. About five years later, however, one Jacob Israelovics, a lessee in Homonna, bought thirty barrels of wine and paid thirty thaler per barrel. He signed the receipt in Hebrew – “Yaakov ben Yisrael” (25). It is obvious from the signature that Yaakov had no family name. This was also clear from his translation of his name which means, son of Israel, the suffix “vics” meaning “son of”. The man came from Poland and was unfamiliar with Latin letters, hence the signature in Hebrew.

According to the documentation, it would appear that the number of Jewish tenants increased during the last decade of the seventeenth century or could this be due to the fact that more documents were preserved in Zemplén? As a general rule, Jews are referred to by their private names only. They operated in the northern sections of the county such as Homonna, Galszécs, Terebes, Sztropko, Nagymihaly and others. In 1673, Jews were forbidden to rent premises but the ban appears to have had little effect in the years that followed. Ari Leib from Pazdics wrote his name in Hebrew in 1691 on a receipt confirming payment of six florins for two barrels of beer for army recruits, who spent the night in Nagymihaly. His name on the seal would appear to indicate that he was born in Pazdics, or at least, was a veteran resident of the village. (26)

In another case, “the Jew, Yehuda” gave a receipt in Varanno for the purchase of beer and herring and on the seal her wrote: “Yehuda from

[Page 30]

Mysl”, that is to say, he came from Prmysl in Poland. The man must have been well known locally for his name in Hungarian was recorded in a familiar manner (Judka zsido). Numerous additional documents make reference to lessees and rentals, for example in Szinna where a Jewish brewer leased a toll post and a tavern for the sale of strong drinks, on an annual basis. (27) A list of Jewish lessees in 1698 mentions Jews in the northern part of the county and concludes with the observation: “It should be noted that….the names are not known of Jews… in Újhely who are making a good living”. (28) In Homonna 500 florins were paid for a one-year rental of mills and taverns. (29)

In the final year of the century, 1699, Jews continued to participate in the international trade between Hungary and Poland despite all the previous restrictions. A Jew from Újhely, whose name is not mentioned, exported tobacco to Poland and on one occasion, according to a contemporary manuscript, was robbed and stripped of everything so that he went bankrupt. (30) Another document dated the same year tells of other Jews from settlements in the north of the county. Some of them were extremely poor and some were merchants with license to carry on business with the neighbouring country. (31)

Up to this point, Jewish presence has been determined in the villages of the county and especially in the north but, not in Újhely itself. Prior to their appearance in the city, the word “Jew” is mentioned in the city record book in 1664 for the second time, about 250 years after Lucasius who had bequeathed property for the public welfare. A woman by the name of Zsido Katalin, together with her husband, drew up some kind of contract (32). The word “Jew” appears in two other forms – as the family name of county noblemen who owned estates both in Bodrogkoz, in the villages of Nagyrozvagy and Kisrozvagy. The names are Zsiday and Siday. Furthermore, a six-pointed start which had already become an accepted Jewish symbol in central Europe during the beginning of this period is to be found among other decorative elements in the coats of arms of several families in the county of Zemplén. (33)

The great rebellion of Ferenc Rakoczi II resulted I no change whatsoever in the status of the Jews. As in the days of Thokoly, they continued with their affairs. For example: The new revolutionary government bought felt from a Jew in 1705 in return for wines produced in the Rakoczi vineyard in Hegyalja. On the other hand, a Jew from Liszka was accused of non-payment of a debt for purchase of wine on credit and imprisoned in the jail in Munkacs. He managed to escape and the authorities instituted a search for him throughout the country, both in Hungary and Transylvania. It is not known if Rakoczi agreed to the issuance of the arrest and imprisonment order against the fugitive Jew. (34) [Page 31]

The leader of the revolt was of course in need of vast funds. He enjoyed a close relationship with the Viennese businessman, Samuel Oppenheimer. Pursuant to an agreement, “he had a number of barrels of wine here and for some time, two of his Jews in Patak dealt with them. Now these Jews broke the seals and representatives of his highness, the prince, chose the barrels of the very best and took them away…” (35). It cannot be said that Rakoczi's rebels were particularly well disposed toward the Jews though there is no record of any special plots against them in Zemplén. There is one record of a Jew who fled from rebel armies in 1705 and reached Újhely. (36). The famous rebellion ended in 1711 and its failure marked the beginning of a new era, both for Hungary and for the future of Jewish settlement there.

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Three events of great significance occurred in Hungary in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: the Turks were driven out of the central part of the country; Hungary was united under Hapsburg sovereignty and the national revolt of Rakoczi against Austrian rule was decisively routed. The Hungarian population dwindled considerably and large scale immigration of various ethnic groups flooded the country. Jewish settlement was concentrated in the north and northwest and was composed of émigrés from Austria, Moravia, Galicia and Poland. Only a small minority was located in the northeast.

The social status of Jews residing in noblemen's counties was that of vassals (jobbagy) through perhaps of a slightly higher level. Communities came into existence when the estate proprietors granted permission for residence at a time when the king and the free cities did not always grant such permission. As a class, the Jews were therefore discriminated against and their rights were not clearly defined, not in their place of residence and certainly not on a country-wide basis. Permission to reside was dependent on the whims of the various authorities, municipal, royal and as noted, estate owners. The Jews were not an integral part of the social structure and their precise place in the feudal scale was not fixed. The feudal-absolutist reign in Hungary established which occupations and which branches of commerce were prohibited to Jews. The king and the landed gentry were the two principal authorities holding sway over the Jews since most of the cities were closed to them. The Jews sometimes derived advantages as a result of the struggle between the king's desire for centralized authority and the noblemen's efforts in the direction of separatism. On a national basis, the king gave residency permission but this was dependent on the approval of the estate landlord who determined the dependency relationship, the obligations and the privileges. Feudal patronage was necessary as a matter of security and defence, which were provided in return for the economic advantages which the nobleman derived from his Jewish subjects.

Hungary had not yet recovered from the period of disturbances which it had gone through. As a result of the uncertainties on the highways, trade had not yet reached the villages and under these circumstances, the Jews were able to play an extremely vital role and fill a vacuum, despite the legal discrimination to which they were subjected, and the prejudices against them. The Jews were not all of one stamp, though

[Page 33]

most of them belonged to the lowest and poorest social strata. The population censuses in the first half of the eighteenth century attest to the Jewish status. They include details on the social and economic conditions of the Jews, their homes and their occupations, all for the purpose of assuring proper collection of taxes. It also becomes clear that among the various ethnic groups which came to fill the partly depopulated country, were Jews who reached the northeast counties, both from neighbouring lands, especially Poland and from the western part of Hungary.

Partial censuses were held as early as 1698-99 in some districts in the north of Zemplén but these were incomplete. A general census held in 1715 did not take account of religious differences except in the case of Jews. At that time, the count showed 541 Jews in the county. Of these, 53 heads of families were engaged in operating taverns, 39 in distilling of alcohol and only five were traders. The first national census was conducted in 1725-28 and this revealed that 78 Jewish families were already resident in 56 of the 435 villages in the county. There were 203 families in the five counties in northeast Hungary at the time. To be sure, this may not reflect the total number of Jews nor is it clear if the census took into account of lessees only. For purposes of statistical estimates, it is customary to multiply the number of families by 4.5 in order to arrive at the number of individuals. (1)

The number of Jews in Zemplén and its adjacent counties was infinitesimal in comparison with the number in neighbouring Poland. The paucity of Jews in Hungary may be explained by the fact that Jews never wished to be isolated from their co-religionists. They always preferred organized communities where there would be facilities for prayer with a minyan, kosher food, religious schools, cemetery, etc., all the elements which go into Jewish life. No matter how bad conditions were in Poland or in other neighbouring countries, very few looked upon Hungary as a desirable place to which to emigrate. Jews who came to Zemplén at first settled largely in the extreme northern districts and at the beginning of the eighteenth century did not reach the interior districts to the south. Even the lessees among them were wretchedly poor as it is clear from the very small rental fees which they paid. More than once, the census takers referred to one or another Jew as a “pitiable refugee”. Since consumer needs in the villages were small, trade was conducted on a primitive scale. The small number of Jews here constituted 0.83% of the general population. This percentage was somewhat higher than the national average which then amounted to 0.65%. During this period, there were relatively more noblemen and more Jews in Zemplén and less urban dwellers and vassal than the national average. The trend, which was later to lead to a substantial Jewish community in Zemplén, was evident

[Page 34]

from the beginning of the eighteen century.

Because of their poverty, the Jews were unable to carry out large deals. However, it is recorded that Lev Oppenheimer, a wealthy Viennese merchant, purchased 100 barrels of kosher aszu wine from Viczeny Mihaly, who was the tax collector (harmincados) and perhaps also the vintner. He paid 105 florins per barrel for a total of 10,500 florins. This was an enormous sum in those days. The taxes paid by all the Jews of the county did not exceed ten percent of the cost of these 100 barrels of kosher aszu wine. Apparently there were wealthy Jews in Vienna and in German towns who had the wherewithal to pay Oppenheimer for this precious liquor. It was certainly not the Jews of Zemplén. The document provides no information whatever on how the non-Jewish Zemplén vintner happened to undertake such a limited province as the supply of kosher aszu wine nor is there any information as to who were the mashgichim (religious supervisors) who kept an eye on the entire process beginning with the harvesting of the grapes and ending with the shipment to Vienna. The official history of Zemplén does not include among its list of nobles the name of the above vintner (tax collector) who because of his influential position might also have served as the middle man for the transaction. The document dated 1721 records only the terms of the sale. A portion of the payment was paid immediately and promissory notes were given for the balance. A Hebrew signature appears at the end of the bill of sale. (3)

At this point, attention must be called to a document in the county archive dated 1646. This paper refers to a man by the name of Mojsy Vetsenyi but it is not clear if this “Moshe” was a Jew (4). At any rate, the similarity of his name with that of Viczeny makes it very plausible to assume that there might have been a family connection between Moshe and Mihaly. Could this provide an explanation for the kosher wine transaction?

The first Zemplén Jew who pulled himself out of general poverty and had widespread commercial relations was Michael Salamonovics of Homonna in the northern part of the county. He was first recorded in 1702 as known in town. In 1723 the treasury office in Kassa leased to him for three years the right to produce kosher wine in the northeast part of the country as well as a franchise for the collection of the toleration tax. His license covered ten counties. It appears that Salamonovics operated for more than three years because in 731, he was due to receive help from the authorities in collecting taxes in Sarospatak. Toll and customs collectors always had a good business. Because of the risks and difficulties in such collections, they usually paid for their franchise far less than they were expected to collect (5).

[Page 35]

Salamonovics apparently did his work well and satisfactorily so that his name reached the attention of those in the highest echelons. In 1736, by royal proclamation, Salamonovics was given the franchise of collecting the taxes in the northern counties. According to the contract, he paid 100 florins as a deposit against the total amount of 3050 florins which the Jews in the northern region were obliged to pay. This was undoubtedly a peak in the economic career and status of a Jew from Zemplén in the first half of the eighteen century.

The fields in which Jews could operate were defined and limited, similar to such restrictions on the vassals. They were kept apart from the organic structure of the state, whereas the vassals had entrée to the religious life of the community through the church. This was not true of the Jews, though from an economic point of view, their situation was better. Since Jews were not accepted as members of the merchants' or craftsmen's' guilds and were usually not permitted to engage in agriculture, only a few special and narrow fields were left open to them for a livelihood. The columns in the census reports devoted to their occupations are quite limited. (6)

Despite their inferior status, they were not easy victims. They were protected by law and justice and they were able to apprehend murderers of their co-religionists even when the crime was committed elsewhere and the criminals fled to Hungary. Four such who had been sentenced, filed requests for pardon in Zemplén, where they had been caught. How the local authorities responded to their request is not known. (7)

Despite all difficulties, a few Jews were able to improve their lot considerably even when trade in wine, the major product of the county, was sometimes forbidden to them. Thus, in 1737, a royal decree barred Jews and Greeks from dealing in wine in the northern part of the country. This ban did not apply to Polish Jews who could present identification passports which enabled them to make and sell kosher wine. (8)

Perhaps the most detailed census was taken in 1736 when the figures were gathered by regions. It revealed that most of the Jews were of Polish origin. This is clear from the fact that so many of the names ended in “vics” as well as from the name of the estate owner who had extended his patronage to the Jews before they came to Hungary. Some of those listed gave first names only, without family names. A few came from Moravia and some even reported Hungary as their place of birth. Without doubt, the Jew Jacob Josephovics, who was recorded in the census in Varanno in the north of the country, is worthy of special attention. His origin was given as “the kingdom of Italy” (?) he sold wine and beer, operated a tavern and was also a barber-surgeon (chirulgus). From all his varied undertakings, he paid an annual tax of 1720 florins to his

[Page 36]

feudal lord. Compared to what others paid, this amount was not among the smallest. The combination of mixed pursuits among many of the Jews at that time suggests their difficulties in earning a livelihood under the conditions imposed upon them. Josephovics' family was not large. A wife and two grown children. He maintained a horse at home. (9)

The lists enumerate many details; the number of souls in each family, wife and children, the latter usually four or five at the most. Teachers for the children and servants were to be found in the homes of only a few of the very wealthy. The possession of animals such as horses, cows and calves was also recorded though for the most part, the columns earmarked for such count remain blank.

The Jews settled in Zemplén lived in houses which they rented from the local nobles who extended their patronage in return for payments of varying amounts. Jews who possessed means may be identified by the higher payments made for the patronage and the rent paid to the lords of the estates, though these were extremely few among the generally poor and depressed. Herschl Leible of Mad paid 750 florins; Jacob Herschkovics of Bodrogkeresztur – 416 florins; Herschko from Újhely – 100 florins and David Salamon from Monok – 100 florins. The wealthy had teachers in their homes but it is interesting to note that in the village of Tolyva, Herschko Berokovics, a widower, had two children and three teachers. The head of the household came from Poland, rented a tavern and paid his lord 50 florins. It is unreasonable to assume that Herschko's two children who were of the age when they would be learning the alphabet, at best, were in need of three teachers. This was apparently a cover to legitimize the presence of young men who had come from other Hapsburg lands. Emperor Charles III, wishing to decrease the number of Jews in his kingdom, issued an edict in 1726 forbidding the marriage of more than one male in each family. This prohibition made it impossible for many young Jews in Austria and Moravia to marry and establish families and they, therefore, left home for Hungary where the ban did not apply. They settled largely in the northern part of the country. These young men were, as a rule, well- educated and the local Jews, both the wealthy ones and the others as well, were inclined to help them obtain legal residence in Hungary.

The economic activity of the Jews of Zemplén was narrowly restricted to the production of spirits and beer which they sold both wholesale and retail; the operation of drinking houses which they rented, and of course, the sale of wine. Many were not gainfully employed and frequent use was made of terms such as: “a poor lessee”; “a foreigner who has just arrived”, etc. Moshe Marcus who sold all kinds of notions and textiles was an exception. He came from western Hungary and settled in

[Page 37]

Sarospatak. Another Jews of the same name settled in Tallya. This Moshe diversified his business. At the tavern he sold rags, spices of various kinds, textiles made in Hungary and Poland, shoelaces and notions. Moshko (no family name is given) in Újhely, who came from Moravia, followed a similar line. He sold wine and spirits which he made himself, shoelaces and all kinds of tassels for clothing. The lists call special attention to those who possessed boilers for the distillation of strong drinks. Because of the small number of Jews, the shochetim (ritual slaughterers) were unable to gain a livelihood from following that occupation and they, therefore, also engaged in the manufacture of brandy which they sold. The credibility of the census is strengthened by marginal comments with regard to a number of beggars who were also obliged to pay the local lord. Reference is made as follows to a lone Jew, Joseph Itzko who lived in the village of Boro near Homonna: “completely destitute because of his advanced age”. This Jew never paid a penny to anyone and did not enjoy the patronage of any noble. How was this possible?

On the basis of the census, it can be ascertained that during the thirties, the Jews of Zemplén were scattered through 74 villages. For example: In Tolcsva, fourteen families; Mad – nine families; Újhely – six families. In summary, the census listed 539 Jews in the county of which 248 were children, eight teachers and 51 servants. (10)

During the forties, censuses were taken for the purpose of imposing special taxes to finance the many wars in which Empress Maria Theresa engaged. The Jews were no longer able to bear the burden of these heavy taxes. Each head of a family had to pay six florins and each additional family member, two florins. The pressure became so strong that in 1743, Zemplén county complained to higher authority that the poor Jews were apt to immigrate to Poland and as a result, it would be impossible to collect even 300 florins from the Jews. Again, in 1747 the county reported that after attaching property, they were unable to collect more than 278.30 florins. The poverty was so great that the total worldly possessions of some of the Jews were not worth even two florins, which was the amount of the tax due. However, after much persuasion, the sum of 696 florins was collected in 1728 from 348 Jews. (11)

The report from the county with regard to the 1746 census is of particular interest. Except for unusual cases, the total amount of tax paid by each individual did not exceed ten florins. There were instances of extreme poverty like the Jew, Joel of Mad, who had a wife and six children. The census taker reported that he was completely destitute. The case was cited of the widow Honcso in Keresztur who was rearing a five-year-old son. The Jew Baruch Volmovics in a small village near

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Varanno, was described in the following revealing words: “This Jew was compelled to work as a swineherd in order to meet his tax payments” and according to the record, had not yet made payment. Isaac Moskovics, who lived in another village in the same area, had a son who was fatally ill, “hovering between life and death”.

Information concerning the movement of the Jewish population in general and in Újhely in particular, may be gleaned by comparing the family names in 1736 with those in 1746. Only one head of a family who had been listed in the latter census was still there ten years later. This was Moshko Herschkovics. In 1736 he had two children one of whom, sex not given, was an adult. Ten years later, his household contained only his wife and one son. All the other Jews who had been recorded in 1736 were no longer listed and others were recorded instead. (12) In 1746-47, 532 Jews paid taxes in Zemplén. The tax burden hung heavy over them and was a constant problem. (13)

There was considerable resentment against the tolerance tax which they termed “Malkageld” (queen's money) for the Jews considered it an immoral imposition. That county authorities throughout the country were not too eager to cooperate in collection of taxes is learned from a request made by Zemplén in 1743 to exempt the Jews from payment because of their extreme poverty. The letter, addressed to the Vice-Regal Council (Kiralyi Helytartotandics) which was in charge of internal affairs, made the point that the Jews might be induced to flee to Poland because of the heavy taxes. This attitude was perhaps an expression of anti-Hapsburg views as well as an understanding of the important role played by the Jews in the economic sphere. The county persisted in its efforts. An additional letter, dispatched in 1749 to the Mixed Commission which was responsible for allocating the tax burden among the various counties, gave a vivid description of the condition of the Jews who were scattered among the villages and living under deplorable conditions. They earned their livelihood from the distillation of brandy (brandtweinbrennen). The Commission was asked to display its good will and not to bear down on the Jews. The upshot was that the Jews were required to pay 1150 florins although they had offered to pay about half that sum. The document provides additional statistical information: Jews in the county at the time numbered 539, nine of them teachers. Despite the expressed fear that they might immigrate to Poland, the facts were to the contrary. Of the total Jewish population, 111 still lacked the patronage of a noble since their previous lords were resident outside of Hungary, probably Poland.

The treasury department to which the tax money was to be paid was known as the Salt Office and one familiar with the Hungarian language

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finds this most odd because of an amusing association. Such offices were located in only four cities in Hungary – one of them Tokaj. (15). Tax collection was done ruthlessly and, if necessary, with the help of the military though only outside the nobles estates. (16). If any Jews were victims of a fire and could not make any payment whatsoever, their co-religionists were compelled to make good. This occurred in 1767 when the Jews of Zemplén paid the Salt Office in Tokaj 1905 florins. No other group of Jews was subjected to such a heavy tax burden. An extensive correspondence preserved in the archives deals with taxes due from the Jews during the sixties of the eighteenth century, and the constant theme is a request to pay up arrears. (17). Sometimes the supervisor of the Salt Office was overly diligent and sent an official to attach valuables, paying him one florin a day, chargeable against the Jews. After vigorous complaints, the supervisor was warned by the Vice-Regal Council that he was exceeding his authority and that it was up to the county to collect the taxes, through its own people. (18)

The tolerance tax was in existence for some time and in various forms, but the principle behind it was not understood in many counties. In 1767 Empress Maria Theresa published the precise regulations and a Mixed Commission was set up to carry out the programme. In connection with the imposition of this tax, a census was conducted in 34 counties and in six cities. The count listed 5440 Jewish families in contrast to 2430 in 1743, constituting an increase of 124%. Total number of souls was 20,000. (19). This law weighed heavily upon the Jews of Hungary for about one hundred years.

The authorities also found it difficult to enforce the law as evidenced by a document in the county written in Latin and quite unusual in its tone and content: “…The Jews who lived in or circulate in this area are constantly on the go. They have no fixed places of abode and therefore….there is no reliable information with regard to their number, the taxes and the tolerance tax. The estate owners have come to realize that despite their coming and going, the Jews have caused great damage wherever they may be and have brought about an impoverishment of the nation for which they should be banished from the interior parts of their property”. (20).

It is clear that the writer of this letter had dipped his pen in venom. He was motivated by hostility and a hatred which were certainly exceptional in those days. It is almost certain that as a result of the problems and calamities in Poland on the eve of the partition of that country, there was an increase in the flight of Jews from there to Hungary, yet, the tax collector in Újhely wrote in 1770 that despite an intensive and painstaking search, he was unable to locate any Polish Jewish refugees. (21).

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Can that be possible? It could be that the toleration tax imposed on the Jews was not necessarily related to this outburst of anti-Semitism. In dealing with the matter of taxes in 1769, the Mixed Commission came to certain objective conclusions, as couched in the minutes in Latin: “…The Jews who reside in this county (Zemplén) are so mobile that it is impossible to fix any certainties regarding them in the census… They are for the most part engaged in operating taverns and in distilling brandy and it would, therefore, be desirable to check them once again in order to assure a just sharing of the tax burden…” (22)

Nevertheless, the great majority of the county's Jews earned their livelihood by hard work. The few exceptional cases were more prominent such as the owner of a 26-hold (70 hold equals 100 acres) vineyard at Bodrogkeresztur. (23) There was also the case of the seventeen Jews in Hegyalja who reached agreement among themselves (1764) that the price of each itce (about half a litre) of brandy would be eight poltura, no more, no less. Since it was customary for the local authorities to fix prices, the Jews submitted the text of their agreement, written in Hungarian, to the sub-prefect. The latter, finding the agreement perfectly legal, signed it and added his seal. It may be assumed that the agreement had been drawn up in Hebrew as well. The text provided that anyone who violated the agreement would be obliged to pay six guldens to the county treasury and an equal amount to the Bodrogkeresztur kehilla (organized Jewish community) to cover expenses and fine. Most of the signatories were Jews from Bodrogkeresztur with a few from other places including the village of Szegi in Hegyalja. The agreement was to be in effect for three years and its purpose was to prevent uncontrolled competition. It turned out that the Jewish lessee in Szegi did violate the agreement and when this became known, the other signatories sought to compel him to pay the twelve guldens. He refused, whereupon he was forbidden to set foot in the synagogue, kosher food was not sold to him and he was in general boycotted. His fellow Jews refused to talk to him or to members of his family. Apparently the man complained to his patroness, the Baroness Kassay and she intervened on behalf of “her Jew”. The district magistrate (szolgabiro) wrote to the Jews of the district ordering them to desist from bothering the man. That was not the end of the matter, however. The Jews who had been the victims of their colleague's action, had connections with the Aspermont family and the manager of their estate wrote to the district magistrate to the effect that he should negotiate with the sub-prefect who “should not think that the agreement was subject to violation”. The dispute continued for some time. The guilty party did express a willingness to pay the fine to the county treasury, but he absolutely refused to make payment to the

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Kehilla. When it was suggested that all the signatories in Bodrogkeresztur should pay the fine, they reported that they had not broken the agreement.

Twelve years elapsed; several of the parties to the agreement passed away, and the affair became even more complex. The district magistrate had at first sided with the Baroness and the Jew from Szegi but under pressure from other influential magnate who supported the other side, he was unable to continue in his original stand and turned to the sub-prefect requesting: “written instruction if I must punish the man or refrain from doing so”. From this point on, the old records are obliterated and there is no longer any way of ascertaining how the affair ended or, if it came to any conclusion at all.

At any rate, the incident provided evidence that dozens of Jewish lessees were active in Mad and in Tolcsva. A synagogue was established in Bodrogkeresztur in 1767 and another in Mad in 1771. The Jews were well able to fight for their own interests and knew how to utilize their connections with the nobility. The beginnings of community organization can already be detected in the third quarter of the eighteenth century. h)

Census of the Jews took place in 1770-1 but not simultaneously in all districts; hence it is impossible to obtain a uniform and comprehensive picture of the situation. Certain clear trends were becoming obvious, for example, that a local Jewish community was becoming firmly established in the villages at Hegyalja. Only one new Jew had arrived there the previous year; the remained had lived in the region for years and some had even been born there. The nature of their occupations had not changed but from the amount of taxes which they paid, it appears that their economic circumstances had improved somewhat. The name of the first rabbi in Zemplén, Rabbi Moshe Wahl Littman, is revealed in the 1771 census. (25) He lived in his own home, in itself an exceptional circumstance since, in the entire Hegyalja area, only eleven Jews lived in homes which they owned. (26) It would appear, therefore, that Zemplén county followed a liberal policy toward its Jews in that it enabled them to acquire real estate – a matter in which it preceded other counties in the state. In 1763 permission was given to a certain citizen in Újhely, with the approval of the proprietor of the estate, to build his home on a plot whose location was defined in relation to the homes of neighbours. “To the north is the home of the Jew Herschkovics” the text reads. (27) The home of this person, already familiar to us, was an established fact and known for some time. This was not a sudden shift in policy. A record in 1774 indicates that the manager of the estate in Regecz-Patak allocated ground for a Jewish school (zsido oskola). Since it was not until the days of Emperor Joseph II that regulations were drawn up making education compulsory for all, including the Jews, it is hardly feasible that the school

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referred to was for the teaching of the German or Hungarian tongues, or mathematics. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that this was a kind of heder, or Talmud Torah, or yeshiva. This would be still another indication of the emergence of a kehilla establishment. Even more, the city of Újhely allotted a plot “for the needy Jewish teacher”, so that he could erect his home there. The earliest tombstone in the old cemetery was erected in 1760 but it is no longer possible to decipher what was inscribed on it. (28)

Economic stability, improved settlement conditions and the attitude of the local authorities all provided a suitable background for the formation of kehillas. It is interesting to note that even before information is available regarding the setting up of a kehilla, evidence is found of the establishment of a Hevra kaddisha (holy burial society). The first was founded in Mad in 1769 although 1793 is recorded in the society's records as the year of its establishment. Its name was Ner L'maor (candle for the heavenly radiance). (29) The regulations of the society include all the clauses necessary for the activity of the group, among them membership fees, requirements for acceptance of members, procedures for election of the direct rate, duties of the functionaries, financial management, obligation of members to participate in the meetings and finally, methods to amend these clauses or add new ones in the future.

It may be safely assumed that the Jews established their kehilla before setting up the Hevra Kaddisha and on this basis it would appear the there was a kehilla in Újhely as well since, according to the record book of the society, a Hevra Kaddisha was created there in 1772 by the city's first rabbi, Naphtali Ben Shimshon, known as Hamochiach (the preacher). Unlike most communities which held annual elections for officers of the burial society on the traditional anniversary of the death of Moses, this society held its elections on the anniversary of the death of their beloved rabbi, the Preacher. A candle in his memory was lit in the synagogue and one of the members said the Kaddish and recited the memorial prayer, El Maleh Rachamim. Contributions were pledged in his memory. Rabbi Naphtali had been the one wo had drawn up the original regulations but these have not been preserved and the regulations which survived are those re-written in 1806 by Rabbi Zvi Ben Yehuda, who was later to become head of the rabbinical court in Mattersdorf, western Hungary. Nothing more is known about him. The old record book of the society bear the signatures entered in 1772 of thirteen dignitaries of the kehilla; among them Meir Ben Rabbi Aharon of Prague. The latter, incidentally was the only one who indicated his place of origin.

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Rabbi Zvi copied the regulations in alphabetical order, that is to say, according to the first letter of each paragraph. Among the principle clauses are those dealing with general moral commandments, visiting the sick, charity, maintenance of a list of the deceased, comforting mourners, the study of the holy writings in honour of the soul of the deceased, proper ritual care of the body and selection of functionaries. The record book was begun in 1814. Twenty years later, new regulations were drawn up to strengthen internal controls and these include practical aspects for administration of the society's affairs. In principle, these are similar to the regulations in Mad, with special emphasis on bookkeeping and detailed specification of the duties of the community leaders.

The record book is artistically decorated with large letters on the cover. Inside is the quotation: “This is the gate of the Lord, the righteous shall enter into it”. On page three is a drawing divided into three parts: the upper showing two lion cubs holding a black panel on which the above quotation is repeated; the middle – another panel bearing a legend identifying the society in Újhely by name and dated 1812, the year the book was prepared; the lower – depicting a sick and elderly man lying in bed surrounded by six Jews. One is holding his hand, one is praying from a prayer book, three others are standing by with woeful countenances and the sixth is sending a lad outside, possibly to summon a minyan to be present for the impending death. The following page is also divided into separate parts depicting, in order, an empty bed, four Jews dealing with the deceased at whose head is a lit candle while a weeping woman is alongside; two men preparing the coffin; a crowd escorting the body and finally, the cemetery in which a grave is being dug. The notebook also contains the first Hebrew poem written in Zemplén, a dirge on the death of the rabbi, the “Preacher” who passed away in 1772, the year the Hevra Kaddisha was established and its first regulations drawn up. The poem ends with expression of a yearning for Zion and the first letter of each of the final lines spells out the name of the rabbi. (30)

Beginning with the middle of the eighteenth century, Újhely gradually began to assume a position of great importance. The centre of activity in the county which had been in Patak, was transferred to Újhely in 1748. In 1754 the county building (varmegyehaza) was constructed there and the city became the capital of the county. The growth of the city was accompanied by the development of the Jewish community as well. A hospital was built there in 1783, apparently on the initiative of the Hevra Kaddisha. It is not known where the Jews gathered for prayer but the first synagogue was built in 1790. This building was much later located in the yard of the large status quo synagogue and its walls inclined against the back of the former city hall. Earlier, the ground had been part

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of the estate of Baron Sennyei and the structure had served for grain storage. The memory of the old building was preserved on a plaque bearing the above date which was affixed to the wall of the new synagogue. The size of the building gives some indication of the development of the community. The old house of worship remained standing until 1887. When it was demolished, underground cells were discovered and it is believed that a monastery or perhaps a prison existed there previously. (31) A geography book published during that period refers to the fact that: “the Jews here (Újhely) have a fairly large synagogue”. The book adds that: “many Jews live in Mad and in Tallya; the Greeks and the Jews carry on the trade. In Varanno there are many Catholics and others; a large number of Jews are to be found there”. (32)

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