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A. First Strikes – 1902 [H]

On August 5 (Julian calendar), seventy-three carpenters in six workshops in Bobruisk went on strike. They demanded an increase in wages: those who received six rubles demanded an increase of fifty kopecks, and those who received more than six rubles, demanded additional ruble per week. They also demanded the cancellation of the contractual work. They went on strike for two days and won. Now there is another carpenter's strike and a general strike of the dyers. This is a good time for strikes due to the construction wave, which started here after the fire.

The carpenters celebrated the fourth anniversary of their association (eighty-five people). The evening passed with great vigilance. Speeches were made mostly about political issues. They said that all our attention must be directed to the political struggle, they spoke of Hirsch Leckart, who by his brave action took revenge on the enemy who abused the human dignity of the members and brought disgrace on the party. Some described in striking colors the rampage of the police and the despotic method of oppression, etc. Donations were collected for the Red Cross.

Six sock knitters went on strike; they demand the exchange of the cold apartment for a warm apartment and the cancellation of the contractual system. They went on strike for three days and won. Now we have a strike of tailors of men clothes. They demand an increase in the wage of Thirty-three percents.

In this article we will mention the events related to the revolutionary life here recently. We will start from December 14 (1902)^[1]. This day was celebrated in two assemblies, which one hundred and fifty people participated in both. At the assemblies they talked about December 14^th. A flag was waved with the inscription: “Honor to the fighters of December 14. Long live the political revolution, workers of all countries - unite”.

On January 4, the local “legalizators^[2]” held a celebration. Of course, with the consent of the authorities. The “Zubatovs” handed out invitation cards. Close to a hundred organized workers went to the assembly with a firm decision to disrupt the assembly in one way or another.

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When the representative of the “Minsk Committee” of the Zubatovs, who had come especially for this evening, began to talk about exploitation and the bourgeoisie, our workers expressed their agreement by clapping their hands, but the honorable representative of the “Minsk Committee” immediately felt that he was deviating from his leader's plan, and in order to cover up his sin he committed involuntarily, he hastened to enlighten our eyes in the matter of Zubatov theory. A noise of indignation went through the hall; calls were heard: No more with the single rule, no more Zubatovs, long live socialism!” The whistles and the noise did not come down for a long time. When there was a little silence in the hall, the speaker called out: No more with the scandals' performers from the Bund”. This served as a signal for a new outbreak of indignation. Some of our members began to restore order, and the Zubatovs saw this as a desire on our part to relax, and how great was their astonishment, when in the general silence the song of the “Marseillaise” broke out, joined by all the “scandals' performers from the Bund”. The Zubatovs could not bear this disgrace and began to attack the people who were singing. A melee started, the police appeared, which was received by the members who were waiting for it outside. The ball of the Zubatovs was ruined. On this matter, a proclamation was distributed in Russian and Yiddish in five hundred copies. Rumors and conversations about the “Democrats” were spread in the city.

Even before the spirits in the city calmed down, a new event forced our bourgeois society to talk again about the “Democrats”. On February 12, there was an assassination attempt on the life of the provocateur Reuven Liubin, who last year informed about more than fifty people in Homel. This exceptional case served as a theme the talk of the town for a long time. The assassination did not succeed. However, the assassination itself found a sympathetic echo even among those who insulted and blasphemed the “Democrats”. On February 15, the local committee distributed a proclamation on this matter in Russian and Yiddish in three hundred copies.

On February 19^[3], we held two assemblies of a hundred and fifty and a hundred people. They talked about the liberation of the peasants; the speaker explained all the lies and illusions involved in the freedom that Alexander II gave to his people. The assembly ended in a debate. About the event of February 19^th, a proclamation was distributed in seventy copies. The proclamation was pasted in all public places and dozens of people read it in front of the police. Our authorities decided to catch at any cost the spreaders of “diplomacy”, as the policemen called them. In February, a police officer noticed one of our members pasting the proclamations. Since he was afraid to approach him, the policeman shot him.

On March 1^[4], an assembly was held, which was traced by the police. Our guard announced about this ahead of the assembly and everyone managed to disperse. We dispersed not one by one, but in small groups. The next day, a second assembly was held, which was attended by a hundred and thirty people. The celebration exceeded all expectations. There were several speeches: intellectuals and workers spoke. The conversations revolved around “March 1^st”, about the people of the “Narodnaya Volya”; about the role of women in the revolutionary movement; about the recognition of a political struggle. They sang revolutionary songs and recited poems. They showed portraits of Marx, Lassalle, Engels, Bebel, of the participants in the March 1^st assassinations, and of Vira Zasulich. In addition, they briefly talked about the history of their lives and explained their value to the revolutionary movement. There was a red flag with the following inscriptions: “Workers of all countries - unite”; “respect for the fighters who fell on March 1, 1881”; “respect to the Austrian revolutionaries who fell in 1848” and “long live political freedom”. When the flag was waved, everyone uncovered their heads in reverence. At the celebration, everyone carried red signs with black ribbons. They waited for the police; it was decided in the previous evening not to disperse. Many of the attendances were armed. The workers remembered this holiday happily for a long time. March 1 proclamations were distributed only in the Russian language (in two hundred copies).

We had several clashes with the police. Sometimes the workers were beaten. This was followed by demonstrations, in which they shouted: “No more with the single rule”, “No more with the tsar's dogs”, etc. All these events caused great excitement in the city. The police intended to take revenge on the rioters. And as if mocking all its intentions, the provocateur Reuven Liubin was killed on March 15 at 8:00 p.m. The entire police officers were assigned to it. Searches were made throughout the city. The person guilty of the action disappeared. One of the avengers was arrested by three policemen. But on the way he burst out and ran away from them.

In these days, one worker was brought to the cemetery. A hundred and fifty people gathered in the cemetery. One of the workers eulogized him. They sang revolutionary songs and called out “No more with the single rule”, “Long live the workers' movement”, etc.

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C. The Funeral that Turned into a Demonstration [H]

On December 14 (1903), the Histadrut held an assembly in memory of the “Dicabrists”. After a speaker from the Histadrut explained the significance of the holiday, workers from the crowd spoke. Before closing the assembly, the assembly accepted the chairman's proposal to approve the following decision: “In consideration of the enormous historical service rendered by the Bund to the Jewish proletariat and its value these days, we, the organized workers in Bobruisk, the two hundred people who gathered at our revolutionary holiday, express our complete trust in the Bund and recognize it as our only political representative before Russia and the whole world”. The next day, a proclamation of the local Histadrut was distributed in the city, “to the society”; this proclamation reminds the society of December 14 and its duty towards the revolutionary movement in Russia.

On Wednesday, December 17, a huge demonstration was held here in connection with the death of the member Leib Avner's. He was one of the pioneers of the local movement and one of its activists. Since the morning, workers began to gather by the house of the deceased. All were depressed about the death of the member and expressed their desire to pay their respects to him publicly. Many insisted that a procession be held. However, the Histadrut weighed its forces, and found no possibility of organizing a procession, and decided to settle for a demonstration. She announced her decision to the workers and asked the members to act in the streets with as much restraint as possible. Immediately all the organized workers were gathered, more than three hundred people. It was decided to carry the coffin of the deceased not through the secondary streets, although it would be possible to shorten the way, but on the main and crowded streets: Shuseynaya Street and Muraviovskaya Street. The crowd marched in cohesive lines. Workers, who abandoned their workshops, and many of the residents joined the crowd, so that in Muraviovskaya Street the number reached several thousand. The crowd walked in absolute silence and a menacing force was felt in its tense silence. From the trading houses and the residences, they came out to see this unusually huge procession. Near the cemetery, the procession was “kindly” met by the authorities, consisting of the police chief, the prestab, the prestab assistant, and police officers. They were probably frightened by this large crowd and did not know what to do. After some hesitation, they went with the crowd. The closer they got to the cemetery, the crowd decreased, especially at the sight The “silver buttons”, and about a thousand people came to the cemetery itself, most of them were organized workers (all of them) and unorganized workers. When the coffin was lowered into the grave, several speakers emerged from the crowd one by one. They talked about the deceased, about his revolutionary action, about the condition of the working class, about the abnormality of the capitalist regime, about the oppressive yoke of the single regime. The end of each speech was accompanied by revolutionary calls. At the end of the speeches, the choir sang a song. After that, the Histadrut representative asked those present to return quietly to their homes, and the crowd was heard to him. The demonstration made a great impression on the city in its scope and organization.

At the beginning of February, we received the first newspaper of “Der Bund”, which we had been waiting for it for a long time. The headquarters decided to celebrate this event. Thirty-five progressive workers participated in the celebration. The evening passed with great excitement. The speakers spoke about the value of the free printed word, about the Jewish workers' movement and the “Bund”. The joy of the participants in the assembly at the news of the publication of the popular newspaper cannot be described. With many blessings, everyone expressed wishes for success for the new newspaper and thanks to the central committee for fulfilling this role. One of the members offered to send a congratulatory letter to the central committee, which he wrote on the spot, and this was his wording: “We, the Bobruisk propagandist, thirty-five people in number, who gathered to celebrate the launch of the first newspaper for the masses, send the greetings of our members to the central committee and congratulate it on the publication of the first newspaper of “Der Bund”. We are convinced that only such an organization, which arose from the elected representatives of the Jewish proletariat, is capable of developing the class self-awareness of the Jewish workers and successfully conducting their political and socialist struggle. Such an organization is the “Bund”, that the entire organized Jewish workers must recognize it, and have already recognized it as the only representative and leader of the Jewish proletariat”.

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Recently, the following proclamations were distributed: “Revolutionary Summary” (summaries of the revolutionary movement for the year 1903) – one thousand and two hundred copies; “For everyone” (about the war) - one thousand and two hundred copies; “Spiders and flies” – one thousand copies. The worker Israel was arrested, the police accuse him of distributing proclamations. The worker Reuven Lotker, who was banned last year, was sentenced to three years of deportation to Eastern Siberia.

On Saturday, March 20, we had a demonstration in connection with the funeral of a worker. For this demonstration, a large crowd of approximately two thousand people arrived within an hour at the deceased's house, which is quite a distance from the “Bursa”, according to the call of the local Histadrut of the “Bund”. The crowd followed the coffin in orderly lines. Led by our organizers, the funeral passed through the main streets and headed to the cemetery. The sight was spectacular: two thousand people with candles in their hands (due to the Shabbat, the funeral was held at night) silently accompanied the deceased. In front of us were not oppressed, frightened workers, but a crowd that recognized its power, courageously sending a call of challenge to our sleeping society and to the government that guards our “democrats” very carefully. The groceries located on the way the funeral passed were closed, carts turned to the sides and thousands of eyes followed the procession, the likes of which had never been seen until now. Throughout the entire procession to the cemetery, not a single policeman was seen, as if they had disappeared from the face of the earth. As it turned out later, the police prepared a surprise for us and concentrated their forces near the cemetery. When the procession arrived at the scene, the chief of police shouted: “Blow out the candles”. To this came the front column's answer: “It's none of your business!” So, the officer pulled out a gun and threatened to start shooting. To this the workers replied coldly: “You can shoot, we won't blow out the candles”. The police, seeing that the crowd was fearless and ready for anything, thought that the best would be to leave the area, and the crowd entered the cemetery carrying the candles. At the grave, one propagandist gave a short speech, in which he described the life of the workers in the current society and pointed out the fundamental reasons for the enslavement. He spoke about capitalism and especially about militarism, using one fact from the deceased's life. About two weeks before his death, the deceased returned from his military service, where he served as a soldier and was released for “recovery”. Throughout the speech, the crowd maintained complete silence, being under the impression of the speaker's energetic words. At the end of the speech, cheers and calls were said loudly in the cemetery: “No more with the single rule”, “long live the Bund”.

On its way back, at midnight, the crowd walked in cohesive lines in order to avoid imprisonment. After some time, when the police did not show up, the organization dispersed the crowd. The workers quietly dispersed to their homes. Now the town's residents are talking only about the demonstration, they forget even the war. Our bourgeoisie was so alarmed by the open appearance of the workers that it informed about the police minister to the provincial minister, accusing him of inaction and helping the “democrats”.

- May Day (April 18) was a success for us. Except for a few “Poalei Zion”, no one worked. Even in the train station, in the buildings being built under the supervision of the Minister of the Gendarmes Latinin, the workers did not work. The workers walked the streets dressed in holiday clothes and greeted each other on the occasion of the holiday. The celebration was preceded by active propaganda of behalf of the local Histadrut of the “Bund”, the importance of May Day was explained in large assemblies of seven thousands – eight thousands people, in small assemblies and in circles; literature for May Day was distributed: “About May Day” of the Bund Center one thousand copies in Yiddish and one hundred in Russian; local “Bund” proclamations in two thousand copies (distributed on the streets on the eve of the celebration); main article from “Der Bund”, No. 2 (seven hundred and fifty copies). The results of this propaganda were not long in coming: one thousand eight hundred workers went to Nevskaya and in return to the order of the chief of police: “return to your homes, why do you have a celebration today?”, they answered him with laughter: “Happy holidays”, and did not disperse. They were expecting something; the atmosphere was warm and one could expect an uncontrollable procession, which might have ended

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in a miserable failure, since no preparations were made for this. Therefore, steps were taken to stop the crowd from going out to the procession. The day passed without incident. The workers were not satisfied. The next day they claimed: “this is not how we should celebrate May Day, we had to respond with a demonstration to all the actions of our government”.

On Saturday, September 25, 1904, an assembly of 300 people took place in the forest. Two speakers spoke about the government's new tactics, war propaganda tactics. While the first speaker was speaking, the chief of police and the officer (prestab) who were following the assembly arrived in the forest. When they noticed the sentries, they began to chase after them, however, the sentries managed to escape. The police chief shot at them, but missed the target. The sentries arrived at the assembly place when the first speaker finished his speech. Despite the sentries' announcement that the assembly had been discovered, the second speaker began his speech (about the war) and spoke for about twenty minutes. Everyone was full of enthusiasm and in no way wanted to disperse. Finally, it was decided to return to the city and prepare a proper reception for the police. Everyone armed themselves with sticks and clubs, and walked in a dense and cohesive crowd. When they offered the young women to enter the crowd, they refused and said that they knew how to defend themselves. They marched to the city (a distance of two versts) singing, which ended with the calls: “No more with the single rule! No more war! Long live peace!” Every such call was accompanied by a “hooray” call. They passed about half of the second long Slutsky Street, which crosses the city. The residents came out of their houses and worshipers came out of the praying houses to see the “democrats”. In several places, frightened women closed their doors. They stopped before Market Street, repeated the calls, and according to the manager's suggestion, dispersed in groups to all sides. For a long time, the calls were still heard here and there. The police were not seen anywhere. The policemen who were on guard thought it best for them not to be seen in front of the “democrats”

Activists from the “Bund” in Bobruisk (1904) Seated: Arche, Tzirl Yabraw, Noah Kaznavitch, Bracha Ginzburg, Nachke Yachwid, Bani Lazinski Standing: Ide Artlik, Hirsch Yachwid, Aliya Greifner, Yazsha Ginzburg, Avraham Kirzshnitz, Sarah Kaznavitch

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The police appeared on Slutsky Street when there was no one there, and began to disperse the residents, who had gathered in groups to talk about the demonstration - -

After the assembly on September 25 and the demonstration on October 2, the Histadrut's reputation in the society increased significantly.

Upon receiving the news from our central committee about the massacre in Bialystok, our Histadrut decided to hold a demonstration this coming Saturday. Before that we called three assemblies, in which four hundred people participated. At these assemblies, they talked about the appalling behavior of the police in Bialystok and the necessity to protest against it.

On Saturday, October 2, at five o'clock in the evening, the sidewalks on Muraviovskaya Street were flooded with travelers. In addition to the workers, there were many in the audience who did not belong to our Histadrut. The number of workers was about six hundred. At half past six the signal was given and the workers began to concentrate in one place. Unfortunately, it has been raining for a few days and the streets here, which do not dry out even in the summer, turned into one big swamp. We had to demonstrate on the sidewalks, on which it was very difficult to stand out from the crowd of travelers. When about a hundred and fifty – two hundred people gathered, they began to sing “Warsawbianka”^[5], waved a red flag and began to advance up the street to the market. At the head of the procession went the “fighting company” armed with pistols and daggers, followed by the entire crowd. At the same time, a worker hit one of the police officers in the chest with a stone. The chief of police who was standing nearby called out to the policeman “shoot” and he himself shot into the crowd. The “fighting company” responded with a volley of shots. The shots caused panic in the crowd, who started running to the nearby alleys at such speed that knocked down several workers and divided the demonstrators into two groups. One part - the front, continued to march on Muraviovskaya Street, and another large part, which did not see the front part, and was chased by the police, turned to the alley where the police chief and two policemen started shooting. The “fighting company” returned fire. One of the police officers attacked the defenders, but was beaten. Some of the demonstrators managed to reunite by Barash's pharmacy, and here again singing and calls were heard: “No more with the sole rule!" The police shots were answered everywhere with gunfire. More than one hundred and twenty bullets were fired from single rule”! Others scattered in the streets adjacent to Muraviovskaya Street, the policemen's shots were answered everywhere with gunfire. (fifty-sixty bullets from our side). About fifteen minutes after the shooting began, a company of soldiers was called to the scene, which began to vigorously disperse the crowd. The police injured several people, mainly of those who escaped the shootings into the courtyards. The courtyards were surrounded by police forces who banned everyone indiscriminately. The worshipers in one synagogue on Moraviavskaya Street were also banned. During the demonstration, a proclamation was distributed in Yiddish and Russian, explaining the reasons for the demonstration and its goals. In the city there was a terrible embarrassment.

Bobruisk: January 17 (according to the old calendar). Yesterday all the Jewish workers struck. It was very lively the week before the strike. We had many meetings. At each one of the meetings there were between 80 and 280 men. They spoke about liberalism, about the strike in Baku, about the Petersburg events and about our demands at the present time.

The workers attended these meetings with great enthusiasm the general storm we also felt. In the organizing circles, the work was also very lively. We didn't call the workers to strike. Because we understood that the strike could have a meaning, when all the workers Jews as well as Christians would join.

On the 14^th we had the call up of the Central Committee of the Bund and we decided to strike. It is understood that we decided on a general strike. At once, we proposed to the local group of the Russian Socialist Democratic Workers' Party that they assist us and help organize the strike. The Jewish workers wanted to begin the strike Sunday and the Christians Monday. We came to this arrangement because the Russian workers weren't organized. There was a great doubt whether we could organize the strike, that it would begin all over at once and that it's useless to delay the start.

On Saturday there was a mass meeting of 650 men Jewish workers. The workers assembled quickly in half an hour everyone was in one spot. At the meeting, a red flag was unfurled on which were written two demands: end the war and declare a constitution. The speakers stressed the importance of the moment and the great importance of the declared demands. The workers hung on every word. The crowd behaved very well, even though it was very large. There were only shouts of “hurrah” from time to time when the crowd was aroused by speeches and the strike was to begin the next day: when voices were heard. The Revolution Lives! The enthusiasm was so great that they couldn't quiet the workers. The crowd dispersed with shouts of “Hurrah.”

On the next morning, groups of our workers went to the workshops asking them to strike. The whole business agrees with us, even the bourgeoisie. Everything went smoothly. Only the shop clerks didn't strike. The “Poale-Zion” decided to support the strike but they were angry that the Bund didn't invite them to join, so the shop clerks (the majority of them are influenced by the Zionists) who supported the strike returned to the stockrooms. The city was seething: military patrol, Cossacks and police were riding around. Several people were arrested.

Bobruisk: The General Strike, which included all of Russia, took place in our city: unfortunately it left us in not such a good light. Our Bundist organization, which had just begun to revitalize after a long pause, didn't have enough time to explain to the workers who were involved in the organization the importance of the present action. It didn't have time to exert an influence over the entire working class. The masses were worked up and they came to our meetings. All kinds of people came who one would not have expected. A week before the strike, there were four meetings at which there were about 650 men. We thought of holding many more meetings, but because of the events in Petersburg, we had to shorten our program. We waited for a call-up by the Central Committee of the Bund. We called for a general meeting in the synagogue on Shabbos. On Friday we awaited the call-up by the Central Committee and on Sunday we decided to strike. The Russian workers were not organized and we didn't want to delay the strike until Monday, because we understood that the Russian workers would be bystanders in the beginning of the strike.

Our decision was given to the larger group of the Russian party and we proposed to send out a unified call to strike. The group supported us. The meeting on Shabbos took place. The workers quickly assembled, and in a half hour the synagogue was filled. There were 700 men.

The assembly started with the singing of revolutionary songs. There was also a red flag with revolutionary writing. The chairman told the people that if the police attack, we have to fight back. The speakers talked about the events in Petersburg and about our demands. There was great enthusiasm: the workers greeted the call of the Central Committee for a strike with great joy and we decided to declare a strike. “The Revolution Lives” was called out to shouts of “Hurrah.”

The strike began. But from the first day, it was possible to see that it wasn't going smoothly. In the morning, groups of our workers went from workshop to workshop, inviting people to leave work. They passed out leaflets with our demands. On the leaflets were written our organization and the group of our party. They received a friendly greeting, work stopped in very few places, although many people had not come to work anyway. The bosses were not antagonistic; many expressed their solidarity. The salesclerks left their work in the morning but returned to the shops after lunch. Most of them were Zionists and former members of “Legalization.” In the beginning they said they had nothing against the strike, but nevertheless, they would work because the “Bund” didn't invite their organization.

The first day 1,000 men struck. They wandered about the city in groups. Everywhere they talked about the strike. The workers came to the schools asking to stop the studying but they were not obeyed. Only the trade school was closed for a few days.

At the same time, we later learned, groups of workers who belong to the Russian party went to the other workshops. The workers were quick to stop work they only had to be asked they waited for that.

The intelligentsia also wanted to support the strike. Monday there was a meeting of 60 intellectuals with a deputy of the striking workers. A member of our organization delivered a speech. There were hot debates and at the end, a resolution in which the intelligentsia expounds her solidarity with the battling proletariat, which is the only one who will free Russia from czarism. The revolution demands that the intelligentsia support the strike.

By Monday it was clear that it would be difficult to draw the Russian worker into the strike. We saw that the group had no tie to the factory workers. The United Commission decided to go to the factories Sunday night. But instead [of] Russian workers only Jewish workers (men and women) came from that group. The best time was lost and the next day the police were there. They went to the factory (35 men) and convinced the workers to leave their work, but at the gate they met the soldiers which the administration of the factory had sent for. On the next day there were two work stoppages for economic demands but they lie near the factory and the police forced them back to work. By the time the soldiers came, three Jewish workers were arrested; one was hit on the head. On the same day, five Christian workers stopped work that was the entire following of the Christian workers.

The Jewish workers were less interested and less organized since we were unsuccessful in carrying out the strike among the Christian workers made a bad impression on them. Our connection with the masses was not very strong. The strikers were given money, but not at the right time and the mood fell from day to day and the payment for the strikers was less and less. We [started] sent out bulletins where there was news of other cities. We spread the proclamations of the Central Committee, organized three assemblies for 250 men. The mood was still low and on Thursday, there were no more than 500 strikers.

As the strike weakened, the influence of the [ ] on business and the intelligentsia became less and less. The last was never too strong, and when the assemblies tried to lead a revolution, only 5 pupils and 3 principals supported the action (the private teachers all struck).

On Friday it was clear as day that the strike had lost its revolutionary meaning, that it is impossible to take it any further. We decided to hold a meeting on Saturday.

There were two meetings (300 men) where the meaning of the strike was explained and the reason for stopping it. The workers felt that it was impossible to strike any more. The organized workers returned to work disappointed.

A few words about the Zionists. On the third day of the strike, a pamphlet under the auspices of the Zionist-Socialists appeared which urged the Jewish workers to join the strike, listing throughout Social)Democratic demands. In this pamphlet it is explained that we must battle where we live now. The Zionists also organized several meetings. As an opponent there was someone from “Poale-Zion” who said that Jewish workers don't have to suffer because “they” decided to strike. During the entire strike, 10 men were arrested.

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J. Armed Demonstration - March 13, 1905

March 14 (1905). Yesterday we had a demonstration. Hundreds of workers gathered within two hours at the meeting place in the synagogue in Sloboda. Tensions arose among the residents of the place, but no one informed the police. The police felt the tense, made some noise, but did not take any measures. “The ‘Democrats’ are gathering, well, let them gather! If you unform about it, then there will be endless trouble and work!” - the police spoke to each other. By four o'clock the synagogue was full, five hundred to six hundred workers had gathered. At four o'clock the orator came on stage and in a short but powerful speech announced the beginning of the political strike, and called for an immediate demonstration - an open battle for freedom, democracy and socialism The workers went out into the street. Here they met a policeman who happened to be passing by, they chased him into the yard.

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If the elders had not protected him, he would have been killed: he jumped over the fence and disappeared. The workers united and went out to Moraviavskaya St. It was hard to walk - there was deep mud up to the knees, some of us lagged behind. Workers came out towards us waving their hats and handkerchiefs. Many carried red ribbons in their hands; sometimes they stood, lifted the orator by their hands; he said a few words. From time to time, calls were heard, which were answered by a loud cheer that could be heard in the distance. The “Fighting Company” marched with weapons raised, shots were heard that roused the residents, drove away the frightened policemen and encouraged the protesters. Finally, one group separated and marched down another street while the others turned to the road. The protesters had already begun to disperse when Cossacks, police and soldiers with cocked rifles were seen in the distance.

The demonstration and the political strike were prepared by assemblies for a week. On Purim and the day after, a series of meetings were held: the value of the economic war and the necessity to give it a political character were explained. There was a mood of a strike, but only among the tailors and seamstresses - suitable conditions for economic war were found. They decided to declare a general strike for two days, with direct political claims, or those arising from the economic struggle, such as: freedom to strike, the unions, the meetings, the press, the preservation of individual rights; legislation of the eight-hour workday law; selected industry supervisors; broad general and technical education; the comparison of all peoples in their rights, and the fulfillment of all claims; convening a constitutive assembly on the basis of direct and secret general suffrage. During the two days, seven meetings were held according to the professional associations, where seven hundred people gathered. The Zionists were given the right to appeal all actions. As a result, there were open arguments with “Poalei Zion” and with the so-called “Socialist Zionists”, which were beneficial for the Histadrut.

On Tuesday (15th of the month) the political strike ended. The workers gathered in the bourse at 11 in the morning. Leaflets were distributed about the end of the strike. Manifestations were held in three places on this occasion, in which fifty-seventy workers participated. This is done very briefly. The very idea of this was only brought up in the bourse. Loud cheers were heard and they dispersed. The demonstration was also held near the city administration building. The group that was concentrated in the Laborers' quarter marched through it singing, chanting and shooting. The residents showed open sympathy. The mood among the workers was uplifted, the importance of the Histadrut rose; the combat readiness of the masses increased.

After the massacre in Baku, we held a protest meeting, in which the following decision was made:

“The assembly of two hundred forty-three organized workers, members of the “Bund” in Bobruisk, after hearing about the terrible event, the massacre in Baku, and similar events, expresses its great anger against the savage bureaucracy of the single rule, which strives to postpone its fall and therefore incites the unaware strata of the population against the revolutionary and oppositional elements of society. We, the Jewish workers, who remember Kishinev, Homel and Mohilev, and despite this we remained loyal to our socialist banner, expressing to you, our Armenian friends, our deep condolences. We are convinced that you will not follow the false path of national hatred and together with us you will continue to conduct, under the banner of social democracy, the battle for the complete liberation of the proletariat. Only then will any possibility of national hatred pass away. No more with the single rule! Long live the Democratic Republic! No more with the hatred of the nations! Long live proletarian unity, long live socialism!”

Bobruisk: June 1. On May 9^th they passed out leaflets saying, “Beat the Jews.” Soon people appeared in town who were unknown and aroused suspicion. We started to prepare to defend ourselves and to collect money for armaments. We collected all of 300 rubles even though self-defense was important to the inhabitants and their only hope lay with our organization. The rumor went about that our organization had united with the local “Combined Committee” of self-defense, which had been formed by the Poale-Zion, Zionist Socialists and the Jewish Bund. We published a leaflet where we explained that that wasn't so. The “Committee” had asked us to send representatives, but since we regarded self-defense at this time as an act of political battle, we declined to unite with the bourgeois organizations.

Overlooking the fact that our organization was larger and had a wider representation of the population or because of that, we had many enemies who were ready at every chance to defame us. One of the liberals spoke at a meeting of many people and said that the Bund youth had spread anti-Semitic leaflets in order to create a disturbance. After he was sorry that he said a “foolishness” and took back what he said.

On May 28 there was a service in one of the shuls to commemorate those killed in Zhitomir pogrom. Aside from the usual orators, there was a Zionist-Socialist. Instead of speaking about the pogrom from his standpoint, he began to talk about his party and to take against the Bund. Soon he became inflammatory. From all sides came screams of “Down with Zionism.” The speaker was disappointed and one of the other Zionists led him down from the platform.

A few words about the practical matters of the Zionist-Socialists. It was more than a month that they were involved with the strike of the small butchers and their workers. The aim of the strike was to oust the rich butchers and make an arrangement with small ones. The end was that meat became expensive for a worker to eat.

Aside from this, the “Jewish Bund” on the same May 28 had a meeting, with police permission, at the cemetery. We told the workers and sent our speakers. At 5 o'clock there were 3000 people there. Our speakers opened the meeting and three of them spoke one after the other about pogroms, which we are living through and the comrades who fell in Zhitomir. Their speeches made a big impression on all the listeners. A Zionist also spoke. Our speaker closed the program and proposed to everyone in the name of our organization that we demonstrate in the streets of the town. The proposal was joyfully accepted. On leaving the cemetery a group of Cossacks led by the police master blocked the way. The police master called out for us to disperse, but the group didn't move. He said to shoot and Cossacks took their rifles. Then two comrades went over to the police master and told him about the decision to demonstrate and asked for permission to pass. The Cossacks left. The demonstration was a success. Three thousand people marched through the streets in lines one after the other. People watched from windows and balconies at this unusual picture and many waved at the crowd. There were Cossacks at every street but they didn't bother anyone. On Muriaviaver Street (the main street of the city) the chief official, an anti-Semite, screamed at us to disperse. The Cossacks immediately began to hit us with whips. With calls of “Down with the autocracy! ” “Down with the police!” the crowd went off to side streets and continued to demonstrate. Others threw stones at the Cossacks. One of the oldest Cossacks got his share. Many of the demonstrators were beaten with whips: one girl was trampled by a Cossack's horse and she is still sick. Three people were arrested. The meaning of the demonstration was apparent. The police master found it necessary to answer us and said it was all a mistake. On that same evening, the arrested were let go.

Like the other cities, we also had a small Bund into which 12-14 year olds entered. They had meetings at which there were speeches and they put out leaflets. Their demonstrations don't let our guards rest. Pesach time they had a demonstration with many red flags. They were shooting and calling out revolutionary slogans on Shosi Street. Some weeks back they were driven out of the poor section Slobodke. The police brought in Cossacks.

Shabbos, the second day of Shavuos in the morning there was a memorial service for the heroes of Zhitomir and Traianov. One of the speakers was a young man from our organization who didn't want to discuss the great meaning of the tragic moment, but use for polemic ends. Soon we heard: “Down with Zionism.” Wild instincts broke out and the beast in people was aroused and they attacked the speaker and fighting broke out between my people and the Bundists who were nearby.

Because of this awful development there was a general meeting of the members of the local organization of the Zionist-Socialists where it was resolved 1) we express our strong disapproval with our comrades' behavior 2) we protest the wild barbaric behavior of the members of the local Bund who are a terrible example of the wildness to the Jewish working masses and throw shame on the honor of the organized Proletariat, playing into the hands of our worst enemies.

Bobruisk Organization of the Zionist-Socialists

Bobruisk 29 May 1905

Bobruisk, July 1. As soon as we received the news about the uprisings, in Lodz and Odessa, we decided to protest against the wild acts of the Czar's officials, and thereby show our solidarity with our comrades from Lodz and Odessa.

On Shabbos, July 2, we organized a mass meeting at which there were over 1200 workers. The shul was packed with people. Many people couldn't enter because there was no room for them. The meeting was conducted with great ceremony. There were two flags unfurled on the bimah: one red with revolutionary slogans and the second one black with pictures of the comrades who had fallen in battle with the words: “in memory of our fallen comrades.” It got quiet and the speeches began. In a deeply passionate speech, the first speaker said that the picture of the fighters who fell for the proletarian freedom should not evoke dejection and disappointment, but just the opposite: it must arouse a hatred for the order by which such crimes are possible. We should not cry for the comrades, but learn from their dying, better to die in battle rather than live like a downtrodden slave who knows not about joy and happiness. He finished his speech with a heated call for battle for a better future for socialism. After his speech the choir sang a revolutionary song. Then there were more speeches, and the meeting ended with the singing of revolutionary songs, which made a strong impression on the workers.

For solidarity, we went into a union with a group from the Russian party. We formed a united committee which delayed the strike until Thursday, the 7^th. On the evening of the 6^th, a meeting was scheduled under the open sky of Christian and Jewish workers. But it rained and meeting was called off. Thursday morning, the proclamation was distributed in Russian and Yiddish which we sponsored with the Russian party and which we called for a strike. The police, the Cossacks and the army, who had made the town its military camp, were a strong deterrent in spreading the proclamations. Nonetheless, we managed so that all the stores were shut and al the workshops and factories (except for two unimportant ones) stopped work, all banks were closed and the police were beside themselves.

Because of the strong tactics, which the police used that day, the strike ended early. We were unable to make any demonstrations because there was no opportunity to gather even 10 people. The town was like dead. In the street only the sound of tramping horses and cracking whips were heard. The Cossacks were beating the horses and some workers. People were beaten indiscriminately and without provocation. The bottom line was that many were beaten and five were arrested, three of whom were released.

On the next day the organizations gave out notices in which they advised stopping the strike and proposed a boycott on the Turkish bakery the only big business that was open on the day of the strike.

[Page 382]

O. The Social Democrats on the July 7, 1905 Demonstration [Y]

Bobruisk. On July 7^th, we announced on behalf of the R.S.D.R.P. group and the “Bund” union a general strike in connection with the recent events in Lodz, Odessa and other cities. The strike was truly general: all life in the city was stopped, the employees of the banks, the public library, the porters at the train station and on the ships also stopped their work. The participation of almost all the workers in the factories left a great impression on everyone. “The July 7^th was compared with the strike in January in Bobruisk”, we read in the leaflet summarizing the results of the strikes, “and it is evident how much the workers have developed during these months. In January, the workers did not strike together as one man. Few of us were factory workers. The noise and hum of the machines in the factories and the treacherous smoke of the factory chimneys caused bitter pain in the hearts of the striking workers. This is not the current situation. All our brothers marched under the banner of social democracy”. The attitude of the radical Zionist group is characteristic. It joined us without any reservation. “Poalei Zion” joined with a partial reservation. As a protest against the “Bund” that did not see fit to enter into an agreement with “Poalei Zion” as an organization, they decided to go on strike only from one o'clock in the afternoon, as stated in their proclamation. According to the perceptive comment of one of our workers, “Poalei Zion” protested until one o'clock in the afternoon against the “Bund” and from one o'clock onwards - against the rule of the tsar.

The police were mobilized. It was impossible to demonstrate. The Cossacks went berserk. The city looked like a military camp. Passers-by were searched sometimes about three times: suspects were severely beaten. The police chief ordered the shops to be opened. First, he tried in a good manner and with threats: a fine of 50 rubles, promises to protect, but all in vain. “We received an order to close, the socialists must also be helped, the shopkeepers answered, you are protecting us today, but they will always find us”. The fear of the “Democrats” and sympathy for them did their part. The street surrendered to our call. It was purified from noise and commotion; on this day it was ours.

We boycotted one Turkish confectionery, which was open under the guard of policemen and soldiers. Immediately after the appropriate proclamation was published, the confectionery was emptied. Endless conversations were held, the members support the boycott. The confectioner's owner tried to justify himself: the police forced him, so to speak, to open his shop, he promised not to do it again. There is a rumor that he promises a few hundred rubles if the boycott is lifted. All the shopkeepers are amazed; they are full of respect towards the Histadrut, which openly demonstrates its enormous power of influence on the public life.

During the strike three proclamations signed by the R.S.D.R.P. group were distributed. and the “Bund” Histadrut: the first (two thousand copies) - calls for a strike; the second (eight thousand printed copies) is dedicated to the boycott; the third (two thousand printed copies) - summarizes the results of the strike. An ad was printed about the end of the strike. The distribution was very successful. No casualties. One member who was arrested, managed to escape after giving the policeman a few slaps on the cheek. In one case, a girl very quickly closed the narrow gate in front of the Cossacks and the policemen who were chasing her, jumped over the fence and disappeared.

In the factories, our group became very strong. It is enough that our members will come and everyone leaves the factory to hear the words of the socialists. Some factories are offended if our propagandists miss them. In the brick factory, where the guard ran to call the police in January, and a worker beat hardly one of the propagandists, now with our first call, everyone stopped the work. We can be satisfied with our work even according to the most severe standards. The worker Valul Norkin, who was accused of inciting the railroad workers, was arrested. During the act, the rail guard was beaten hardly.

Monday the 11^th, two Christian thieves fought at the market with two Jewish thieves: both Jews were wounded by thieves. Our defense leader thinking that a pogrom was beginning quickly came to the market. But as soon as he saw what was happening he simply separated the thieves and things quieted down. Apparently the police didn't like that. It was not what they had wanted. It disappointed them that they were unlike their brothers in other cities where people were wounded and even killed and they had just used whips. So they sent out some drunken Cossacks who came to the market like wild animals and began to ”work” in the Cossack style, not only with whips, but also with swords. One worker, an innocent Jew had his head split. In town the talk was that the police were getting ready for a pogrom and the trouble at the marketplace was only an excuse to beat the “democratic' Jews whether that was right or not. Our defense group was ready. The workers very agitated, stopped work. When they took the wounded worker to the hospital many workers accompanied him and returning they made a demonstration. The revolutionary shouts, the calls of “hurrah” and the shooting were heard throughout the city. The police and the patrols (The Cossacks were not around as rumored. They thought they had been summoned to stir things up and they would take revenge without them, so they were not around). Police ran around from one place to another but couldn't catch the demonstrators. When they came to one street they were heard on another street shooting their revolvers and singing revolutionary songs. The police ran around enough that day. The inhabitants were sympathetic to our protests and many of them would open their gates and doors of their houses and would invite the demonstrators to hide from the police.

During the night from Monday to Tuesday, the wounded worker Berl Genkin died. Our organization decided to declare another strike and to arrange a big funeral. On the 12^th everything was closed from early in the morning. There was no work anywhere (even the owner of the Turkish bakery let his workers go and shut the bakery). The post office was closed that day. Our organization together with the Party group decided to demonstrate at the funeral of the slain worker. The Zionist-socialist agreed. A large crowd gathered around the hospital. A company of soldiers stood at a distance. There were several speeches and afterward they carried out the bed with the slain man. The procession was led like a big parade. At the head was the armed defense leader surrounded by a chain through which no one could pass. Directly behind Jewish and Christian workers carried the dead man; behind them was a crowd of 15 thousand people with all sorts of connections. Whoever was seen standing at the door or on the balcony was asked to join us or leave and the crowd agreed. Most joined us. There were no police around They must have hidden somewhere. The dead man was carried over the main streets of the city near the police station. The funeral lasted more than two hours. The cemetery was packed with people. The speakers spoke from a platform draped with flags. First our speaker spoke, in all there were a speakers in both Yiddish and Russian. The spirit was high. Each speech was greeted with revolutionary shouts and thundering “hurrahs.” They sang revolutionary songs. We returned together demonstrating until we reached the main street where we decided to disperse. The police didn't bother us. There were enough soldiers. In the evening as the night before there were manifestos in the whole town. The police and the patrols kept away and there were no Cossacks.

Such a sad thing happened in those days in our town, an event which caused a great uproar among all the inhabitants and even more bitterly among our friends. A local baker unexpectedly fell, as a sacrifice, in a fight with our friends. For all our enemies now, it is understood [that it] is a good time to throw dirt at our organization, relating the facts in wild colors.… They don't want to respond, nor do we want to get away with this announcement. We ourselves feel a debt to honesty for everyone the fact of how it really happened.

There is now a strike going on in the city of the bagel bakers. The conditions of the work were terrible. At night it seemed like day in front of the fire. The salary was very small. It is difficult, in a word, to imagine the bitter plight of the workers. They had suffered long and now they decided to demand better conditions through a strike. The professional union therefore sent several people to take care of the strikebreakers. How these things happen is the long history of our economic organization and this time it was ordered that no arms should be carried and in no instance should actions be taken which could lead to tragic ends.

With an uplifted mood, the young men went to accomplish their task. One baker and his sons and acquaintances met our comrades armed with hatchets, picks, clubs, and other tools, and didn't let them into the house. Unexpectedly, a great commotion happened. Our comrades asked the baker to calm down, but it didn't help. The wild feelings flamed more strongly, one stamped on the other and there was a big fight. For our comrades at that time, it is understood, there was no possibility of talking over what should be done. To our great sorrow, one comrade had a revolver which he first shot in the air. The fight got hotter and heavier and the comrade, unthinking, shot a second time. The shot this time hit the baker…and that was the story.

It is understood that we very much regret this which in no way is our tactic. We don't want to shed blood.

We think that this comrade exceeded the situation. He had no right to take arms and this led to the incident. Our organization will certainly investigate this matter as usual and will certainly take needed action against this comrade. We regard as a debt to honest that the young man who was arrested had no connection with this incident and is not a member of our organization.

Original footnotes

1. The anniversary of the “Dikabrists” uprising in 1825. Return
2. The legislators, followers of a liberal apolitical labor movement, which arose in 1901 under the auspices of the police officer Zubatov (hence the name – “Zubatovs”). Return
3. The day the peasants were freed from their slavery in 1861. Return
4. The day of the assassination of Tsar Alexander II in 1881 by members of the revolutionary organization “Narodnaya Volya” (The People's Will). Return
5. A Russian revolutionary song beginning with the words: “A storm of evil will rage over our heads, the forces of darkness will press like iron, we will have a final battle against our enemies. Come on, come on, the working people”. Return
6. This and the other excerpts in this chapter are given in the original language. Return
7. According to the memories of Gorelik (in the collection “1905 in White Russia,” Minsk 1925, page 128), the name of the murdered [is] Karaviev and the murderer [is] Bernstein. The latter fled to America. Return

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