[Col. 417]

1919 rushed along. The war was over. An independent Poland emerged. Many Warsaw families that had moved into the small surrounding towns because of the war now returned to the city. One day my father came home with good news. He had talked with his acquaintance from 17 Wolinski St., who was a tailor for a menswear business: he would take me on as an apprentice. We lived at 4 Karmelicka St., only a few steps from 17 Wolinski.

One Sunday morning, my father took me to the tailor's, on the first floor of the building. A maid opens the door. The apartment consists of a kitchen, two rooms, an antechamber, and a large room where the master tailor ate and slept. The last room was the location of the workshop, where the tailor worked with his three apprentices. They sat me down in a corner. A new world unspooled before me. Each one was absorbed in his own work. However, they sent a few words my way, greeting the new apprentice. Eight days later, one of the workers took me along to the Needleworkers' Union's headquarters at 2–4 Rymarska St. He brought me to two young folks who would enroll me in the youth wing of the Union.

The Needleworkers' Union at 2–4 Rymarska was like a buzzing beehive: large sitting rooms on the first floor, with tall windows and long benches. It was smoky, packed full of people. Every room and every corner were occupied with professional meetings. However, to the right at the top of the stairs, separated by wooden partitions, the technical secretaries and administrative staff were sitting. Theirs was a real domain. Professional committees and workshop delegations were called. The crowd argued and gesticulated with great gusto and excitement. They split into large and small groups by the windows, on the stairs, in the courtyard, on the street. Various topics were discussed: workplaces, wages, harassment by employers, partial strikes. My 13–year–old ears were exposed to snatches of phrases that later became clear to me thanks to the workers in the workshops, as well as on the street.

I hear words:

The victorious Russian Revolution, Lenin, Red Army, sailors of Kronstadt, Czar, Kerensky, the politicals from Siberia, council of peasants and workers, the Second International, the Third International.^[1] These were the political discussions. The professional discussions were focused in various committees: some members had not dealt wisely enough with a owner–worker conflict. There were more than enough professional committees: Men's stores, private men's tailors, women's stores (or okrycje, as it was referred to), women's private tailors, furriers, cap–makers, milliners,

[Col. 418]

underwear makers, military garb, hat–makers, etc. These were the main sections. The workers' movement was shifting into full swing, after becoming legal for the first time in Polish history. Like dammed–up water once the dam breaks, overflowing all the banks, different society activities reached boiling point.

All the political parties, once whispered about in secret at home, now found expression in the Union. The parties sent their best agitators, their best speakers. When one is tired, and there is nowhere to sit down, there is a square across the way, separating Rymarska from Senatorska. The square has a tub–shaped fountain full of water; dozens of people can sit on the rim. This tub is the young folks' favorite spot. Here people become acquainted, are invited to join groups. Everything is so different, so new. People introduce each other: This is comrade Berek, make his acquaintance! You hold out your hand, bow a bit, and state your name. A warm feeling runs through your body, and the conversation flows as though you've known each other for a very long time.

And here they are: Adek Likhtenshtayn of the cap–makers, a pale boy in white wire–rimmed glasses; Froyml Pinkert, a short, stocky fellow with a quick mind; Yulek (Yoel Lazebnik) from the women's store (I later found out that he lived around the same courtyard^[2] as me, in the first–floor entrance); Hershl Goldfinger, Anke Kader, Sara Eplboym, Edzja Przeticki – all underwear–makers – and dozens and dozens of young people. Their blue or brown eyes radiant, they were drawn here from cellars and attic apartments, from the large, impoverished Warsaw courtyards. Here, these young beings learn about new concepts: man can forge a new world, a happy world for everyone, without want and poverty; and the ideas that others dreamed about and were exiled to Siberia–or executed–become a reality; after all, these ideas have already taken over one–sixth of the Earth.

We haven't completely assimilated this doctrine yet, but belonging to a group that is creating a new world appeals to us.^[3] Everything has been set down in books. Some of us are readers, and come to the square with a book under their arm. The book is picked up, the title page is read, and a conversation begins about the book, the author. Everything is so new, and the young heart yearns for it like a plant yearns for the sun. People are envious of those who read and can talk about Literature, Jewish and non–Jewish.

On Saturday, a group is convened in the Union building. Twenty or twenty–five people climb the crooked stairs up to the patseyatka.^[4] Twenty or twenty–five young people sit around a small table. There is a speaker named Bernholtz. They talk about a book by

[Col. 419]

S. Dikshteyn, titled “How People Make A Living.”^[5] A discussion develops, and someone asks the speaker: Is it true that there is no God? A shiver runs through my body, my throat tightens, I am sure that there will soon be a thunderclap and the entire house will be swallowed up. I go on listening for 3–5 minutes more, the speaker responds, nothing happens. The conversation turns to another topic. There are some more questions and answers. The group laughs. Only when we were back in the street was I able to breathe freely and deeply.

It was coming up on May 1.^[6] The guys in the workshop were talking about the red flag. The youth section of the Union prepared to rouse young and old. In my own way, I absorbed the little brochure “How People Make a Living.” I was flooded with new concepts: class warfare, surplus value, demands, offers, and so many new names, fighters for Socialism.

My father could no longer force me to go to synagogue and pray. This led to many fights at home. Mother, that warm and tender soul, minimized and smoothed everything over.

The workshop rang with songs for May 1: “The Scarlet Flag,” “To the Barricades,” “The Internationale,” “The Oath,” “The Marseillaise,” and songs by Edelshtat and Bovshover.^[7]

And now it is May 1. The sky is clear and mild. Windows are flung open and the city is fragrant with holiday sincerity. It is a newly adopted holiday that belongs to the workers, different from all the earlier, beautiful, traditional Jewish holidays. This is why people walk differently, straighten their backs, gaze more boldly. We march to Theater Square. Red banners, some inscribed; someone throws out slogans, and the crowd echoes “Viva!” Songs, each more rousing than the other. How accurate the song rings: “When your strong arm wills it, all the wheels fall quiet.”^[8]

A sea of people and flags fills Theater Square. The Polish workers are the proudest. Rumor is that they come from the large metal factories. Here are tram and train operators. Rows of Jewish workers have minor altercations with Polish nationalists on Karmelicka and Leszno, Dzika and Nowolipki.^[9] The bloody May 1 events, with casualties, only happened later. At that time, the May 1 celebration was successful. After listening to the speeches at Theater Square, the rows of workers marched to different neighborhoods, and eventually returned to their own establishments, where they dispersed.

Terrible inflation was looming. This week workers earned several thousand marks each, which bought very little. There are demands for wage increases, strikes occur. The owners will not yield, and there are negotiations; Rosenboym, the Union official, comes to our workshop to speak to the owner. Tall, in a Scout hat, with a briefcase under his arm, he looks like a government minister, and the workers hang on his every word.^[10] The owner hesitates: the big businesses he depends on don't want losses either. Yet he yields, after long negotiations that last for days. However, just as the workers' wages rise and reach millions, prices rise even higher. Now Rozenboym dares to demand a wage raise for the apprentice. The owner leaps up: What? For him as well? The workers support the idea. He is our comrade.

My young heart was filled with exaltation and gratitude! It was so good to feel

[Col. 420]

that I was the equal of the others. I began to understand the lesson about the working class, I felt like a junior member of a great and important social family, in which members stick up for each other.

And when I made deliveries, along with the master craftsman, to the large department stores – to Faltenberg on Swietojerska and Nalewki, across from Krasinski Park, or to other store–owners on Swietojerska and Marszalkowska, opposite the Vienna train station, I would see them with the eyes of a worker who is aware and knows about class warfare. The bravery that was part of the revolutionary songs at work was now expressed in the looks I directed at them.

Work at the shop was over. People couldn't buy clothes because of the high cost of living. On the other hand, there was a lot of work for the military. People were talking about Pilsudski's march on Kiev, saying that Poland should extend from sea to sea.^[11] Anti–Semitic holerchikes appear in the streets.^[12] Jewish beards are cut off, along with some flesh. The Union at Rymarska 2–4 is in its last days. This is clear in the serious glances of the leadership members. There are no more stormy mass meetings. The fervor of the discussions was abruptly gone. A kind of secrecy and tension became part of the Union's life. At our last evening meeting we spoke of various governmental demands concerning the professional movement and the proletarian class in general, about Pilsudski, leading his army eastward, and the high–ranking French army officers, headed by General Weygand, that were occupying Warsaw. We also discussed riots and excesses by the infuriated army, as well as a pogrom in Lemberg.^[13] Finally, we young folks went down to the corner of Senatorska Street, where a restaurant patronized by high society adjoined the Union building. In the center of the restaurant, surrounded by small tables and unusual small lamps, stood a gazebo–like structure where live music was played every night. We stood on the street around the barbed–wire fence with its climbing vines, and drank in the music. There was still no radio at that time, and listening to good music was quite an event. That was the last night at 2–4 Rymarska. The next morning, the Union building was locked, along with all the buildings of the other Unions that constituted the core of the labor movement in Warsaw and throughout Poland.

Like a nightmare, the war initiated by Pilsudski's Legions against the U.S.S.R. overtook Warsaw. Special regulations, police raids, executions. Being on the street after dark was prohibited. Military patrols locked down entire neighborhoods, searching courtyard after courtyard for deserters. Deserters were sentenced to death. The war was not widely popular. Anti–Semitic incitement was stimulated to the highest possible level, in order to bewilder the soldiers. Zhid–komuna, Zhid–bolshevik,and other ditties mocking the Jewish soldiers led to the events at Jablonna. This was a military internment camp, where exclusively Jewish soldiers were sent.^[14] The location became especially notorious due to the disaster, caused by the military authorities, to a train packed with Jewish soldiers; dozens were killed or wounded in this incident.^[15]

The workshops labored for the front. The terms fought for by the Union were abolished; once again, work continued until late at night, often all night long, with the explanation that the goods had to be supplied. But contacts among the young folk continued, to some extent. During free time, we would meet at 39 Gęsia.

[Col. 421]

We even established a drama club at the home of one of our comrades, and mounted several one–act plays with the primitive means we had at our disposal.

The high point was when the Red Army neared the gates of Warsaw. The government drafted young and old, and took us to dig trenches. Our sector was Grabow. Afterwards, we heard that the combined French–English General Command had, with North American help, broken though the Red Army front. This victory became known by the bombastic term “Miracle on the Vistula.”^[16]

After the peace treaty was signed, the special regulations were rescinded, and the organized workers' movement gradually re–emerged. The Needleworkers' Union opened at 1 Leszno, and once again there was a youth section. We were happy to return to the organization, filled with energy for new projects. There was an economic depression: we worked for short seasons, the owners paid with promissory notes. The workers could respond only by striking. In fact, there were major strikes; the country was agitated, the proletariat of the big cities, the impoverished peasants, the population on the large estates – all joined the fight, and the government behaved as usual. It used the police and the law courts. The reactionaries, the clergy, the entire fascist, anti–Semitic machine was active. “Grabski's wagon” was busy, confiscating even household linens as a penalty for unpaid taxes.^[17]

In spite of the economic and political attacks by the black National–Democratic party, social–cultural Jewish life revived.^[18] Warsaw became the center of schools, newspapers, theater, literature, and dozens of other expressions of Jewish cultural activity in postwar Poland. At the same time, however, there were prisons in which the best young Poles who had dreamed of and fought for a free and anti–Fascist Poland were incarcerated.

We founded the “Debs” club (named for the North American anti–war activist Eugene Debs), headed by Mendl Skrobek.^[19] Every Saturday morning, we would gather in the Paper–workers' Union at 16 Pawia Street. The crowd was mixed, and included members of other Unions besides the needle–workers. We studied the

[Col. 422]

“Erfurt Program” as well as a course on historical materialism.^[20]

Mendl Skrobek sparked feelings of love and respect. His very clothing – dark gray suit, white shirt and black fedora, always neat and elegant – exemplified the way a young worker should conduct himself. His girlfriend Sara inspired us in the same way. This led us, some time later, to form a cordial group of young people, under the pseudonym “Moshelekh.”^[21] Meanwhile, we gathered with friends for small parties. Our youthful spirits found its best expression in picnics, or in long hikes to Skaryszewski Park, across the Vistula, in the Praga district. During the long winter nights, we enjoyed going to admire the opera. This meant buying three tickets for 15 or 20 guys.

One of the “Moshelekh” groups with the teacher Zolotow

The everyday issues that filled our young world were now increased by a new and pressing matter for discussion; this soon became an international problem. These were the 21 points specified by the Third International, submitted to the Socialist parties as a basis for unification.^[22] This was discussed everywhere: at 9 Przejazd, where the Bund had its kitchen; at 23 Karmelicka, where the Po'alei Tziyon had its kitchen; at 49 Leszno, where the United Jewish Socialists were based, and at all the professional Unions. The discussions actually focused on the position towards the Russian proletariat and its successful revolution. The theoretician Vladimir Medem dealt with the 21 points as part of the Bund's “Life Issues.” He claimed that the Jewish proletariat could accept only 16 of these points. He was countered heatedly by Kalmen Kamashnmakher, who maintained that only 19.5 of the points could be accepted. But the adherents to all 21 points were not allowed to speak, and had to content themselves with specially circulated leaflets.

Our working youth, most of whom had not gone through school systematically because of the war years, satisfied their thirst for knowledge and education thanks to these sources.

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The groups were therefore very serious–minded, scorning young people who went dancing, as well as girls who painted their lips and fingernails. As I noted earlier, the model was the “Moshelekh” group led by Zolotow. They dressed in somber, but clean, clothes, with a white collar and a book under the arm. They loved to gather at the evening classes on 32 Swietojerska, which was a a high school during the day. The group consisted of the sisters Sara and Gutshe Apelboym, Edja and Hannahle Przeticka (now living in Montevideo), the lovely Ruzhka Friling, Bronka Zoyberman, Fela Weinreich, Mates Ber Nabel, and five or six more young folks.

Here, at the evening classes at 32 Swietojerska, during free time after classes on history, natural science, literature, and arithmetic – especially on Saturdays – discussions for or against the 21 points continued. Ninety percent of the young people were carried away by the broad range of the arguments put forth by the teachers Zolotow, Faynsilber, Kaplan (a university student) and the lame teacher Julian. In the course of the discussions, young workers emerged who expressed themselves incisively, such as Adek Likhtenshteyn, Gitele Rapoport (who had just been released from Pawiak)^[23], Hershl Goldfinger, Froyml Pinkert, and dozens of other young people who were sent to be active in the provincial towns in order to win over the young people.

The Komtsukunft was created.^[24] Of course, the police soon drove the classes out of 32 Swietojerska, but in our striving for education we started holding evening classes at 68 Nowolipki, on the third floor, where a Folkshul operated during the day.^[25] However, after a few months of activity our evening classes were closed again. That was when we felt the impact of truly being an illegal youth organization. A new type of clubs and subsections developed, with new assignments. We had to distribute the illegal literature. Dozens of members were caught and were given prison sentences of up to eight years. We participated in large strikes and demonstrations, and had to create a circle of speakers who would bring the message and political orientation of the organization to the clubs in Warsaw and the countryside, based on specific themes. Lectures were developed, and we would travel with them out of town, to places such as Grojets–Ger, Zyrardow, Falenica Otwock, and as far as Kaluszyn.

Among the various timely lectures, we developed one titled “Religious Opium for the People.” Some of our finest feats were pasting posters and hanging banners on the tram's electric wires. In groups of six or eight, keeping guard in the front and back, the pasters would go from one street to the next, with a cough or a soft whistle the only hint of their activity. Hanging banners with timely slogans was even more effective. The red flag waving from the tram wires over the street was a statement that the organization was alive, despite its illegitimacy.

This was the technique for hanging flags and banners: a stone was tied to a string and thrown over the overhead tram wires. The other end of the string was fastened to the flag with a pincer clip that had four anchor–shaped hooks. When one of the hooks caught on a wire, the string was pulled and torn away, and the banner remained hanging. One of the guys would draw away the string while the others kept watch at a distance.

Meanwhile, a commotion would begin in the street. People ran to notify the closest policeman, the special tram–wire repair vehicle was called out,

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the trams were at a standstill and people emerged from the cars to see what had happened. The banner slogans were read; the most popular ones were “Food and work,” “Amnesty for political prisoners,” “Against the labor battalions at the borders,”^[26] etc.

* * *

My sister Nomtshe was two years younger than me. She went to work in a knitting workshop, and joined a group in that union. One evening, when I was at home, I saw my sister Naomi preparing pots of glue in the kitchen with her friends. As I was free that evening, I joined them on the street as they pasted posters. With typical youthful enthusiasm, she threw herself into the work. These were two years of various social assignments and wonderful excursions.

This Nomtshe, 18 years old, slender and blond, with sky–blue eyes and rosy cheeks, her braids arranged in a crown atop her head, contracted tuberculosis, the proletarian disease. After some time in the hospital on Czysta Street, my sister Naomi died. The youth organization summoned its members to the funeral, and something very unusual for Jewish funerals occurred: the organization sent flowers. When the procession started off from the Czysta hospital through Kerceli Square, the hearse driver turned on to the embankment to go to the Jewish cemetery of Gesia. At this point young people sprang up, halted the horses, and demanded that the driver go through Leszno and pass by the Textile–workers' Union at 15 Karmelicka. When he refused, the guys simply pushed him off the hearse. Comrade Poncziak (now in Buenos Aires) took the reins and drove the hearse to the Textile–workers' Union. Of course, the cemetery was already full of police. No one was allowed at the burial except closest friends.

* * *

The daily emergence of new problems limited the activity of the young folks. Their instinct was to stride out into life, but they felt they lacked knowledge. This was aggravated by the torture of unemployment; any job obtained was short–term and seasonal. Young people came to Warsaw from all over. Some people left Warsaw to go elsewhere, mainly to Paris or the Americas. Our “labor exchange” on Leszno, between Karmelicka and Przejazd, was our unofficial club–whenever we had free time, day or night, summer or winter, whatever the weather. Along the 200 meters of this street people greeted each other with a slight glance, a gleam of the eye, and a barely noticeable smile. When a comrade emerged from prison and walked through Lesz, only his comrades' eyes expressed their high regard and good wishes.^[27] Here, while walking back and forth on Leszno in the rain, when taking shelter under arches, instructions were passed on. From here, people went to their posts to receive and distribute literature, here was where processions and demonstrations were planned, as well as walks to the Vistula or in Skaryszewski Park. Here, by the Vistula, free of unfriendly eyes, near the lights reflected on the water, our youthful fantasy transported us to a future new and free Poland. All, all of us were sure that

[Col. 425]

we would live to see it, that just within our grasp were the signs of the coming revolution. And groups or 15 or 20 young people were inspired to very softly sing a song, or one of the women would sing a new song created by the Polish proletariat. Parodies of popular themes were favorites.

Once, as I arrived on Leszno, I was told that I had been elected as a delegate of the Needle–workers' Union youth section to a convention of the Polish Scouting Organization, a student and scouting association influenced by the PPS, but increased political awareness gradually prepared the ground for a leftist orientation of this organization. They were preparing for their convention, and decided to counter the votes of the PPS by inviting representatives of the youth sections in the professional unions.^[28]

It was a glorious summer Sunday as we left for Katshe–Dul.^[29] A PPS children's camp was set up deep in the forest. Having showed our credentials, we started looking around. There were many familiar faces: Gutek (Stakh) and I came from the Needle–workers' Union, Ramet and Meir from the Leather–workers' Union, Itche (the Dark) and another comrade from the Leather–workers' Union, Khayim and Leibele from the Textile–workers' Union, young folks employed in lumber and commerce,

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young Poles representing their unions, which Jewish workers could not join. This impressive assembly of young Polish workers and students represented the core of the Scouting Association. After a fine lunch, we were called to a clearing in the forest, where the convention's meetings began around a fire. The right–wingers complained about the invitation of representatives of the youth sections. A passionate discussion followed. The majority voted to first elect the convention's chairman. There were two candidates: a member of the PPS, and a representative of the Communist youth movement. The overwhelming majority voted in favor of a young member of the Communist group. Suddenly, a shot rang out, and whistles were heard from the forest. We were astonished to find ourselves surrounded by armed police. We started running to the children's camp, but were completely encircled. The entire convention was arrested. The next day, we were taken on trucks to the notorious political detention center on Danilowiczowska. There, we met other friends from our youth group, and heard that on the previous day, Sunday, the revolutionary labor activist Wiktor Bialy had been murdered on Leszno by the PPS's hit squads.

Translator's footnotes

1. The Yiddish adjective politishe, ‘politicals,’ likely refers to political prisoners. Return
2. Large urban apartment blocks in many European cities were built around a central courtyard, which served as a social space for the residents. Return
3. Interestingly, the writer uses the traditional Jewish term for the Five Books of Moses, toyre (Torah), for the secular, anti–religious doctrine. Return
4. I could not translate this term; the meaning might be similar to “attic.” Return
5. I could not identify this writer. Return
6. International Workers' Day, which was a major occasion for celebrations and demonstrations by leftists throughout Europe. Return
7. The first two songs are Russian; “The Internationale,” originally French, was adopted by socialist movements throughout the world; “The Oath” (di shvue) is the anthem of the Bund, the Jewish left–wing political organization that was a major force among Jews at the time. Dovid Edelshtat (1866–1892) and Yoysef Bovshover (1873–1915) were anarchist Yiddish poets active in the U.S. Return
8. This is a line from a Yiddish poem by the American Yiddish poet Menke Katz (1906–1991). Return
9. These were major streets of Warsaw's Jewish neighborhood. Return
10. The Polish Scout movement was a major social and educational organization. Return
11. Jozef Pilsudski (1867–1935) was Poland's Head of State at the time. In May 1920, Pilsudski's forces were instrumental in capturing Kiev from the Soviet forces, as part of his plan to create an anti–Soviet alliance with Ukraine. Return
12. I was unable to translate holerchikes. Return
13. The pogrom of 1918 in the city variously known as Lemberg or Lwow (currently Lviv) led to the death of as many as 150 Jews and was widely reported. Return
14. The Jablonna closed camp was set up in the summer of 1920. The military authorities ordered all Jewish volunteers, particularly officers, to the camp in a remote village north of Lodz, on the pretext that they were not yet ready for active service. Three thousand Jewish soldiers and officers were removed from their units and subjected to physical and mental hardship in the camp. After protests by Jewish leaders, as well as by Polish intellectuals, the camp was liquidated in September 1920, Return
15. The train ran off the rails, for unclear reasons. Return
16. These events, in August 1920, effectively halted the advance of the Soviet Army westward into Europe, and are often referred to as “the Battle of Warsaw” Return
17. The government vehicles transporting confiscated goods were nicknamed for Wladyslaw Grabski, the Polish Treasury Minister and Prime Minister, who instituted major economic and currency reform in Poland in the early 1920s; these reforms hit Jews especially hard. Return
18. This far–right political party militated against minorities. After 1919 it became the Popular National Union. The reference to ‘black’ is unclear –its members may have dressed in black, or were termed so by Jews because of their anti–Semitic ideology and practices. Return
19. Eugene V. Debs (1855–1926) was a famous American democratic socialist, political activist, and trade unionist, who was admired in European Socialist circles. Return
20. The Erfurt Program was adopted by the German Social–Democratic Party during its1891 congress in Erfurt, Germany. Return
21. The plural diminutive “–lekh” is added to the biblical name Moshe, which was often used to indicate “the common man.” Return
22. The “21 Conditions of Admission to the Third Communist International” (Comintern), were adopted by the Comintern in 1920. Return
23. Pawiak was a major prison facility in Moscow. Return
24. The Komtsukunft was the youth wing of the Jewish Communist Labor Bund in Poland, formed in 1922. Return
25. Folkshule were a network of secular, Socialist–oriented Jewish schools. Return
26. The Polish kresy is “borders,” which seems the best translation in this context. Return
27. “Lesz” is apparently slang for Leszno, one of the Jewish Quarter's main streets. Return
28. The PPS was the Polish Socialist Party. Return
29. I could not locate this place name. Return

Having been a knitter and an active member in the textile union since its beginning until its heyday, I feel it is my responsibility to write in the Chronicles of Warsaw about everything the Jewish textile workers achieved. Of course it won't be the complete history of the Warsaw Jewish Textile Workers' Union. Everything I write is based purely on my memory and as I remember our members who were activists and played a role in the textile union until 1923. It is possible I will omit the names of a few individuals. I hope they forgive me as I do it without any bad intentions. I either simply do not remember them or have forgotten their names.

[Col. 427]

The development of the Textile Union began, according to my memory in the years 1908-1909. A few informed workers began to talk and founded an exchange. Every line of business had its exchange on a different street; for example the knitters had their first exchange on narrow – Mila near Dzhike Street. (Under Czarism nobody dreamt of a legal union). The knitters met at the exchange every evening. Walking there and back they dealt with industry questions and events at the factory. For security reasons they would often change the location of the exchange; for example the knitters moved their location from narrow Mila to Muranovske, then to Dzhike and Shchtenshlive, and then Stavke. All the other textile professions did the same. The exchanges were like professional societies from which emerged partial and general strikes. Political parties recruited members from these exchanges. They would later become the foundation of the large Jewish Workers' parties.

As already mentioned, strikes would emerge from the exchanges. I remember a strike of the knitters that took a sharp stand. Given that the strike spoiled things, the factory owners hired underworld men to terrorize the strikers. Even though the owners were Jewish, it did not stop them from taking these ugly steps. It went so far that the strikers had to take measures against the underworld men; they communicated with other professions and a large group of workers came to a Café where the underworld men would gather and broke their bones. The next day they came to us and promised they would no longer be controlled by the factory owners and began to curse them. However the factory owners did not give up their fight against the workers. They went to the police to denounce the workers and

[Col. 428]

two workers were arrested and sent to Siberia until they were freed during the October Revolution. (As I remember one of them was called Shyke). These exchanges existed until 1915 when Warsaw was occupied by the German army.

As soon as the Germans occupied Warsaw all the activists – many of whom were already members of political workers' parties – came together and decided to form a general textile workers' union. If my memory does not fool me, the following founders represented their trades: From the lace makers, Simkha Shmikler and Lozer Mosie, Mendl Marzhan; From the knitters, Black Abba, Khane, Shmerl, black Nosn, Yudl Furman and Yitzkhak Yakubovitch; From the sock makers, Yelen and Yekhiel Bron; From embroiderers, Noyekh, the tall Meylekh and Meylekh Esdek. (MeylekhFaynkind was killed during the uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto. He was a leader and organizer of the fighters from the left Labour Zionists).

The Jewish textile workers in Warsaw could not as yet collect a few Marks to rent a place for the union. (It was still valid law that families of “Reservists” did not pay rent, and could get an apartment for a few Marks). We held the meetings in private homes. The first meeting was held in the home of Khane Shtriker at 31 Stavke Street in a small room without any benches to sit on, without gas or electricity. We sat on the floor with an oil lamp and decided to establish a textile union. The members mentioned above made up the founding committee and we immediately began to think about what we had to do in order to improve and ease the difficult situation of the textile workers. With the arrival of the Germans, all industry ceased and hunger now ruled in the workers' homes. Our committee communicated with the workers' kitchens ([which were] founded by the Bund, with which the majority of our committee

[Col. 429]

were already associated), who gave us some ration cards for cheap and free lunches which eased the hardship of hunger for a large number of workers and their families.

Coming into contact with a large number of workers helped to bring more members into our union. After some time we moved to the residence of another member at 48 or 50 Paviye Street. The organizing work was growing quickly and soon we had to find a larger apartment. Together with the paper exchange, we rented a large apartment with a few rooms at 16 Paviye Street. Here we began to prepare for the first general founding meeting which took place in the large hall of the Jewish community at 26 Grzybowska Street on the first floor. We must state the fact that the meeting was a surprise for those on the initiative committee as they did not expect the hall to be so packed with

A Jewish Knitting Factory Warsaw 1912

At the first meeting they began to consolidatethe already organized trades. The first were the embroiderers who at a well attended meeting chose a committee comprised of the following members: Lozer, Moyse, Meylekh, Hodes, Itke, Yitzkhak Oyg, Mendl

[Col. 430]

Morzhan, and Simkhe the Boss (a name his friends gave him for keeping order at the locale and guarding the furniture. He educated the members on how to maintain cleanliness and treat the property with respect).

The second trade was the knitters, a profession that was then almost entirely in Jewish hands. The knitters were already organized at an exchange and came in large numbers to the above mentioned meeting. The following were elected to the committee: Abba Flug, Khone Goldberg, Shmerl, Yitzkhak from Katz's factory, Tenenboym from Ptashnik's factory, Idl Forman, the black Nosn, Yitzkhak Yakubovitch and one more whose name I don't remember. This profession was already not totally Jewish; however, the Jewish workers organized a union. The elected committee was comprised of, as I remember, the comrades Yekhiel Bron, Moishe Yelen, Idl Greenblat, and a few others, some of whom now live in Israel.

The machine-embroidery profession was predominantly in Jewish hands. This complicated work demanded years of practice. These workers were better paid and well organized. The following were elected to their committee: Noyekh, Meylekh, Alter, Shimon, Toybche and a few others. All the previously mentioned comrades were the first active builders of the large textile union.

All the elected trade committees began intensive work. They went from factory to factory as well as to the homes of the workers in order to bring them into the union's ranks. There was little work in all the professions and all our activists had to find ways to earn their bread. Notwithstanding the many difficulties

[Col. 431]

people worked enthusiastically for the union.

When the above trades were consolidated, the general administration began to organize the other trades that belong to the textile industry such as weavers, cotton- woolmakers, rag sorters, wool rippers, underwear and shirtmakers, and hand embroiderers as well as a youth section.

It was hard to organize the hand embroiderers. This profession belonged to the workers and the entrepreneurs – women, and both were comprised of the “Best”. They saw themselves as “aristocrats” and they did not speak Yiddish, only Polish. They did not want to join the union, not recognizing how great the exploitation was in their profession. However the activists from the union went to the small factories and succeeded in bringing some of these female workers into the union. After some propaganda, a meeting was called and some of these women were voted onto the already existing embroidery committee. Later, more small factories joined the union and became an organized branch of the embroidery trade.

The lace maker's committee began to organize the yarn and thread workers. This profession emerged during the war and remained in the hands of religious Jews. Most of the workers were women. This also proved to be difficult. The factory owners did not allow representatives of the union into their factories. They called the police and even asked for the representatives to be arrested. But the owners themselves had to get those arrested released. Ignoring all the difficulties, they organized this trade and assigned Avrom Volf, Hodes and one woman to the lacemaker's committee.

The curious thing was the cotton trade which was in Jewish hands. The workers and the owners were older Hasidic Jews. The would stop their meetings Friday evening and when it was time to begin the evening prayer, they would all pray together in the union hall. Often, the workers and the directors would pray in one house and go to the same Rebbe (Hasidic Rabbi). The small cotton factories were in cellars, without air or light. They had to work with oil lamps. Here we must stress the fact that surprisingly, the cotton makers with the long beards displayed courage and willingness to fight and organize; they came to the union in good will and helped organize these small factories. It is worthwhile to recount this characteristic episode. When a representative from the union and two members from the cotton committee went to a factory owner about the demands, it turned out that the owner and one of the committee members went to the same Rebbe. The following dialogue took place between them. The owner turned to the worker and said these words: “Reb Yankl, you became a leader among the sinful Jews, with the socialists? – how could you go the Rebbe?” Then the worker who had a stately appearance and a long beard answered with these words: “Listen here Moishe Dovid. You say they are sinners and the like. I'm asking you, the fact they are helping us to earn a piece of bread for our families, is that not a good deed? Don't our teachings say: Who ever helps another Jew live, earns a place in the world to come? This is what they want,

[Col. 432]

to help us earn a living for our families! So Moishe Dovid, don't they have a better chance than us in a world to come? And you call them sinful.”

This is how the pious Hasidim defended their representatives. We have to admit that among them there were no strike breakers. They guarded the factories when there were strikes and brought exactly the amount asked from them for union dues.

Two professions were difficult to organize: rag sorters, who never dreamed of reaching the level of belonging to society and being seen as equal to other trades in the workers' union, and the “woolers”, a trade that developed during the war years under the German occupation. The knitters lacked wool, so Jews created a trade of buying old hand knitted sweaters, ripping them and saving the wool. They used the wool to knit new sweaters. The rag sorters and the woolers lived in the poorest Jewish neighbourhood, on Smotche, Genshe and Volinske Streets. They were socially very backward, and spoke the language of the underworld. It was very hard work to get them organized. Abba Flug prevailed upon the activists with this argument: “We should never say we can't approach them. If,” he said , “we say we must approach, we will approach”. And so it was. The activists went to the small factories and brought the female workers to the union. They were organized as a trade. The administration decided to place a representative on their committee, and together began an intensive work to morally lift these workers while improving their economic situation.

The administration did not omit any branch of the textile industry, no matter how small. This is how the women embroiderers, decorators of women's dresses, got organized .

Woolen underwear makers were the last to join the textile worker's union. Previously theybelonged to the: “Central” union of Leshne Street. In accordance with the vote of the directors of the textile union, Comrade Nosn carried out negotiations with the woolen underwear trade. Their secretary was Isar Goldberg (now in North America). After some discussion they decided to join the textile union.

Having brought all related trades into the textile union, the administration began to deal with economic improvements in all the branches while strengthening the organization of the factories. It should be stressed we won all the demands presented at almost all the factories.

There were also instances that we turned to the Polish textile union on Volske Street offering friendly help for the Polish textile workers. The opportunistic P.P.S leaders of the textile union showed little interest in the situation of their members. The Polish textile workers in Warsaw worked for low wages

[Col. 433]

and did not have control over the factory workers. Our union was very helpful to the Polish workers in helping them organize, although they never reached the strength of our Jewish textile union. The Jewish factories were 'closed,' that is to say, if the factory owner needed a worker, he had to approach the factory delegate who went to the union who would send a registered member according to a strict order. The same occurred when firing a worker, which the owner could only do with the consent of the workers' union.

The union was at the time under the influence of the Bund, and took part in all political activities, both general and especially Jewish. All activities would result in educational discussions, since before and during the activities there would be lectures by representatives of all parties in the union (Bund, Labour Zionist, Social Democrats – and later on the Communist Party).The lectures were sometimes quite stormy but always educational.

The textile union was a distinguished cultural factor on the streets of the Jewish workers. The library, named for Avreyml Shtriker, was among the largest Jewish public libraries, which was created by the

[Col. 434]

efforts of all Jewish textile workers. Whoever brought a book or a few pennies was considered a very important person and was honoured by the textile library. Those most responsible for the growth of the library were Avrom Rosenfeld (killed by a Nazi airstrike in Moscow), Yankl Goldshteyn (died in 1953 in Buenos Aires), and the white Lozer. They gave their all to the library. Avrom Rosenfeld looked for books for the library in all the corners of Warsaw, even at the old paper merchants where he would sometimes find treasures. Nothing was too difficult for these men. Their only ambition was to improve and beautify the library. We must not forget the many reference workers, journalists, and distinguished literary figures that would come to the library for old newspapers, journals, brochures and books that were hard to find in older libraries.

A few times a week the cultural committee of the union presented lectures on political, literary and social topics. In general, the Jewish Textile Workers' Union on 15 Karmelitzke Street was the home of Jewish textile workers.

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The development of the Jewish Printers Union in Warsaw is one of the most interesting chapters in the history of the Jewish Labour Movement.

The history of the printers union is deeply rooted back in the time of dark Czarism. Already in the 80s and 90s of the previous [nineteenth] century, the printers held strikes and fought for a new world. We, the remaining printers, remember very well the veterans of our trade, like our comrades Yitzkhak Grushke (died 1926), Herman (died 1928) and Meir Berger who contributed so much during the difficult Czarist times. Beginning in the years 1880-1890, they organized the printer-

proletariat together with the entire workforce, [and] were wrapped up in the in the revolutionary gusto of 1905. There were efforts to establish legal professional organizations, but without success. Once again in 1911-1912 an illegal printers union was created. Among others the administration was comprised of the following members: Yanek Yankelevitch, Dovid Hendler, [and] Moishe Tirman. The illegal printers union had their exchange on Leszno Street between Karmelicka and Piesza Streets. The workers met there once a week. Due to security reasons it was later moved to Genshe Street between Nalewki and Dzhike. Sometimes there would be as many as 200 printers at a meeting. Due to the number of members they began to meet twice a week.

The union had the most influence on accidents. The less capable worked in the newspapers and the union often had to step in to settle a fight. The older workers were against abolishing piece work in favour of daily wages. With the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 the illegal printers union was wiped out. The reason was great unemployment and the dispersion of the workers.

The Printers Union was legalized during the war in 1915. There was no place to rent a locale [local union hall]. The union took over a small corner in the apartment of one of the members, Khaninah Feder. All union business was done there with the light of a small candle. At first the influx of members was weak, but with time we received more and more members. In 1916, when we were permitted to publish Yiddish newspapers like the “Yud” and “Haynt” and “Moment” the union obtained a good material base. They rented [space for] a locale on 42 Leszno Street. This locale too was very small, pitiful, but the mood of the members was tenacious.

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The Branching Out of Work

The following comprised the first administration of the Printers Union in 1915: Moishe Litvak, Khanine Feder, Binyomin Koshakevitch, Yankl Briliantsheyn, Lipe Filatovsky, Avrom Kelman and Moishe Shkliar.

Over the next number of years the following were elected : Y. Oldak, Moishe Bornshteyn, Kh. Bakhrakh, M. Berger, Y. Briliantshteyn, Y. Beroholtz, M. Banet, Y. Blayfeder, Sh. Goldman, M. Gutshteyn, G. Glizer, M. Groysboym, M. Goldberg, G. Gurfinkl, V. Glatmeser, B. Hekhtman, L. Hekhtman, Y.M Helfgot, D. Hendler, M. Vilensky, M. Vineberg, M. Vinetroyb, A. Vulman, V. Verktzeyg, M. Tirman, Y. Tchapnik, Y. Teneboym, y. Yoskovitch, Sh. Yezhor, Y. Lerukh, M. Litvak, Y. Levit, R. Lederman, Sh. Lev, V. Morgnshtern, M. Nomberg, M. Skliad, Y. Sobol, B. Erlikh, Kh. Feder, L. Filatovsky, B. Prezman, M.B. Klayner, A. Kaharodsky, H. Rosenberg, V. Shternfeld, M. Shapiro, Y.M. Shana, M. Shekhtman, A. Shpilkher.

From 1917 the chairmanship was held by Lozer Klog. The secretary was Comrade Shmoys. He was succeeded by Comrade B. Varshavsky and then R. Federman. In 1925 the first national conference of Jewish printers took place with the official founding of the “The Central Professional Union of Jewish Printers in Poland.” The union joined the Warsaw Central Council of Professional Class – Unions”. At the time of the founding of the Central, the divisions had the following number of members: Warsaw – 581, Vilna – 151, Grodno – 200, Lodz – 75, Rovno – 40, Bialystok – 31, Brisk – 30, Lublin – 36, Kalish – 24, Bilgoray – 17, Slonim – 16, Kovel – 17, Tchenstokhov – 15, Bendin – 7, Ostrog – 7, in total – 1247.

In the hunger years of 1916-1918, the union organized economic help for its members. Cards were distributed to obtain cheap or free lunches in workers' kitchens. Later they established a kitchen in the locale of the union. In later years the union distributed loans, helped those in transit look for work, as well as helped the unemployed.

The printers union was the first of all the professional unions, in the years 1921-1924, that introduced a moveable pay. This was a result of the regular devaluation of money. They also fought for a raise for night workers, and a higher rate for part time workers in order to force the bosses to employ workers. The tradition to pay workers double on holidays was consolidated

[Col. 437]

as well as one month vacation. In 1925, the machine worker's day was shortened by one hour and they fought for exclusive mediation from the union.

The union paid special attention the question of overqualified workers which was an actual problem due to the mechanization of printers. Thanks to the union, the overqualified became pourers and stereotypists and learned how to use new machines.

The union worried about the unemployed. It was clear that the capitalists were not going to take care of the unemployed. Some of the unemployed were among the overqualified and needed to be supported with money and work.

The printers always participated in May 1^st demonstrations as well as general strikes. The Yiddish newspapers would not be published. In 1923 a general strike broke out among the entire proletariat protesting the militarization of train workers. The strike lasted 3 days. After the strike an article was submitted to “Haynt” filled with dirt about the labour movement. Thanks to the printers who worked at “Haynt” that article never saw the light of day. In sanitary Poland there were many attempts to publish strike breaking newspapers on May 1^st. These efforts always ended in failure thanks to the diligence of the printers and their organization.

The printers excelled at solidarity activities. For example in 1919 there was a strike of the editorial contributors to a Polish paper “Our Courier”. They requested solidarity – help from the printers. The printers union forbid the typesetting of manuscripts of strike breakers and thanks to this they won the strike. The printers union also ended the actions of thugs who were trying to influence the newspaper distributors not to distribute papers to members of the Professional – Class Union. When the owners of “Haynt”, “Moment” and “Radio” were influenced by the thugs who harassed the distributors, the printers of the above mentioned newspapers went on strike in solidarity. Understandably, the owners had to withdraw and replace the rights of the distributors from the Class Union.

A separate chapter in the activity of the union is cultural work. Until 1920 there was no systematic cultural work, but in 1920 a cultural committee was formed. The union library was founded with 300 books in 1920. It soon had 5000 books and ranked with the largest libraries in Warsaw. The cultural committee collected material and newly published volumes from YIVO. There were delegations who visited large factories, gas works, electricity stations in suburbs and far away cities. The printers union distributed reduced tickets and members had the opportunity to go to Yiddish and Polish theatre. The wind orchestra held an important place in the union and was loved at various proletariat celebrations. The cultural committee was also connected to lecturers and would offer a lecture almost every week. The reading room contained all the dailies, weeklies, and monthly journals including issues from abroad. Chess championships would take place in the large hall.

To improve the health situation of the printers they would offer medical examinations to all members in order to prevent lead poisoning.

It must be stressed that more than once a printer would suffer persecution and harassment at the hands of the fascist authorities who saw innocent cultural events as “subversive”.

The Printer's Union contributed an important chapter in the history of the pre-war labour movement.

(Taken from the “Chronicles of the Jewish Printers in Poland,” published by “The New Life” Warsaw 1949).

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