« Previous Page Table of Contents Next Page »

[Page 18]

Preface

The regional Jewish literature, meaning the history of the various communities, has existed for some time now. Over a century ago, researchers, educated folks, and rabbis began to document their communities. Those were larger and older towns, who focused mainly on the distinguished genealogy, and above all on spiritual community leadership. Details on the lives of the general population were occasionally present through details on various institutions, although they were not the focus. A browse through those books indicates that sources from which authors drew their knowledge mostly tombstones, were those focusing on leadership. Of course, accounts pertained to historically significant and valuable tombstones. Such tombstones were better preserved than less significant ones. Sources used included preserved ledgers (mainly those by burial societies.) Endorsements by local rabbis were considered as sources as well.

Those respectable towns include (in alphabetical order:) Ostrów (Memorial for Ostrów Greats) Brisk (Glorious City) Grodno (Town of Heroes) Dubno (Grater Dubno and Dubno and Its Wise Men) Zholkeiv (Sublime Town) Lviv (Notable Men and Holy Monuments) Kraków (City of Justice, Memorial Plaques, and Perfect Beauty) Ruzhany (Knowledge of Holy Men) Lublin (A History of Jewish Lublin and others,) and Minsk (Rabbis and Wise Men of Minsk.) The books mentioned were published unrelated to uprisings, wars, and massacres but because of a feeling of respect for legacy communities, their rabbis, and wise men. In addition, the purpose of those books was not to memorialize the lives of the communities, as those were still in existence, and it was unnecessary to establish a monument to a living community. Therefore, the authors chose not to utilize non–Jewish sources, be it due to the unreliability of such sources or out of lack of knowledge that there existed primary sources on Jews in public and municipal archives, as well as castles of nobles and ministers. Materials in such archives included licenses for local Jews, documents, and certificates from which one could learn of dates when synagogues and cemeteries were established.

We have mentioned above the source provided by ledgers that were composed for each community from the day it was established. We have all heard the ledger recorded details about previous leaders, arrangements, and history. However, few have seen the ledger and were aware of its contents. Most communities were not aware of its value and did not store it for future generations when it was full and unnecessary to maintain as a consecutive source. But what was the fate of old ledgers? The few communities whose ledgers remain did not preserve them well

[Page 20]

and they were placed in dank spots until their pages withered, mold consumed it, or children played with it and ripped it to shreds. There were also cases of people who maliciously destroyed them as the ledgers recorded their names or their ancestors' names as transgressors subjected to fines, censures, or excommunications. After drastic changes occurred in the state or Jewish communities, many of the towns' notables and leaders declined in status while common men ascended and seized control of communities. Their first action was to shred or burn the ledger which recorded their sins and the sins of their fathers and praised the good deeds and status of those whose status declined. Thus, the number of ledgers that survived malicious intent was very small.

The ledger was an all–encompassing detailing of the community which recorded town regulations and organization, appointment of leaders, rabbis, judges, activists, financiers, writers, cantors, synagogue administrators, estimates of community taxation, verdicts, punishments and fines imposed on those breaking communities rules or regulations, community revenue and fundraising efforts, especially expenditures – not even the smallest amount was spent without detailing its purpose, warnings and decrees, and censures. At times, the community's faithful servant, the ledger's author, was inspired and poured his heart out and described an important event, positive or negative, and described it in rhymes and simple heartfelt prose. In those days, it was impossible for a community to exist without such a ledger. Community members had to adhere to strict established guidelines, other than those that expired because of changes in the size or structure of the community. The ledger author had to constantly detail revenue and expenditures to refute negative feedback. He wrote what he was obligated to write, and so a detailed history emerged.

One who is even somewhat versed in our history books knows that without the few surviving ledgers it would be impossible to describe the state of our nation's culture, history, and past developments. Many matters of our events would be out of reach and completely sealed. Even those short and dry accounting lists spread across most of the pages are considered gems to the researchers. At times, details in the ledgers shed light on material in general history books. It should be noted that the ledgers have nearly identical formats in Lithuanian and Polish communities as if all community leaders convened and decided to enact rules concerning administration, the behavior of community members in public and at home, education, clothes, living quarters, modesty, family life, negotiations, and other similar matters.

Another important detail is that the language of the ledgers is evidence that our community leaders of the past felt that those ledgers were not written solely for the local needs of the time, but for future generations and Jews worldwide as well. All ledgers were written in Hebrew, though many community members did not understand Hebrew. At any rate, the few surviving ledgers serve as a primary source for researchers

[Page 21]

of communal histories, though rarely described in books where such details are evident.

Another completely different source is Yizkor books published these days by members of various communities in memory of their hometowns destroyed by the barbaric Nazi Germans. In that aspect, those books are considered as monuments not only for individuals or select groups but to whole towns and cities. That task is therefore much larger, and for that reason significantly more difficult. The authors of the few books mentioned above encounterd a “living” cemetery as they could still browse the yellowing pages of various ledgers and could ask elders to describe stories they had heard from their ancestors. This as opposed to entire communities destroyed along with their ledgers and other documents. Some no longer exist because of the war and the destruction it resulted in, and what remains is locked and sealed ‘on the other side’ and access is nearly impossible.

It is under such conditions that we approach writing the history of Turobin and its Jewish community. On the one hand, we find dates in the general Polish encyclopedias on Christian Turobin and from them, we know that as far back as 1389 Turobin (a town, village, or farm) was granted to Marshall Dimitri of Goraj by King Vladislav Yagello. From a similar date we know that in 1430, the Prophec Church was established in Turobin for local and nearby Christians. We also know of Polish influencers such statesmen and authors who resided in town. On the other hand, we have no sources detailing numbers and dates of the establishment of the Jewish community, the first Jews to reside there or their place of origin, what year the Jews established the synagogue mentioned in the general chronicle without listing the date of establishment, and we must cast about in the dark concerning matters regarding Jewish Turobin. And even if anything did remain as a testimony to those early days, that too was lost in the great storm of Nazi occupation. There might have been a ledger in the possession of the community council or the burial society. The Turobin natives residing in Israel cannot detail much from the town's ancient origins.

I have attempted to draw comparisons from published memorial books of nearby towns such as Frampol, Tomaszów, Biłgoraj, Zamość, (Szczebrzeszyn has yet to tell its story aside from a few booklets.) Although Turobin is occasionally mentioned as a neighboring town it is difficult to find substantial details on its past. Even in books published about Lublin, the regional capital, no details are present about Turobin, as if the Lublin activists feared to lose any detail of Lublin proper. Three yizkor books were published about Lublin, aside from holocaust research published by former residents. Well, who would dare approach the great hidden void and unveil much or some of Jewish Turobin? who would dare accept such a great and difficult task to discover important or minor details of an ancient Jewish town whose natives residing in Israel and often reminisce about their hometown stand before an unbreachable steel wall? And yet, little me decided to do my part and discover at least a part of the history of the Turobin community, even though I have never visited it. The decision of the Turobin activists to publish a yizkor book in memory of their town

[Page 22]

encouraged me to stand by their side and add another component to the general history of Jewish Poland. All was done “so your descendants will know” that the Jews of Turobin were able to preserve themselves under various sets of conditions as a stable community and deserve to be documented in the great memorial book of Polish Jewry that will one day be written by expert historians who could assess how they greatly contributed to the world's nations and to the return to Zion.

1389 first official date Turobin mentioned. Demintri from Goraj – master of town. Magdeburg Law in Turobin. Bazaar, market days, and Prophec Church. Destruction of town by Tatars in 1509. Soydov Reestablishes Town. Calvinism War in Turobin. Turobin moves to the Zamoyski Family Fee Tail. Since 1662, 4 market days in town. The Town during the 1648 Cossack Uprising. Census of the town in 1827.

The general history chronicle mentions the first event concerning Turobin in 1389, when the Polish king and prince of Lithuania Vladislav Yagello (1350–1434) gave Turobin along with many other villages to Dimitri from the nearby Goraj. He was the military chief of staff and later promoted to the role of the crown treasurer as a reward for his contributions to the military. Therefore, Turobin had an early link to the king of Poland who has contributed much to the country. Four years before the mentioned date for Turobin, 1385, Poland united with its large neighbor Lithuania, as a response to the threat they faced from the great German crusaders' kingdom to the north. That alliance resulted in a positive outcome for Poland and they beat the crusaders for the first time in 1410 at the decisive Battle of Grunwald. A more decisive victory came later, during the Thirteen Years' War (1454–1466), with the increasing importance of exporting wood and grains from Poland to Danzig in Pomerania. The victory was a decisive one and Pomerania joined Poland (as Royal Prussia) and Prussia itself (Eastern Prussia) surrendered to the Polish king, first dubbed Crusaders' land and from 1525 considered a part of the Prussian Kingdom.

Dimitri from Goraj who participated in many wars on behalf of Poland and Lithuania as a general fought devotedly and as a sign of gratitude King Yagello granted Turobin to him along with other regional villages. That detail is mentioned in an essay by Krainski, who when addressing Polish treasurer Jan Dimitri from Goraj, wrote, “may the Crown's treasurer minster never decay. He observed Yagello's homeland from afar and in his heart remembered and loved the Lithuanian kingdom. He was rewarded for his service by his majesty king Ludwik of Poland and Hungary with a deed for the Szczebrzeszyn estate with the addition of Turobin and all villages in that region. Issued in writing in Kraków, 1389.”

Yagello was the second out of four Polish kings with the same name. As a great Lithuanian prince in a search for allies, in 1386 married Yadviga queen

[Page 23]

of Poland and was crowned king of Poland as Yagello II. That same year, he accepted Catholicism and worked to spread it among the Lithuanians. His victory over the Teutonic Order ended the Germans' eastward expansion and positioned Poland as a significant world power. He was a devout Catholic and heeded the advice of priests, including restrictions and various decrees unfavorable to Jews. The ancient academy founded by Casimir III the Great in Casimir, a suburb of Kraków, was renamed in his honor. To gain favor among the military leadership he granted them estates and villages and helped them to develop and turn them into towns by encouraging population growth. General Dimitri received Turobin, which had likely already reached a desired threshold of agricultural production and population. He also received a promise of royal assistance in developing his new estate in Turobin.^[1]

Dimitri himself gained power after the big wars ended and he could enjoy the peace. He served as deputy treasury minister of the Polish kingdom and resided in the palace located in Goraj which he received as a gift from Ludwik I king of Hungary and Poland. The owner of Goraj, Alexander of Stroyantsha, managed to elevate it to the status of a town after he changed its name from Lada to Goraj. Goraj is located near Turobin and so likely added by King Vladislav as a gift to Dimitri so he can expand his territory and perhaps his income. Dimitri's actions to improve Turobin are ignored by the chronicle.

The date on which Turobin was chartered does not offer details on who founded it, when it was founded, or what its form – a village, estate, farm, or the like, or who its previous owners were. It is therefore likely that residential Turobin existed for many years but was not recorded in kingdom documents. The historical announcement granting its transference to Dmitri opened a new chapter and contributed to the economic and residential improvement.

The numerous Tatarian invasions of Poland are not to be ignored. The largest one occurred in 1241 and was thwarted in the battle near the city of Legnica in the Silesia province. The second Tatar invasion in 1259 and the third in 1287 affectedd Poland up to the Kraków area, which was destroyed as a result. After the country was destroyed during the Tatar invasions, from the second half of the 13^th Century to the start of the 14^th, a settlement movement grew stronger in Poland and was present across all Polish provinces. The settlers originated in Germany, who improved farming techniques with better equipment, and improved agricultural fertility with better seeding technique. The improved development resulted in villages' ability to trade produce. The expansion of the market contributed to the development of towns. At the same time, new towns were established. One of those towns was Turobin, which might have been previously established and destroyed by the Tatars. This time around, the king took notice and he and his advisors were determined to advance it and grant to trustworthy individuals. Since the first notice, there was a certain gap and it is unknown what occurred during that time.

The second chronicle entry about Turobin came 31 years later. It said that Yagello has agreed to grant Turobin regional rights according to German Magdeburg Law with a market day every Tuesday. An important step forward in the development of the

[Page 24]

new town is seen here; market days permitted all merchants to engage in free trade in the town. The development of

the towns caused the formation of a new class in Poland, the civic class (Meishtshan.) Those rights afforded to Turobin attracted new residents to such an extent that in 1430, ten years after the charter was affirmed, the town owners established the first Prophec Church in town and perhaps the first in the region. The church was designated as a gathering place for the faithful and to attract wanderers to the churches closest to town.

Since the founding of the church, no further events were recorded for eight years. Another item is presented recording an event which occurred in 1509. the Tatars, the veteran centuries–long enemies of Poland, periodically went on a ransacking operation due to a lack of borders between Turkey and Poland. On one of these operations, the Tatars burned Turobin and destroyed it. There are no further details on the destruction, and it was likely no different than that of other towns and villages in Poland whose residents abandoned the town, were killed, or captured by the Tatras who received a ransom in exchange. The following owner of the Turobin, Andrei Vincenti Soydov, showed interest in rebuilding the town and renewed rights for those who arrived to resettle it by granting constitutional freedoms. With the treaty signed between Turkey and Poland and due to their influence on the Romanian states, Turobin was spared further Tatar attacks and it could rebuild residentially and economically.^[2]

The Polish chronicle recorded dates regarding churches and monitored clashes among the denominations. The strongest of the denominations was Calvinism, which was dominant in Turobin as well. Since the 16th Century, Reformation was popularized among the masses of Shlakhta [?] and Meishtshn[?] Polish classes in its various shades such as Calvinism, Lutheranism, Hussitism, and others. The Catholic Church wished to end Reformation by declaring war on the “heretics.” A tumultuous time ensued in Turobin because of the spread of Reformation, until the Italian Optin Sochin spread the Arianic [?] religion. The Gorkin family who inherited Turobin converted the local church to a Calvinist one during the days of King Sigmund August, and established a Calvinist school near it, which was present until the end of the 16th Century. The Bishop of Chelm, Stanislav Gomolinski, was the deciding factor in that holy war and confiscated the church from its Calvinist owners, renovated it, erased all memory of its previous heretical owners, and eventually reopened it to Catholics. The chronicle says that the church was burned down towards the end of the 17th Century and was reestablished in 1713. That likely settled the conflict. The Calvinists likely made attempts to recapture the church.

There are no extensive details on the religious conflict among the residents of Turobin and the region. However, it is unlikely the conflict was non–violent, as other places witnessed incitement by churches which culminated in violent uprisings which further intensified. Jesuit students and wildly youths would burn houses of worship and raze protestant cemeteries, assault Calvinist ministers, attack funerals of heretics and drop the

[Page 25]

coffin, and more. There were casualties as well, and not even old hospitalized people were not spared. The Lutherans and Calvinists eventually adopted the Jewish technique of defense and payed “protection” fees to the unruly students, and would especially pay to protect their funerals. In Turobin things must have been [no] calmer and disturbed the peace in the otherwise quiet town. The Church contributed too much to the persecution of non–Catholics

Turobin changed ownership again. During its agricultural development, it was placed under the control of the Polish Great Chancellor Jan Zamoyski (1541–1605.) In 1600, he purchased Turobin and its estates and added them to the Zamoyski Family Fee Tail. He also returned it to Church authority. In 1618, 18 years after the purchase, Zamoyski examined the municipal documents and organized them. Some were approved, and others cancelled. Additional permits were approved in 1646. After the joining of the Fee Tail, things in Turobin improved. With religious peace returning to town, King Jan Casimir (whose time in office is regarded as “Days of the Flood”) agreed to grant the right of 4 market days to Turobin. That was in 1622 and done to benefit the town fatigued from the continuous struggle and open a rehabilitation path. The Zamoyski Family Fee Tail and Jan Zamoyski saga will be written about later.

The next mention came after nothing was mentioned about the Cossack Uprising in 1648. Town residents suffered much during the Cossack conflict. Cossacks stormed town plundered and massacred residents. The awful riots began in Ukraine and spread to the Lublin region, and Turobin was affected as were all region villages. What is the purpose of the chronicle's silence on such an influential event, when everyone understands that the renewal of peaceful times was done to rehabilitate town and resettling it after residents had escaped? Turobin undoubtedly suffered plagues as well, especially in 1705, when cholera infected Poland and many died. The town also suffered considerably because of wars and feuds which took place in Poland in the 17^th and 18^th centuries, due to disparities in the states' foreign policy and nobility feuds. Of course, all those armed conflicts caused substantial suffering regarding security and economics.

No detail is mentioned about the town during the last thirty years of the old Polish kingdom from 1764–1795. Those were very tumultuous in both foreign and domestic politics. Three partitions occurred which put an end to the kingdom's independence. Turobin did not maintain its national affiliation, and during occupation of the Lublin region by the Austrian military, Turobin was occupied as well. But the chronicle is not to be questioned; at times it expands and at times is brief. The fact remains that no mention of Turobin during the 18^th century is present, just as no details are recorded about its exchange of fee tails. Turobin is also not mentioned regarding The Kosciuszko Uprising which erupted March of 1794 and ended in defeat. The ways of the Polish chronicle are mysterious; it ignored Turobin for a period of 165 years. Only in 1827, after the divisions and Napoleon's defeat in Russian and the annexation of Congressional Poland to Russia including Turobin, an item appears that there are

[Page 26]

344 households in town and a population of 2026, who made their living mostly from fur processing, without mentioning if processing was done independently or initiated by the Jews who were already residing there.

The chronicle had fewer entries during Russian rule, perhaps because the chronicling agency was intended to serve an independent Poland. After Poland lost its independence, there was a lesser need for entries that likely required permission from Russian authorities, which was more interested in maintaining Russian rule over Poland, whose people did not forego the possibility of restoring their independence. Turobin, which did not serve an important role in the history of Poland, was limited to statistical entries concerning the number of households and residents.

The Polish chronicle likely knew the rule which appears in the Talmud “to hide more than what is revealed.” The Chronicle also supplied material to be read between the lines. There is not much that can be learned about the local Jews. The rare entries that did mention Jews were shrouded in mystery without dates. However, the events of Jews in Turobin are a story on its own which we will detail in the coming chapters.

There remains something to be said about the name “Turobin.” The origin of the Geographic name of the town is unknown. Usually, towns were named for their owners, noblemen, princes, kings, or rivers and streams. Tomaszów, for instance, is named for Tomas Zamoyski. Janów was a common name in Poland since the name Jan was widespread among the various classes, and so a note was added so they can be told apart. Such is the case of Tomaszów Lubelski as opposed to Tomaszów Osbitsek, and Janów Lubelski near Pinsk or Janów Ostrov. Even Sosnowiec received two towns: near the Silesian border in the Zaglembie area, and near the town of Parczew, among many others. A second Turobin is a village in the Lomzhe district. Our Turobin is on the shores of the Por River without needing its help in identifying it. On the other hand, the name Turobin was inserted into Polish last names, such as Turobinovitz, Turobinski, etc. as well as Jewish names such as Turobiner, now present outside of Poland after the destruction of Polish Jewry.

A permit for Jewish residence. 1607 first date of Jews in Turobin – Soydov allows Jews in town. Jan Zamoyski estimates the Jews as a positive factor. [Another] permit for Jewish settlement. Jewish – Christian relations established. Businesses of Turobin's Jews. Jewish population growth.

Like there is a basis to assume that despite the first mention of Turobin for the first time in 1389, the town itself existed for a while prior to that, we need to assume that the granting of Turobin by King Vladislav Yagelllo to marshal Dimitri from Goraj did not unlock the gates for

[Page 27]

Jewish settlement. First, since that king was a fundamentalist Catholic and a slave to priests who considered it a mission to restrict Jews as much as possible. Second, the ground was not yet laid to prepare for Jewish settlement in Turobin or the nearby towns, from an economic or safety perspective, especially because of the fundamental changes which were taking place in the social and political structure in Poland and the consolidation of the Polish noble class. On the other hand, recorded entries state that there were Jewish towns in Poland since the 11th Century. Poland's economy was doing poorly and had a great need for Jews. But the Tatar attacks starting in 1241 undoubtedly postponed for a long while the arrival and settlement of Jews in the region of Turobin. Third, a comparison can be made to other towns in the Lublin area, where Jewish settlement occurred later. Jewish settlement in those areas came later, initiated by owners of the towns who found the Jews to be a helpful element in developing trade and could contribute much to develop towns. So, the nobles published permits designed to protect Jews from attack.

The general chronicle ignores the existence of Jews in Turobin in the first centuries of its existence, even after it was promoted from village or farm to a town. Still, even if we have no direct entries, there are still reliable sources detailing the settlement of Jews in those places for centuries. We will mention two unique facts:

A. in 1607, the representative of Jews in Turobin, Shimon son of David Oyerbach participated for the first time in The Council of Four Lands (CFL) meeting. He signed various regulations heeded by all Polish Jews. This is the earliest mention of a Jewish presence in Turobin which should not be ignored.

B. forty years later, the book Yeven Mezulah by Nathan (Nata) ben Moses Hannover mentions the many casualties of the Khmelnitsky Cossacks who massacred many Ukrainian and Polish Jews. When they reached the Lublin region, they massacred many Jews in Tomaszów, Szczebrzeszyn, Turobin, Biłgoraj, Goraj, Kraśnik and others, and brought about the economic annihilation of the Jews. This is also a trustworthy source on Jewish residence which took place in Turobin.

However, we have no details on Jewish residence from 1389 to 1607, a period of over two hundred years and it is unknown whether Jews settled in Turobin only after it was made a town in 1389, or beforehand when it was a village. It is also unknown if from the first days of settlement the Turobin community was an apart of the autonomically Jewish communities of the Lublin region. That raises questions, if Jewish residence in Turobin was permitted by the nobility and authorities or if it began without a license but undisturbed by the authorities? What were the names of the first Jews to settle in Turobin? Where did they come from, larger Polish towns or various European countries they were expelled from? The general chronicle mentioned the establishing of a synagogue without detailing the date it was built, whether it was initiated by the town's noble or the king. There is no doubt that the cemetery was established by the Jews in Turobin with an agreement by the town's owner and

[Page 28]

payment for the plot or under conditions detailed in the permit. That document was probably archived in the Jewish community archive in Poland, and with a lack of preserving of the archive was lost with the other documents, who could have served as Urim and Thummim for all the unanswered questions.

Although there is no direct proof of Jews residing in the Lublin area until the 14^th–15^th Century, their existence is a near certainty. It is inconceivable that at a time when Jews lived in the countries surrounding Poland from the east (Rysen) and to the west (Germany, Bohemia) and in Poland itself and traded in certain regions would avoid residing in the region. The new Jewish residents would first establish a temporary residence that would serve as halfway point as they travelled for business from east to west across Poland. In the 14^th century, there were already Jewish communities in larger towns and later communities in smaller towns are recorded. In the 15^th century, Poland was very backwards in its cultural and social development. The Polish noble class, the Shlakhta, required credit to raise the productivity of land and to provide revenue for the crown and the church. The activities of Jews in the realm of money–lending benefited the noble class. Therefore, there are grounds to assume that the development of town 1389 when Turobin was gifted to Dimitri of Goraj was slow. The enactment of Magdeburg rights and weekly market days awakened the town from its stagnation, to the point that the expanding population required the establishment of their own church in 1430, so they would no longer depend on a distant church. Since then, a certain advancement occurred in town, and it is possible that the first Jews arrived in Turobin at the time, be they passersby on a business trip, or to scout the town for residential purposes.^[3]

At the start of the 16^th century, the town was burned by the Tatars and its residents scattered, including the Jews. However, the owner of the town, Soydov, showed much interest in quickly rebuilding the town. His attitude towards Jews is unknown, but in his desire to rebuild the town, he chose a path like other nobles and invited Jews to settle in town as well. It is likely that Soydov opened the gates to Jews. Details on the first Jews are unknown: where they came from and what they did, whether they resided in numbers large enough to pray in a minyan, and began thinking of the first institutions required for every new community like a synagogue, mikveh, cemetery, etc. The establishment of the Council of Four Lands occurred when Turobin was already worthy of sending its own delegate, and 27 years after the establishment of the council, the first representative from Turobin worked on behalf of his community.

During development, an important transformation occurred in Turobin when Jan Zamoyski purchased it along with its estates. He knew to appreciate the Jews as a cultural and economic force, and his influence encouraged permission for Jews to settle in various towns. When Turobin joined the Zamoyski Family Fee Tail allowed it was able to further develop and expand. Turns out that Turobin was not the first town in the region where Jews had settled. Count Jan Zamoyski (1542–1605) inhered a majority of father's vast fortune in 1571. He studied abroad, a short time in Strasburg and five years in Italy, where he met

[Page 29]

the famed humanists and intellectuals who studied at the ancient university in Padova. There, he had the idea to establish a sort of Polish Padova, or in his words, an “Italian style” town, not only in its architecture but in its cultural and educational values as well. In a capricious effort by a wealthy man fighting the academic stagnation in Kraków, he established the town of Zamość with the Zamoyski Academy at its center. Zamoyski showed a special interest in Sephardic Jews and granted them permission to settle in Zamość. The Jewish community was at first composed of exclusively Sephardic Jews, an unprecedented action in the history of Poland. However, Ashkenazi Jews lived within Zamoyski's estates in other towns and cities. In Szczebrzeszyn, a town close to Zamość, the main leaser was Yaakov ben Natan, and in nearly all of Zamoyski's large estates the Jews were the primary leasers and traders. Jewish Turobin also was in contact with the fee tail's administrator and could reside and work in town according to a permit granted to Jews.

It should be assumed that the remit granted to the Jews of Tomaszów Lubelski was similar to permits for other towns. Due to the historical significance of that document we hereby detail a translation from Latin:

“In the name of the Almighty. For eternal memory. I, Zamoyski of Zamość, governor of Kiov, Starost of Knyszyn, Goniądz, etc. hereby write to whom it may concern. When I decided a few years ago to establish a new town named Tomaszów, and I saw the daily expansion of the town. To successfully develop trade, I decided to allow the settlement of Jews similarly to other towns under my authority. As residents and citizens in that town, I have permitted them to build homes to house their families. Those Jews will have to fulfill their financial tasks, and pay the same taxes and fees levied on the town's Christian residents. I permit them to enjoy all rights and freedoms afforded to the residents in my jurisdiction, including conducting business, importation, and other honest professions needed to live. I also agree that they have equal rights in buying and selling products of all kinds, always, be it during the weekly market days or yearly fairs. In relation to this permit, current Jewish residents and future ones must pay me or my successor after 15 years a tax paid by all Jews, two florins per homeowner and 1 florin for neighbors, unrelated to other civil taxes equal to other Christian residents, to myself and my successor. In addition, Jews will be permitted to practice medicine equally to Christian doctors, and equal to Christian medics, Jewish medics will each pay me and my successor 15 florins annually.

If conflict or claims arise between Christians and Jews, they must attend arbitration by a Jewish rabbi. If the Christian feels wronged by the rabbi's verdict he has the right to approach my representative and if necessary, my court and me. Other than that, Jews may summon Christians to court concerning all matters, but only in civil municipal court.

[Page 30]

Moreover, I grant the aforementioned Jews the right to purchase lots at a certain distance from the church, for the purposes of establishing a synagogue, a residence for a rabbi, cantor, and teacher, and a shelter for the less fortunate. After those are built, they will be exempt from various taxes and fees placed on Jews when building their homes. However, I declare that Jews are forbidden to purchase from Christians or build more than 12 houses in the town market square. That figure includes existing homes of Jews. Anyone who violates that instruction and builds a house in that location will pay a fine to me. Jews are permitted to build as many homes as they wish on other streets. In addition, I release the Jews from the duty to repair the dams built near the town's suburbs to fortify the lakes, which Christian residents are obligated to do. Jewish homeowners must pay 3 pennies for town administration and recreation.

As validation, I have instructed this document be sealed in wax. Written in Zamość 6 May 1621. Zamoyski.”

It is evident the Jews were granted broader rights Compared to permits issued for other towns outside of the Zamoyski Family Fee Tail. They had equal rights to Christian residents and were also exempt from other obligations.^[4]

The Turobin community was unlike its neighbors in the Zamoyski Family Fee Tail. Other towns were established at the same time the community was, so they did not to go through a period when there were few Jews who had to join other communities on Shabbat and holidays. It is likely the first Jews to settle in Turobin conducted business in wholesale and retail, and their businesses were not necessarily in Turobin proper but also outside of town. Later, handicrafts became a secondary occupation for the Jews of Turobin as well. The influx of Jews into manufacturing came only the 16^th century and even more so in the 17^th century. Their numbers increased across all Polish provinces, and they joined crafts which were nonexistent in the Middle Ages.

The steady increase of Jews in Poland through migration or natural growth, and the limited opportunities available in trading were important factors in the development of a class of handcrafters in Turobin. The largest of the crafts was fur manufacturing, which was imported from the Kraków area by professional craftsmen. Thanks to the development of trade and manufacturing, the Jewish population in Turobin expanded and obtained a recognized positioning in the general population. The right of Jews to work in crafts was awakened after Christians had already succeeded in obtaining all the most profitable occupations. In Turobin, on the other hand, there was no limitation in Jewish fields, as agriculture was the dominant profession. The Turobin area was also one of the few places in the country in which Jews worked successfully in agriculture. In Goraj, a town near Turobin, many Jews made a living in agriculture, as well as those in surrounding villages who were given the privilege to own fields and gardens like Christian residents.

[Page 31]

Chapter 3: Representatives of Turobin at the Council of Four Lands

The Turobin community established. Turobin on the CFL map. The names of rabbis and benefactors of Turobin at CFL – Rabbi Shimon Wolf Oyerbach was the first Representative. Rabbi Menachem Chaioot – Rabbinic Court chairman in Turobin. Representatives of Turobin make decisions concerning other Communities. CFL canceled by Polish authorities in 1764. An important community in Turobin.

Turobin went through various stages before reaching the status of an organized community like other Polish communities. Undoubtedly, the Turobin Jewish community joined another local community, though it is unknown if they were linked to a single community or alternated. It should be assumed there were links between the town Jews and the Jewish communities of Lublin, Zamość, and others. It is unknown who initiated an independent community in Turobin, whether Turobin locals or another town, or if Jews initiated it or the Polish authorities. However, one thing is certain: Turobin was a part of a historic faction of Jewish autonomy achieved through its socio–cultural institutions and rabbis, synagogues, cantors, shochetim, cemeteries, ritual baths, Jewish day schools, and charities.

The Turobin community, whose structure was simple, was established because of pressure by external and internal realities. It was like a municipal unit which represented the Jews locally and to the Crown's representatives. Later, the Council of Four Lands (Greater Poland, Little Poland, Ruthenia and Volhynia) was formed and existed over 180 years from 1580 to 1764. It gathered the communities' leadership with the participation of representatives from the communities and their rabbis whose influence on the public was immense. The community was like a government within a government. The rabbis and other leaders wrote many rules designed to strengthen religion and secure their status against the hatred of the nations they resided within. Thanks to the Council of Four Lands, Turobin obtained a respected position and participated in meetings and actions. Through their participation, we can learn the names of a few representatives and the scope of their actions.

CFL was established in 1580. It published a map of Jewish communities in Poland and its territories. The map includes Turobin and near it are Zamość, Frampol, Modliborzyce, Kraśnik, Krasnobród, Bychawa, Szczebrzeszyn, Biłgoraj, Grabowiec, and Vasilisovitz^[5]. Turobin was probably a part of “Zamość Orientation District.”

Various representatives of Turobin at CFL are mentioned twenty times. 1607 was the first time a representative of Turobin is mentioned as participating in CFL. It is unknown if Turobin was represented in previous meetings because 27 years had passed since the establishment of CFL and the mention of Turobin. It is possible they participated without attracting attention in the form of actions or opinions. These are the names of the representatives of Turobin whose names are mentioned in various meetings:

Rabbi Shimon Wolf ben David Tebbil Oyerbach, whose name is mentioned six times.

[Page 32]

Rabbi David Tebbil ben Eliezer. He is mentioned four times. Possibly a father and son.
Meir ben Eliyahu from Turobin. Mentioned twice.
Meir ben Yosef, five times.
Menachem Munish ben Yitzchak Chaioot, three times.
Moshe ben Zvi Hirsh Segal from Turobin, once.
Pinchas ben Shimon Wolf Oyerbach, once.
Yitzchak ben Uri Shraga Feivel from Kraków, four times.
Yitzchak ben Uri Shraga Feivel (Kraków not mentioned) twice.
Zacharia Mendel ben Arye Leib, four times.
Yehuda Leib ben Nafatli Yitzchak of Przemyśl, from Kraków in Turobin, five times.
Yosef Yoske Katz of Turobin, Once.
Meir ben Rabbi S. of Turobin, once.
Meir ben Rabbi Y. of Turobin (Meir ben Yosef mentioned above)
Meir ben Rabbi El(i) of Turobin, once.

Of course, we do not have a record of everyone. But as representatives of Turobin, it is assumed they were active smart leaders who possessed traits of fluency and knowledge.

The Council of Four Lands was preceded by national Jewish institutions in Poland which did not operate regularly. The Jews were differentiated from the rest of the population and were enclosed in their communities. They were given freedom by the king to arrange their own matters among themselves if there was a financial benefit to the state because of the talents and excellent work ethic they were blessed with. The Jews had established communal order earlier, and in accordance with broad administrative authorities granted to communities by the Crown were allowed o to establish and care for their vital institutions like synagogues, hospitals, cemeteries, day schools and yeshivas. The head tax levied on the Jews since 1549, which they disliked, forced a census of the Jewish population. After various stages, in 1579, a general tax sum was divided among the districts and their communities. Most Historians attribute Jewish autonomy in the Polish kingdom to the change in the taxation method.

Turobin was probably considered a “large community” and, therefore, had the right to send representatives to the council. In 1753, CFL had a total of 25 representatives. The protocols (“ledgers”) kept by CFL who were preserved since the mid–17^th century is an important source concerning Polish Jewry. It bares more importance to Turobin, especially after the destruction of the town and its documents in the Holocaust. It should be noted that Turobin was near Lublin which had a large notable community in which the council's meetings took place.

Matters in the state were far from tranquil. The incited masses, the priesthood, financial competitors, foreign invading armies, hurt the Jewish community, wounded, and tortured it

[Page 33]

relentlessly. However, the time of the Council of Four Lands was a grand time in the history of Polish Jewry, great in economic, social, cultural, and spiritual development. It was a time which signified creativity, activity, and growth in all fields. During that busy time, Turobin was a significant contributor to Jewish life. However, Turobin never hosted the meetings of the central committee, the rabbis and representatives always had to travel to Lublin or Jarosław to participate in meetings. Additionally, only Zamość was fortunate to host the members of the central committee, during a time when there was a falling out with the authorities and financial difficulties, so the demanded tax amount could not be collected. Jewish Lublin was fortunate more than all other Polish towns and hosted CFL over 100 years. Thanks to those conventions, Lublin became a center which shaped not only the lives of Jews in Poland, as important matters and problems concerning the whole of the Jewish world in the 17^th and 18^th centuries were discussed in Lublin during CFL. It is easy to imagine that every time the Council convened, Lublin bustled with the many people who arrived from all over Poland and at times from other countries, accompanied by rabbis, scholars, activists, speakers, merchants, and adventurers. As happens sometimes, rumors came from CFL which either caused happiness or sadness, or a fighting spirit which threatened Jewish communities in Poland and abroad by causing conflict between brothers who bonded through troubles they experienced together. Turobin was near Lublin, and undoubtedly the conventions in Lublin left a mark on Jewish Turobin as well.

CFL gathered once or twice annually: the days of the fair between Purim and Passover (Gromnitz Fair) or the Shwanski Fair in May, and the fall (month of Av or Elul) at the Jarosław Fair. The fairs continued for 16 days each. Sometimes, the Council convened near Lublin (Bełżyce, Tyszowce, Opole) among the conventions' participants there were rabbis and benefactors (Benefactors' Council of Four Lands.) However, the wars which took place in Poland from 1648–1655 caused an economic downturn in Lublin, and staring in 1683, the council met in Jarosław and other towns such as Tyszowce, Rejowiec, Konstantynów, Pilica, and others.

The community rabbi filled an important role within the autonomous frame of Jewish life in Poland. The autonomous control effectively rested in the hands of the rabbis of the Council of Four Lands. Outwardly, they were the representatives of the Jewish body tasked with collecting and paying taxes. Internally, they were the men who dictated the spiritual and cultural aspects, and no corner of the lives of people was hidden from them nor exempt from their guidance and judgement. The material found in the protocols of the Council of Four Lands names the rabbis and benefactors of the Turobin community which helped us when determining the relative importance of Turobin and its rabbis and benefactors within the great structure of autonomous rule. After an extensive reading we reached the conclusion Turobin had a very important role, and together with great rabbis and activists from other towns would intervene in the spiritual and social lives of Polish Jews.

They oversaw appointments within the communities, book publishing, recommended or censured, praised someone and rebuked another. When gusts of wind blew, and Judaism was shaken by proponents of new ideas, the rabbis of Turobin and its leaders battled on the front lines.

[Page 34]

Twenty–seven years after the CFL was established, we first read of Rabbi Shimon Wolf Oyerbach in Turobin. He was a link in a family chain of rabbis. The question arises if he was Turobin's first rabbi or if unnamed community leaders preceded him. At CFL, we can find the rabbi's signature among the council members. In 1607, the council convened at the Gromnitz Fair in Lublin and enacted rules concerning Polish Jews regarding many matters, including interest bearing loans, etc. The rabbi of Turobin added his signature and added, “I too hereby sign. Small among my peers, Shimon son of my beloved father, teacher and rabbi, Rabbi David Oyerbach of Turobin.”

In 1643, the Council discussed mistakes which existed as prayer books were published in different styles, which might have caused inconsistencies in the accepted format of payers. After deliberation, the council decided to grant exclusive rights to print prayer books to a rabbi from Przemyśl (Shabtai bar Yitzchak Sofer) to publish a prayer book in a single format, and a decree was issued not to publish or distribute other prayer books. At the same fair, there is a mention of Rabbi Menachem “Munish” Chaioot, son of the Great Rabbi Yitzchak Chaioot, rabbinic court chairman in Turobin, who apparently took part in the council's deliberation representing Turobin. Thus, we have the name of a second community leader who resided in Turobin. With the discovery of the rabbi it might make it easier to find details on his personality an influence which represented Turobin at the main council convention^[6].

In 1669, the representatives of the Tykocin community approached the council and complained their community was being discriminated against because they had to pay their own taxes to the Poles while the council sponsored other communities. It was decided that the council would fund the Tykocin community as well (the Council collected taxes from various communities and would budget for such needs.) Among the signatories to that decision is Yitzchak of Kraków residing in Turobin. He was likely a community leader and not necessarily a rabbi. Thus, we first encounter the name of a community leader from Turobin who could address the council and decide on many joint issues. On the other hand, it is possible that due to a lack of qualified representatives in Turobin, the position was delegated to a Jew from Kraków named Yitzchak to represent it at the council.^[7]

In 1672, the council convened in Jarosław. They decided later to never conduct the meeting there again as Jews were permitted to reside only in two buildings in that town. That convention was attended by “Yitzchak son of his righteous father Yehuda Leib son of the great rabbi and teacher Naftali Yitzchak of blessed memory from Przemyśl, from Kraków, on behalf of the holy community of Turobin.” Here too it is unknown if it was a resident of Turobin or someone who agreed to represent the community after being approached by the community, be it due to the absence of the regular representative or some other reason.

In 1673, the representative from Pińczów complained to the council that there were many people wishing to settle in their town despite it being unfavorable. There was much poverty and not enough sources of income. They requested the council grant them the authority to forbid such

[Page 35]

migration to their community for the benefit of the longtime residents. The request by Pińczów was granted. Among the signatures affirming the decision is “David Tebbil of Turobin (son of Eliezer?)

In 1678, 18 community leaders of Lublin gathered and signed a promissory note for the noble Georg Miltren fun Miltenburg, treasurer of the royal town of Breslau. The note promises to repay the loan over 12 years “starting at the Elizabet Fair 1679.” Among the 18 signatories is “Meir Yosef (should say ben Yosef) of Turobin.”

A similar transaction took place at a meeting in Pińczów on 20 Tamuz 5433 (1673) when a compromise was reached regarding the promissory note. Among the signatories there is a different name representing Turobin, “David Tebbil son of the great rabbi Eliezer of blessed and holy memory from Turobin,”

On 5 Iyar 1678, the Council in Lublin deliberated and affirmed the printing of the Bible translated for Ashkenazi Jews by a man named R' Yosef Atiash from Amsterdam. Among the signatories was “R' Meir son of my beloved father Rabbi Yosef Yoske Katz from Turobin.” The signatory is repeated a few times with small changes to the name, be it because of a lack of caution, or error.

That same year, The Council reached an agreement with the Tykocin Community to grant them a representative at the convention in Lublin on 4 Sivan 5438. That community bothered the council often with various complaints and often gave the council leaders a headache. One of the signatories is “Meir ben Rabbi Yosef of Turobin”

A few years later, in 1680, the Council received another loan from the nobleman mentioned above, Milteburg of Breslau, with a promissory note for installed payments for nine years. A signatory is “Rabbi David Eliezer (should say ben Eliezer) from Turobin.”

In 1687, the representatives of the Opatów (Apt) community presented a similar complaint to that of the Pińczów community, that people were settling in town without the permission of the community leadership and causing an economic burden. The council granted the request and forbade Jews from other towns to settle in it. Among those signatories (26 Elul 5447) is Meir ben rabbi Yosef Katz of Turobin. Note that the same Meir appears as a representative of Turobin in various meetings.

In 1688, the Council granted exclusive rights to Rabbi Yitzchak Aberlash of Kraków to publish a book of Torah lessons. The agreement was signed on 27 Elul 5448. Among the signatories was “Zacharia Mendel son of my rabbi and teacher the great light, grand rabbi Arye Leib of righteous memory, residing in Turobin.” He will be further discussed in the coming chapters.

In 1689, the council was approached concerning the dispute of the Melnyk land among the Międzyrzec Podlaski and Tykocin communities. The council handed its verdict on 15 Tishrei 5449. Among the signatories is “Meir son of rabbi Eli (maybe Arye Leib) of Turobin. Apparently, the matter was not properly settled, as on 20 Tishrei 5449 The council in Jarosław was approached concerning the conflict. The Council had to

[Page 36]

regather and give a new verdict. Among the signatories was Meir son of Rabbi S. from Turobin (likely an error, rabbi A. instead of rabbi S.) We have previously noted there are errors in the signed names.

In 1689, the council granted a copyright to the author of Zofnat Pa'aneach Rabbi Yosef son of rabbi Moshe, and forbade others to print and distribute it for three years. A signatory is “Zechariah Mendel son of the great light, grand rabbi Arye Leib of righteous memory residing in holy Turobin and temporarily in Belz”.

In 1691, The conflict concerning the Melnyk land reignited and was brought once again to the council meeting on 8 Tishrei 5451. The Council compelled them to uphold the verdict previously given by the council. Zechariah Mendel residing in Turobin signed.

In 1673, the Council deliberated the request of rabbi Shmuel Zenvel of Pińczów son of R' Chanoch of Lublin to publish his Torah commentary book Divrei Shmuel (Amsterdam, 5438) and the council agreed to forbid others to print and distribute it by bestowing their blessing on the author. Signed by “Yitzchak son of beloved father Uri Shraga Feivel of blessed memory, resident of Turobin.”

In 1726, the Council provided a detailing of annual revenue and expenditures. The council also determined the sources of revenue and contribution appropriate for each community. The council decided to grant a discount to various communities. It is interesting to note that Turobin was granted a 600 rubles discount, like the discount granted to the Lublin community. Discounts were granted after accounting for the community's financial abilities or considering some trouble which had occurred. The very fact Turobin was put on the same level of the large and veteran Lublin community, proves beyond doubt that the Turobin community achieved a status of significance at the time. Sometimes it is hard to believe it was the same Turobin which later is not mentioned in books and its Jews did not particularly excel in spiritual or cultural matters. Sometimes the impression is made that Turobin of the Four Lands Council was larger and more stable, and more developed in other aspects economically, relationships with other towns, and notable rabbis which resided in it.

In the 18^th century, we witnessed the crumbling of the autonomous structure because of the uprising by small communities against the oppressive large communities. The Polish noble class warned many times against Jewish autonomy and governmental councils adopted many resolutions against the taxation system which granted Jews the ability to hide the true income of communities. The common Jewish people also rebelled against corruption within the communities whose patience expired after witnessing the arrogance and selfishness of community leaders who exploited them for personal gain. In 1764, the Council of Foul Lands was dismantled.

We have mentioned various issues discussed at CFL with the representatives of Turobin, without mentioning many other important matters which were also deliberated and whose resolution depended on the council. As an example, we will mention the study of Torah and concern for those studying it and yeshivas and professionals who studied. Various social issues (like helping conduct weddings for poor girls) were also discussed. These details cannot be even briefly detailed here. The representatives from Turobin

[Page 37]

could watch and witness events taking place in the Jewish community of Poland through a national lens and learn about events in the Jewish world in Poland and abroad.

Polish Jews saw the Council as a symbol of social greatness and a governmental mandate. After the Khmelnitsky Massacre, Rabbi Nathan Nata Hanover saw in them “The column of justice in Poland, like what was before the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem” and the “leaders of the Four Lands were like the Sanhedrin in the Hall of Hewn Stones and had the power to rule on all of Israel in the Polish kingdom and mend fences and write rules and punish any man as they saw fit.” That is an idealization of reality, but it reflects the public sentiment. After the dismantlement of the Council by the Polish authorities, Jews felt deeply insulted “that the great men and community leaders were removed from what little power they had, and even that small honor was taken from Israel.” The Turobin community participated in that important council whose advice was heeded by all Jewish communities. They knew how to apply experience, delve into important and difficult matters, and could rule wisely.

It is good that authors and researchers decided to rescue the varied material of the autonomous council from the claws of forgetfulness. They published it in the form of books and papers. Thanks to them the names of the Turobin representatives were preserved; names of greater and smaller rabbis, activists, and leaders who accepted responsibility at the council. The representatives labored with no consideration for their personal needs and had to travel afar for meetings and suffer what they may have when outside of their homes and families.

As we mentioned the issues handled by the rabbis and leaders of Turobin, we must note the gap which occurred because of the 1648 massacres, when dozens of communities were destroyed, and the council could not function properly, and we need to focus on that gap.

The Jewish community in Turobin was one of the communities which developed economically to the point that in 1648 it was considered a notable community. Its roots were deep and the status of Jews was good from a spiritual and financial perspective. They lived comfortably, as Rabbi Moshe Isserles expressed, “it is better to have a dry slice of bread and peace in Poland than a house full of pleasures in Germany.”

1648 troubles in Poland. The destruction of Turobin in the book Yeven Mezulah. The Destruction in the books Tzok Ha'Itim and A History Jewish Tragedies by C.Y. Gorland, Za'ar Bat Rabim by Ashkenazi and Nahalat Yaakov Melitzot. Jewish Refugees in Turobin as time passed. Kalmankish Yaffe, a refugee from Turobin, owns a printing press in Lublin. The Turobin community on the martyr list of Tomaszów. The rehabilitation of the community with assistance from the authorities. Dramatic events near town. CFL meetings renewed. 1669, Reb Yitzchak Parnas of Turobin participates. Turobin in a cycle of war and events.

The previous chapter details the period of the Council of four Lands and much material on the participation of the Turobin Jewish community in its various deliberations attended by community representatives, rabbis, and leaders.

[Page 38]

In contrast, we had to limit the detailing of 1648, although Turobin undoubtedly suffered the pain inflicted by Khmelnitsky no less so than other communities in the Lublin region.

The 1648 Massacre was inflicted by Cossacks on Jewish communities in Ukraine and certain communities in Poland and Lithuania. The methods of Khmelnitsky are known; he drowned the towns of Ukraine and Poland in rivers of blood. Turobin suffered as well and in 1648 the Cossacks occupied the region and murdered many Jews.

Before Shavuot, horrifying rumors reached the area. Nobody knew where they originated and how ruthful they were, but they spread quickly. People in Turobin met at the synagogue and at home and told of a terrible uprising of Cossacks in the southeast region of the country. The two–day holiday passed peacefully, but a few days later, convoys from the east arrived and merchants told of Cossacks who allied with Tatars, the defeat of the Polish army, and two captures generals. The news intensified and quickly everyone knew that the Cossacks were attacking mainly nobles and Jews. They massacred the Jews and destroyed entire Jewish communities wherever they arrived beyond the Dnieper river. A few days later, the first refugees began arriving at the Lublin region. They were mostly wealthy Jews from Podolia and Volhyn who feared to remain in the east and escaped with their families. The refugees told of the massacres in the communities of Tsirin, Niemirów, Tulchin, Polonia, Konstantynów, Ostrów, and others. They told of horrific things done to the Jews; how they were skinned, their bodies thrown to dogs, maimed, buried alive, and the like. Tales were told of gutted Jewish children, pregnant women whose stomachs were severed, a cat placed instead of the fetus, and the like. In their nightmarish imagination, the masses saw the Cossacks storming towns and cities where Jews resided. Mothers cried day and night and looked fearfully through the windows as the murderers approached from the east.

Here are the words of the only historian in those days who witnessed the massacres, Rabbi Natan Nata son of Rabbi Moshe Hanover. He wrote in his book Yeven Metzulah (Venice, 1653) about Turobin and the area:

“Khmelnitsky the terrible traveled with his army, many people like the sand of the shore. They sieged the Zamość community, a strong town with a doubled wall and a water trench surrounding it. As soon as the enemies arrived, the residents burned down the houses near the wall, so the enemies cannot hide there. The enemy was prevented from approaching the city and 1.8 kilometers surrounding itb&and during that time, they infested all the surrounding communities and killed many in Tomaszów, Szczebrzeszyn, Turobin, Rybczewice, Tarnogród, Biłgoraj, Goraj, Kraśnik killed thunders of Jews.”

In addition to the mentioned primary source, there are additional sources on those terrible events.

[Page 39]

Rabbi Meir son of Shmuel of Szczebrzeszyn details the events on a long prosaic poem titled Tzok Ha'Itim (1^st edition Kraków 1649) and although over three hundred ears passed since the book was published it is still very valuable and considered a rare document. We bring the entire portion (Tzok Ha'Itim page 17: )

“During that time, about two thousand hostile troops traveled to the communities of Szczebrzeszyn and Turobin. Thousands were killed in Szczebrzeszyn, indescribable notable Jewish people, martyred for God. They defiled women and girls who shouted for help but to no avail. Their deeds prove their unchanged intentions. After they tormented them and were no longer aroused by them, the tossed their naked bodies aside. The rebels reached the synagogue and saw a Jewish man who hid there. They hung him in the tallit and tefillin he was wearing. They searched for survivors who were hiding and murdered them torturously. The dogs licked the blood of the victims, the dead were tossed in winding mountains. Hundreds of infants drowned in cement. Scrolls and holy books were tossed in the streets, ripped to pieces, and dragged through the mud, turned into a resting place for swine. The windows were smashed to smithereens, the ovens shattered. They did so in Turobin. They reached Lublin and destroyed a quality region.

Rabbi Meir slightly expanded the framework, but the details are unclear. A History of Jewish Tragedies, (Otzar Ha'Sifrut, Kraków, 1888) Published by C.Y. Gorland, explains that “Szczebrzeszyn and Turobin are two small towns in the Lublin region.” The author of Tit Ha'Yeven, Rabbi Shmuel Feivish, detailed in his book the number of those massacred at every sight in all villages and towns, how many households there were and how many were murdered, how many were captures and sold into slavery, without mentioning the towns of Szczebrzeszyn, Turobin, Zamość, Boćki, and Tomaszów.

Thanks to the diligence of the researcher C.Y. Gorland in his above–mentioned booklets^[8] Turobin is mentioned in some other sources as well. In Grief of the Many by Rabbi Avraham son of Rabbi Shmuel Ashkenazi in the alphabetically ordered kina “Eulogy for Polonia” in the rhymes starting with the letter W$ it is written, “I cry for the surviving Hebrews, the dear children of Boćki, the honest children of Brehin, the righteous children of Szczebrzeszyn, the wholesome children of Yavoriv, the brave children of Turobin, the glorious children of Tomaszów. the enemies came and slaughtered more than thirty thousand people in the area, clever people illuminating like the light of the heavens.”

The book Nahlat Yaakov Melitzot by Rabbi Naftali Sofer Medina of Gniezno (1652) includes various musar passages and ends with grief poems by Rabbi Chanoch of Gniezno (Poznań). In “God of Vengeance Kina” (alphabetically organized, stanzas form an acrostic of the author's name) written about the tragedy of the massacres in Ukraine, the Volhyn region, and the Chelm region it says, “For that I weep, A sword was not returned to its holster, God has prepared a sacrifice of summer newborns, the holy Szczebrzeszyn and Turobin communities were slaughtered by the enemy's sword for God. How long will You not rest and not let them be?”^[9]

[Page 40]

So, Turobin is mentioned more than once in works mentioning the communities in which the evil massacre took place (if not in all the grief poems). Details on the number of casualties and descriptions of the murders are not detailed. However, the condensation of the descriptions says much. Turobin was not a fortress like Zamość and its Jews could not redeem their lives for twenty thousand gold coins. It was also not like the capital Lublin, one of the four large communities whose residents prepared to defend the city, workers took positions in watchtowers, the walls of the city fortified, ramparts constructed, trenches cleared of trash, and canons updated. But luck shined upon Lublin that time, as the new king Jan Casimir demanded Khmelnitsky withdraw in exchange for negotiations. He directed his troops to return home and Lublin sighed in relief. In 1651, Lublin was already able to host the reconvened Council of Four Lands and discuss methods of assisting the thousands of the afflicted in Ukraine and Podolia. The communities were instructed to each assist a certain number of refugees.

The Jewish refugees who reached the region probably arrived to seek shelter in Turobin as well. For generations following the events, people shook in fear when discussing Khmelnitsky the horrible. Emigrants from Turobin now in Israel know to tell that when Khmelnitsky and his Cossacks invaded Poland and were able to reach Rava–Ruska, people from a few Jewish communities came to Turobin. The spoke Germanic Yiddish and sang a song “Bogdan, Bogdan you are a traitor” or something along those lines. The Khmelnitsky massacres left their mark not only on grief poems and El Malei Rachmaim in memory of the martyrs, but also in folk songs which angrily mentioned the name of the bitter enemy.

Apparently, impoverished individuals who could not afford to escape to safer, more distant places, were murdered. The wealthier people joined the camp of those leaving their homes and traveled to escape death and rescue their families. After the massacred ceased, the refugees of Turobin, or many of them, returned to Turobin and began to rehabilitate their lives and livelihoods and overcome the horrifying past, though they could not forget the tragedies which were written in rivers of blood on the hearts of Polish Jews.

The economic status of Polish Jews was destroyed mainly by the events of 1648 following the terrible destruction which was unprecedented in the history of Poland. Their political status had previously declined for various reasons, mainly due to feuds among the noble class.

Due to a lack of details, it is difficult to assess whether Turobin was resettled only by residents who survived by escaping ahead of time or whether additional refugees arrived who feared to return to their homes in Ukraine and Vohlyn, at the recommendation of CFL or invited by the Turobin residents who wanted to return the population to its previous size. The pain of the bitter past was not quickly forgotten. The rabbis who convened at CFL decided to announce a fast day

[Page 41]

on 20 Tamuz, the day of the massacre in Niemirów, and permitted agunot whose husbands perished during the massacre to remarry.

One of the reasons for the small number of notices about the massacre in Turobin is that there was not a single Jew from Turobin who was spared killing and could testify to the tragedy that befell the local Jews among the refugees or those imprisoned by Tatars. Of course, those who escaped prior to the massacre could not know how the massacre was conducted there. However, there was a Jew from Turobin by the name of Kalmankish Yaffe who settled in Lublin and established a printing house in partnership with Shlomo Zalman son of rabbi Yakkov. That printing house also printed, probably to memorialize the author, the book Broken Tablets, a commentary on the Torah and Talmud by the holy rabbi Yechiel Michel ben rabbi Elazar, yeshivah and court chairman in Niemirów who was martyred there in 1648 and was memorialized in many folk tales and brief poems about the tragedy. The book was brought to press by the brother of the holy rabbi, the righteous rabbi Yitzchak Mochaich, chief rabbi of Terebovlya in Podolia, residing in the glorious Zhovkva community in 1679. The name of the publisher from Turobin is on the books cover page, “Kalmankish Yaffe of Turobin. Printed in Lublin under the rule of the great king his majesty Jan.”^[10]. A special El Malei Rachamim prayer in honor of his pure soul is present in all books dedicated to the 1648 massacres.

In the old ledger of the synagogue in Tomaszów Lubelski (which was burned in the first fire in 1918) kept meticulous records of all the places in which the Khmelnitsky occupiers massacred Jews. The name of the Turobin community is also included, and it was customary to dig near the graves on the three days leading up to Shavuot.^[11]

Turobin was on the first line of defense on Polish soil on the western bank of the Bog River, near the towns from south and north like Goraj, Kraśnik, Tomaszów, Rybczewice, Tarnogród, Biłgoraj and others. The region delayed the tide of the belligerents who wanted to storm and invade the heart of Poland. They were the first ones to receive he blows from the troops of the horrible Khmelnitsky on Polish soil settled by Poles and Jews, not Ukrainians.

It is unknown if that line of defense with fortified towns such as Zamość and Lublin could have held on for long if not for the crowning of Jan Casimir, brother of the deceased king Vladislav. Khmelnitsky's fatigue meant the king's order to stop the war was a lifeline. He seized the opportunity and ordered his troops to retreat from all Polish and other occupied territories. Turobin was one of the towns liberated a short time after they were invaded. The residents, including Jews, were able to return and rebuild the town. We do not have details on their return and the rebuilding of community life.

Because of the recording shortage on the murders of Jews of the Turobin community, it is unknown what happened to the deceased; if they received a Jewish burial in the local cemetery or in a mass grave as was done in the other towns Khmelnitsky invaded. Other sources say

[Page 42]

that the Polish Sejm came to the aid of destroyed towns and reaffirmed the rights and privileges afforded by earlier monarchs to the towns and the Jews which resided in them. The permit was given in 1678 by the owner of Turobin, Count Zamoyski. He afforded such rights for the sake of town development in 1646, two years before the Cossack uprising. The new king, Jan Casimir, granted 4 market days for Turobin. It is unknown if he did so on his initiative as he did for other towns, or if he was influenced by Zamoyski.

The Turobin community was able to rebuild quickly due to its proximity to Lublin, the main community, and the seat of the CFL, though it remined wounded like all of Polish Jewry. Not all communities were rebuilt. Many of the destroyed communities were erased from the communities' map. Above all, psyches were destroyed, and a fertile ground was created for mystical messianic delusions. The mysticism was joined with religion and the Jews invested in it their longing for Geulah and ascension from the depths of reality. The victory of the Zohar and Rabbi Yitzchak Luria's kabbalah was a decisive one. The longing for redemption and faith in it gave birth in a roundabout way to Shabtai Zvi and his pupil Yaakov Frank^[12]. It also gave birth to the Hasidic movement which also found fertile ground in Turobin.^[13]

Many dramatic events which happened during the 1648 massacre in Ukraine probably did not happen in Turobin, although they did in its vicinity. It is told that when Khmelnitsky's murderous troops were nearing Krasnobród, local Jews began pleading with the town's nobles Bonded and Yadmov to come to their aid in their time of need. They agreed to protect them for a hefty sum and kept their promise. The ataman's forces rested on Yadao's property, while some troops stayed in the Bonder woods and did not enter the town. When they found a bride and groom in the synagogue yard exiting their chuppah they killed them both. The “lovely and pleasant” were buried where they were killed. Near the western wall of the synagogue, there was a stone marking their burial spot and the cohanim would not pass near it and walk instead on the path between the synagogue and bathhouse.

The Council of Four Lands reconvened and representatives of Turobin participated in its deliberations. In 1669, there is a mention of “R' Yitzchak Parnas in the Turobin community” among the signatories regarding a decision made by the council regarding the Tykocin community. It is very possible the Turobin representative was there was a leader instead of a rabbi for the first time after the Khmelnitsky's tragedies, since they did not yet have one who could navigate the complex matters of the council. In contrast, we see in later years notable men among the Turobin representatives such as R' Meir ben R' Yoske Katz, R' Zacharia Mendel son of R' Arye Leib, R' Yitzchak son of Uri Shraga Feivel of Kraków “currently residing in Turobin” and others. Among the representing rabbis were those who served many communities in their long lives and came to Turobin to serve as a rabbi, or continued to another town after serving in Turobin.

By the time to wounds caused by Khmelnitsky healed, new troubled had arrived. In the fall, a plague broke out in greater Poland and residents escaped from the towns and villages to the woods to save themselves. The plague spread quickly and brought devastation to many.

[Page 43]

The Jews have not yet rested from their troubles when a short time later, enemies invaded again, the Russians from the east, the Cossacks and Tatars from south–west, and the Swedish king Carl Gustav from the North. King Jan Casimir escaped to Silesia and Carl Gustav advanced within Poland without meeting an armed resistance. The Lublin region, including Turobin, was saved from the Swedes but met a worse fate; the Cossacks and Russians invaded and caused much suffering to the population. The cycle of events continued until 1660. Lublin and the region were passed from one invader to the next. Merchants and craftsmen turned poor, and in one of his publications, king Jan Casimir described the dark state of Polish Jews. Turobin was linked to the series of events occurring Lublin. We do not know details on the daily lives of the Jews of Turobin at the time, the most difficult in their live.

The fate of Turobin was as risk along with all Polish Jewry in the 18^th century, which brought new shocks to the Jews. Kings August I and II ruled the country. They were wild kings of narrow hearts who abandoned the Jews to their enemies. Jewish spirit declined as a result. The wall of Jewish autonomy was breached. The dwindling financial resources of Jews and the immense debt of the Council of Four Lands following the massacres, wars, and other tragedies were added to the undermining on the inside and competition by those motivated by personal gain. So, the Council of Four lands finally collapsed, the same council which Jews of Turobin could take pride in as they had representatives almost during the entire time it existed.

That same year, Stanislav August Poniatovski became the last monarch of Poland. He enacted some reforms, but the economic status of the Jews had sharply declined. That generation lacked great leaders who could withstand the tide. Instead, people of a progressive and liberal mindset took leadership positions. The Jews of Turobin and other traditional communities were not pleased by them and matters worsened.

In contrast to the period of the Council of Four Lands and the events of 1648, for which we had historical sources, we have no sources on the state of Turobin on the period of the three partitions of Poland. Turobin also experienced changes, no less so than other communities. Turobin exchanged hands several times and for a certain time was occupied by Austrian troops.

Turobin in CFL documents. “Holy vessels” in the Turobin community. The history of the synagogue of Turobin. The role of a rabbi in the community. Rabbi Shimon Wolf Oyerbach. Rabbi Zachariah Mendel author of Ba'er Heitev. The tombstone of Rabbi Reuven ben rabbi Yeshayah in Lublin. The rabbis Natan Nata and Eliezer. Rabbi Noach Shmuel Lifshitz – first Hasidic rabbi in Turobin. The cemetery and burial society. Origins of Hasidism in Turobin.

[Page 44]

Turobin was a relatively notable community. it was first mentioned in the documents of CFL in 1607, in a manner demonstrating it was a rich community, and the number of documents of CFL mentioning Turobin had since increased. They are a valuable resource when studying the community. It shows it was structurally important within Polish Jewish autonomy. We mention it here in the overview of milestones in the history of Jewish Turobin.^[14]

As in other towns, The Jewish community in Turobin was autonomously ruled and held judicial and administrative roles concerning the population in town and the region. The community was the administrative point of contact between the Jewish population and the municipal and national authorities. The community regulated the economic, social, and cultural lives of its members. Community leaders were appointed who wrote the community's budget and handled fiscal matters. They represented the community to the nobles, municipal and royal authorities. They had a say over permitting someone to hold a certain profession. They appointed rabbis, administrators, clerks, and community officers. Additionally, the leaders would appoint a person from their ranks as representative to the regional and central councils. Collectors of dues oversaw synagogues, burial societies, homeless shelters, old–age homes, charities, bathhouses, weeding funds and other philanthropic institutions, the shochetim, those ritually purging meat, and butchers.

There was a synagogue wherever there was a traditionally observant Jewish population. Most synagogues in the Lublin province were built in the 16^th and 17^th centuries. The synagogue in Turobin was built in the 16^th century. As an older town, the town had a synagogue before other communities in the Zamoyski Family Fee Tail. Count, Jan Zamoyski the Fee Tail's owner, was generous regarding the construction of synagogues and allowed unlimited amounts of wood to be taken from the forest, as well as cement and stones, free of charge. The synagogue in Turobin was built with red bricks. It was probably once the same color as traditional synagogues, but fires which were prevalent in many towns likely happened, and changes were made to the exterior and interior design while doing repairs. After the tragic events of 1648, when many synagogues were plundered and burned by Khmelnitsky's gangs, community ledgers detail immense artistic wealth Jewish artists contributed to those prayer houses. Presumably, the synagogue in Turobin also had an artistic treasure which did not survive.

In contrast, to this day, the magnificent synagogues in the nearby towns of Zamość and Szczebrzeszyn, are famed. The most famous and ancient among the many synagogues of Lublin, was the Shlomo Luria synagogue. It was built in 1567 by authority of King Zigmont August. Square–shaped and at the center

[Page 45]

of the prayer hall were four columns surrounding the stage, linked at the top in half–circular arcs. The synagogue in Szczebrzeszyn, the interior of which was like the Zamość synagogue, was among the most decorated synagogues in the Lublin region. Its exterior was also excellent, in addition to the interior ornaments. The Renaissance synagogue in Zamość served as the first example of interior ornamental architecture and was gently and tastefully designed. Unfortunately, we do not have a description of the original synagogue of Turobin. The Russians did not spare it in WWI, and it was only rebuilt and renovated ten years later. There were many windows in the synagogue, elaborately decorated, especially on the wall which faced the sight of the temple in Jerusalem which was by the parishioners, next to it stood the ark (which housed the Torah scrolls) which was a customarily decorated. Near the ark stood a podium which the prayer leader stood in front of. At the center of the synagogue, as usual, there was a stage where the Torah was recited. There was a women's section too.

The community had salaried positions, headed by the rabbi who in addition to his role answering religious queries had an official, respected say on community matters. He would affirm community rules and the leaders' important decisions. He signed the tax form written by the accountants, and led appointments of the community leaders.

The Great Synagogue - views from East and South (Photographed October 1966)

[Page 46]

He was the court chairman, and the one to issue an excommunication decree. He oversaw teachers, gave permission to speakers to give lectures in town. He signed official letters and community notices, etc. As time passed, the rabbi's authority decreased in favor of the leaders; he could not excommunicate without their consent, and the his dependence on the leaders extended to other matters. The rabbi's position guaranteed a large income; he had a fixed salary, payments from weddings, circumcisions, divorces, a commission of compensation ruled by the religious court, a fee for affirming documents, etc. In addition, the rabbi was exempt from all taxes unless he traded.

The synagogue became a barn

[Page 47]

Turobin had many notable, influential rabbis, and a few are mentioned with admiration in rabbinic literature and general Jewish literature. The great rabbi Shimon Wolf son of Rabbi David Tebbil Oyerbach was a rabbi in Turobin for some time and represented the community at the Council of Four Lands in 5387. However, rabbis in those days were travelers often relocated to a larger or more notable community. Rabbi Shimon Wolf relocated to Lyuboml, and a short while later, resigned as rabbi from Lyuboml as he was called to serve as a rabbi of Lublin. He served as rabbi in Lublin from 5339 to 5345. He then left Lublin, its masses, and noise, and was given the role of ABD in in Przemyśl where he ruled his community justly. During his tenure in Przemyśl, he was among those who approved the book Yesh Nokhalim (Prague, 5357.) He went on to serve in the Poznań community. He attracted admiration with his righteousness and there too he approved a book, Siakh Yitzchak (Basel 5387) on Shvat 19, 5387 . He went on to serve as a yeshiva leader and ABD in the grand city of Vienna, capital of Austria. )5585) and towards the end of his life served as ABD of Prague where he passed on Cheshvan 7, 5392. His grave stone reads, “was ABD and head of the yeshiva in Turobin, Lyuboml, Lublin, etc. his Torah writings are printed in Kav HaYashar chapter 65.

He was the son–in–law of Mahrshal and father in law of Rabbi Eliezer Lipman Heilperin, father of the famed genius rabbi Ze'ev Wolf Halperin ABD of Olik. The details of the disagreement he had with

The Symbol over the western entrance to the synagogue

[Page 48]

The synagogue viewed from a distance

One of the most famous rabbis was Rabbi Zacharia Mendel, known for his book Ba'er Hetev on Shulchan Aruch, Yore De'a and Choshen Mishpat. He was Known in Kraków as Rabbi Mendel son of the wise Rabbi Arye Leib, also known by all as Rabbi Leib son of rabbi Fishel, after his father–in–law the great rabbi Fishel

[Page 49]

from Lviv. Rabbi Arye Leib was at first the chief rabbi and Yeshiva instructor in the Vienna metropolis and in Przemyśl and was later accepted chief rabbi in Kraków after the passing of the great rabbi Heshel of Lublin, who passed on 20 Tishrei 5424. The next year Rabbi Arye Leib already filled rabbi Heshel's throne. He published his book Tikunei Teshuvah in 5426 and others.

Rabbi Zacharia Mendel, Rabbi Arye Leib's eldest son, had both Torah skills and greatness. He had a well–constructed large brick house in the Jewish street of Kraków. After the death of his father, Rabbi Zacharia was accepted as rabbi of the grand synagogue and Torah instructor in Kraków, and in 5434 he still had that position. Later, He was accepted as chief rabbi of Turobin. In 5448 he was at the Jarosław Council among the rabbis of CFL who approved the publication of the book Toldot Yitzchak, a commentary on the Torah by the great rabbi Yitzchak Darshan of Kraków. In 5449 he approved the new Tzofnat Pa'aneach. He went on from Turobin to serve as chief rabbi of Belz province. There, he approved the publication of Ktonet Pasim including Chaluka D'Rabanan on the Passover Haggadah by the author of Tzofnat Pa'aneach, signed as “the humble Zacharia Mendel son of the great light, teacher and rabbi Arye Leib of blessed memory, residing in Belz.”^[15]

At the old cemetery in Lublin there is a tombstone of Rabbi Reuven son of Rabbi Yeshayah, reading “Rabbi and scholar rabbi Yeshayah of blessed memory of Turobin, passed on 19 Av 5526 it is unknown if he served as a rabbi in Turobin or was a wise man versed in Torah without filling an official position.

Another notable rabbi is Rabbi Natan Netta, dubbed “The wise and righteous rabbi Natan Neta, rabbi of the Turobin community.” He is quoted as a responder in the halachic inquiry book Beit Avraham but the wise rabbi Avraham rabbi of Tarla. He approved the book Asefat Yehuda in 5522 and signed “Natan Netta, residing in Turobin, son–in–law of the wiseman M. Baruch Kahana Rappoport.” He was also descendent of a notable rabbinical lineage.

His daughter was married to the wise rabbi Yosef Te'omim who was the rabbi of Ostrovtza and in 5492 was hired as rabbi of Opatów.

Another righteous man well–versed in Torah was the wise rabbi Elazar son of the wealthy Rabbi Yosef Halevi Segal Landau, halakhic scholar, and arbiter of the Kraków province. He was a chief rabbi in Turobin and is mentioned in the burial society ledger of Opatów in 5554. He rests with his ancestors in Opatów. His wife, Hadasa, was the daughter of the wise rabbi Yakkov Yitzchak, ABD of Zamość.

His daughter Rivkah was married to the wise rabbi Yitzchak rabbi of Chelma and Zamość who passed in 5685.

The first Hasidic rabbi in Turobin was the wise rabbi Noakh Shmuel Lifshitz (5540 – 5592)^[16] who served as its rabbi from 5558 and like his father Rabbi Yehuda Leib Lifshitz who was a rabbi in Białaczów and Opoczno was of the followers and pupils of Rabbi Yaakov Yitzchak the Seer of Lublin. He was raised in the Hasidic tradition and also traveled to the rabbi Yisroel the maggid of Kozienice. Rabbi Noakh Shmuel raised and educated who would later become the “the righteous man of Gostynin” Rabbi Yechiel Meir Lifshitz, his nephew orphaned at a young age. He breathed the air of Turobin along with the moral air he absorbed in his uncle's house.

[Page 50]

Cover page of the book Divrei Shmuel  by rabbi S.N. Lifshitz of Turobin

[Page 51]

A cemetery was among the first concerns of every Jewish community and was the cornerstone when establishing a Jewish community. The cemetery was usually built outside of town, and as time passed was in the center of town. At the Turobin cemetery, there were ancient tombstones, half sunken in the ground. The Turobin cemetery was visited on certain days of the year; memorial days, 9 of Av, during the month of Elul, especially on the eve of Rosh Hashanah and the eve of Yom Kippur when many prayers were said, and charity was given to the poor in memory of the deceased. The date the cemetery was established is unknown.

The cemetery was under the care of the burial society, the company which cared for the needs of the deceased and was present in all Jewish communities. The members of the burial society and the fund collectors had various customs and rights. The privilege of caring for the cemetery was always considered one of the principles of religious freedom whose administration and care was legally established. Each burial society had a ledger which recorded various events and community guidelines. Regional authorities approved the decrees of the society. Of course, the Turobin ledger also recorded matters which concerned the general Jewish lifestyle and not unique to Turobin, as the social conditions expressed in community guidelines were not unique to the Jewish community in that town.

There was much responsibility placed in the hands of the chosen community council, and a special spot in the framework of Jewish autonomy in Poland was reserved for the rabbi. The autonomous rule was effectively placed in the hands of the rabbis of CFL. Outwardly, they were the representatives of the Jewish community, tasked with collecting taxes. Within the community, they were those shaping culture and spiritualty and were involved in every aspect of community life. There were additional religious officials in the community, shochetim, teachers, synagogue managers, and clerks. The rabbi's role was most influential, there was a reason he was called “head of the area.”

With the demise of Poland came the demise of its flourishing Jewish autonomy. Indeed, before the demise of CFL of Hasidism rose in Poland. The rabbis of CFL could not negatively impact its fate in their final meetings, and quickly Lublin and Zamość and the surrounding small towns were flooded with the bustling of the new movement, which entered Turobin silently and modestly. That reality was eventually recognized, and various sects of Hassidim established their own prayer houses. “Righteous men” visited and Hasidim would openly travel to their righteous men. Turobin also served as the home of some righteous man.

Community reorganized. Jews settle in nearby towns. Census of Jews in 1764. Notable wise rabbis in Turobin. Turobin during the three partitions of Poland. The light of Hasidism in Turobin. The Rabbi of Turobin – student of the Seer. Natives of Turobin as rabbis in various communities. The Turobin area described by writers. Educated people and notable writers in the region.

[Page 52]

After the Cossack uprising of 1648, the Turobin community shared a similar fate to that of the rest of Polish Jewry. Most communities were destroyed. Refugees from Turobin were scattered near and far, waiting for a beam of light to arrive, without knowing from where. Polish Jewry was in decline. The fate of the Polish Commonwealth was visible and apparent to all. The conflict among classes and parties undermined the foundations of the state, which housed the Jewish community in Europe for centuries. Everything decayed. The king played with the nobles internally and the governments of Russia, Prussia, and Austria externally. The Jews of Turobin, who knew what was occurring in the country through their representatives in CFL walked as if on hot coals, between hope and despair. The nobles continued in their traditional feuds and self–preservation, and in the towns, a class war took place among the nobles and lower classes. Additionally, the Catholic Church intervened and preached hate towards other faiths and incited against the Jews with blood libel and other libel.

But after the Jews returned to Turobin following the Khmelnitsky massacre, their numbers increased in the town and satellite villages so that they were able to reestablish aa new organized community. Settlements took place not only in Turobin but also in the surrounding area in towns and villages for which Turobin served as the main community. Jewish residence in Turobin was not entirely forbidden (Non tolerandis Yudia)^[17], as opposed to many other towns and cities of church strongholds. The growth in the Jewish population, as in the rest of the Polish kingdom, came about through natural growth, developed family traditions, religious lifestyle, especially the widespread tradition of marrying young, combined with the immigration of Jews from distant placed where access and reconstruction were unrealistic.

A shocking change to the Polish Jewish community was the dismantling of the Council of Four Lands by King Poniatovski in 1764. Until that time, the Council collected the head tax from the Jews. The representatives of Turobin in the Council took part in its decisions concerning many communities and had an idea of what was happening across the Jewish community in Poland. The dismantlement of the Council silenced an important chronicler of Jewish Turobin. The cancellation was caused by the suspicion that the communities were collecting fewer taxes from the lower classes. To maximize tax revenue, the Sejm decided to collect taxes from everyone. That removed the need for community leaders, rabbis, and regional leaders and diminished the value of the Council of Four lands, the great organization of Polish Jewry which radiated beauty and royal awe for centuries. The Sejm of 1788–1791 was concerned about the Jewish question and many solutions were proposed to solve it.

Most advocated forced assimilation, cancelling the communities' autonomy, replacing Yiddish with Polish, replacing trade with agricultural work. After many deliberations, the proposals were postponed to handling in special committees whose entire purpose was a perpetual delay of the Jewish question and avoiding a solution in the spirit of liberalism. The Jews attempted to influence the king Stanislav August Poniatovski through friendly ties wealthy Jews had with the king and his staff. Undoubtedly the representatives of Turobin were

[Page 53]

involved through various channels. Eventually, the Kingdom of Poland was partitioned a third time and independent Poland was lost.

In 1764, the government conducted a census of Jews, which continued into the first months of 1765. The census was conducted in relation to the individual tax the Jews were demanded to pay, as opposed to a lump sum as before. Children less than a year old were exempt from the tax and so were not counted. In 1765, the Turobin community and the surrounding area had 985 Jews^[18]. It was then a town in Chelm district.

However, the true number of Jews in many places was larger than what the census accounted for. Since the purpose of the census was raising taxes on Jews, they made an effort to report a number as low as possible, especially children which could be hidden more easily. It is unknown how many non–Jews resided in Turobin at the time as the non–Jewish population was not counted. The sources from the time, like the memoirs of Bar of Bolekhiv, confirm the underreporting of individuals to municipal and national authorities, especially the number of children.^[19]

As we investigate those days in terms of cultural wellbeing on Polish Jews and ignore for a while the downgraded political and economic situation, we are shocked at the flourishing of the Torah and its study during those bad times. On one hand, a sword of persecutions was being waved by the Church and nobles. On the other hand, Torah was studied day and night in the Poland ghettos. Turobin was home to notable wise rabbis whom the Jews of Turobin took pride in. The rabbis of Turobin studied much Torah as they served as instructors in yeshivas for local and regional students. It seems that there was no bigger rise in the study of Talmud as in those days in the regions of Kraków, Lviv, and Lublin as in those days, in which the sound of Torah study was loud and it flourished and achieved unprecedented advance. The communities of Poland served as the cultural warehouse for the Western European communities. All the great rabbis in Germany, France, and Holland and others came from Poland. Elite yeshivot were established which produced thousands of Torah scholars while the well did not run dry and “gentle Poland of Torah and greatness” was not deprived of Rabbis. Rabbis of towns like Szydłowiec, Wodzisław, and Opatów filled important roles in their communities. It is possible rabbis from Turobin served as rabbis in communities abroad without their names being mentioned like rabbis from other communities which were occasionally mentioned. Polish rabbis served In London and Amsterdam as well. In addition, Poland had many rabbis and wisemen. Beautiful responsa books on halakha and commentary were published often, in the Turobin area as well like Mishnat Chachamim by Rabbi Yosef Hochgilrenter of Zamość. A rabbi who was a refugee expelled from Vienna expressed his conclusion, “I came to Poland where Torah and greatness are one of the same, and from which the light of Torah illuminates, as they spread Torah in Israel even in poverty and hard labor, especially the burden of head taxes, property taxesb& ten men wear a single tallit and study Torah.” (Rabbi Nafatali Hertz Lenglezu in the introduction to his commentary Naftali Ayala Shelukha on Midrash Raba (Frankfurt)Oder) 5452)^[20].

[Page 54]

The names of the rabbis of Turobin shine like gems of light to this very day in rabbinic literature and halakhic commentary. The name Turobin was well respected in Jewish councils, yeshivot and Torah students from Turobin were accepted in many places as important people. From that aspect, there was no place for residents of Turobin to be ashamed in comparison to other places. The wisemen who interpreted the name of the town as a combination of the words ‘Torah’ and binah [wisdom] were not overlooked.

Since the census of Jews, the last thirty years in the events of old Poland were tumultuous in foreign and domestic policy. Three Partitions occurred and ended Poland's independence. The three large neighboring kingdoms of Prussia, Russia, and Austria were the partitioning states. After Poland was divided a third time in 1795, Austria occupied a part of the Lublin province including Turobin. After the annexation of the province by Austria, changes occurred in community organization and the lives of Jews. The community was governed by Austrian inventions which limited Jewish trade, in addition to other restriction placed on Jews. By direction from Austria, authorities began an initiative to introduce the Jews, like in Galicia, to a civilization process to prepare them for receiving civil rights. That is how Jews were forced to add Polish last names to their Jewish ones. As opposed to Galicia, where names were chosen by clerks, the Jews chose the names themselves and names from that era like Turobiner and others like it remained.

The taxation burden was not smaller under the Austrian regime. The meat tax which was leased to Jewish contractors, and the candle tax, a tax levied on every candle lighted in Jewish homes on Shabbat and holidays, two candles at least for every married woman. Those taxes remained in effect even after the town was annexed to the Warszawa Principality. In1809, the whole province was conquered by Prince Yozef Poniatovski, and the Lublin province including Turobin was returned to the Warszawa Principality. The wars of Napoleon and his conquers which shook the world and awoke it form its Middle Ages slumber brought a spirit of freedom and tolerance to all oppressed nations including the Jews. The Jewish nation, which was depressed by the persecutions of the Middle Ages, began a resurrection and the rumors about the founding of the Sanhedrin and equal rights for Jews in Europe filed their hearts in hopes of a new and brighter future. But the righteous rabbis of Poland, men of the holy spirt, predicted that if the laws of equal rights were enacted, they would cause the assimilation of Jews and they labored to cancel that so called “gift.”

There is no doubt that during the events which shook the leaders of Hasidism relating to reforms was also present in Turobin. The town served as a halfway point between Lublin, Kozienice, and Galician Rymanów whose righteous men stood at the helm of the spiritual excitement. Messengers wandered many towns and stopped in Turobin as well, making it a party to the Political – Hasidic arguments about the future. Turobin was one of the first towns which were affected by the new light of the Hassidic movement and conquered many hearts and fresh spirits[?]. The religious star of Rabbi Noakh Shmuel ben Rabbi Yehuda Leib rose in Turobin, and he participated in spreading Hassidim across the country.

At the end of the 18^th century, a new fire ignited and spread across Eastern European Jewry –the Hasidic movement. It came bearing powerful psychological tools and overtook the souls of many. It first gave God to the ordinary Jew, from which he drew

[Page 55]

solace in dark days. It touched on many ecstatic emotions of mystical religion. It also possessed a surprising psychological phenomenon of ignoring the grey reality, creating an elevated world flowing with love and kindness. With the philosophy of mystical emotion, in which the righteous man served in a central role, every believer was directly connection to his Creator and could pour his heart out to him. The barriers present in thick volumes of Jewish law fell. God was no longer in the law but in song, prayer, and faith. The large wave which swept through the Jewish community reached Turobin in its early days, where it encountered no objections. Even the elaborate rabbinic tradition of the community could not withstand the force of the new movement and new winds began to blow. The foundation was than laid for Hasidic Turobin, the part of the Jewish community which stood out within the diverse picture. Here too there is more that remains a mystery, but the name “Rabbi Noakh Shmuel Lifshitz of Turobin” which was common among the many followers of Rabbi Yakkov Yitzchak “The Seer” of Lublin says much.

Just as Turobin was previously linked to Lublin as the main seat of the Council of Four Lands, so too Hasidic Turobin continued to be linked to Lublin, where the Seer resided. He was the founder of the Hasidic movement in Poland and inherited the Hasidism of the Baal Shem Tov. The Seer began his leadership between the first and second partitions of Poland. During those thirty years the Seer led, Poland was divided a second and third time, with changes in government and kings in many of its provinces. The French revolution arrived, and Napoleon and his conquers merged with the founding of the Warszawa Principality and the notion of equal rights for Jews. Those years also marked the development and spread of Hasidism in Poland which had arrived from the edges, from Vohlyn and Eastern Galicia.

The spiritual essence of the Seer who was born in Lublin and the time in which he operated marked the importance of Lublin and designed the unique image of the Hasidic leader, which was not only a community leader but a spiritual guide. His many followers and students were attracted by his method of worship, the way of total excitement and dedication. The Seer was a mystical expert, Kabbalah scholar, establisher of redeeming rituals, and writer of prayers. He was the student of the great Maggid of Międzyrzec Podlaski and Rabbi Elimelch of Lizhensk and had all the qualities which attracted followers. And so, a great community of Hassidism was established in Lublin and added to the many great students who were famed as leaders during his life and after his death.

The Hasidic community in Lublin brought the Seer to them in about 5554, after he resided in Cyców for about seven years. However, there were a few Hasidic people in Lublin (perhaps in Turobin as well), although the Hasidic movement was not yet pronounced in what was previously a scholarly center, the city of Mahrshal and Maharam. Indeed, the rabbi of Lublin in the previous generation, Rabbi Shaul Margaliot, was from a Hasidic home and even visited the Ba'al Shem Tov with his notable wise father and right hand man of the Ba'al Shem Tov, Rabbi Meir Margaliot, author of Meir Netivm. However, they were hidden and persecuted by community leaders.

Turobin was one among many followers of Hassidic Lublin, which was considered the first and main town

[Page 56]

and the one to spread Polish Hasidism. The first in nearly the entirety of Poland was Rabbi Yaakov Yitzchak “The Seer” who was admired by all Hasidic leaders and considered the father of Polish Hasidism. His battle to spread Hassidim in Poland was a rough one, but he overcame his opposition. After his victory, Lublin became a center of Hasidic leadership lineages and home to thousands of Hasidic people. Hundreds of followers came to him, including famed Torah scholars.

If we want to examine the power of Hasidic influence during the period of the Seer in Lublin province we need to read the work of his students. Those include Rabbi Avraham, rabbi of Rejowiec who left many behind, Rabbi Eliezer Bar of Grabowiec brother– in –law of Rabbi Mordechai Yosef from Izbica, Rabbi Arye Leibush of Biłgoraj, Rabbi Ze'ev Wolf rabbi of Biyozipof, Rabbi Yosef Kesis of Chelm, Lubartów, and Janów. Rabbi Yitzchak Moshe Azriel Licht of Bełżyce, Rabbi Lemmel of Wahin and Modliborzyce, Rabbi Moshe Chaim of Mboskovitz, Rabbi Moshe of Janów, Rabbi Noakh Shmuel Lifshitz of Turobin and Bieżuń^[21], Rabbi Nehemya of Józefów, Rabbi Nata of Chelm, Rabbi Kalman Yitzchak of Bełżyce, and more.

Turobin was located among towns and cities full of Judaism and Hassidism in all directions; Szczebrzeszyn, Janów Lubelski, Biłgoraj, Goraj, towards Lublin. Goraj is a small town from which the famed righteous man Mendli of Kotzk originated. Also worth mentioning is Motelle Gorajer who was considered by Jews in the region as a crypto–righteous man. Indeed, Szczebrzeszyn and Zamość were known as progressive communities. Y.L. Peretz was born in Zamość and studied Torah in Szczebrzeszyn as a student of the wise writer Yaakov Reifman who was reputable and well known in the region. Hasidism was the undeniable ruler of Jewish life in Turobin. Its liveliness and roots still fed on the first–generation Hasidism in Lublin of the and the Rabbi of Zaklików. Hasidic devoutness was dominant and did not allow any other breach of spirit in Jewish life. The Lublin rabbi Moshele Tverski and the rabbis of Turiysk visited towns annually and were hosted in Biłgoraj, Turobin, Janów, and Frampol. The writer Y. Bashevis describes in his book Satan in Goraj the troubles of the faithful on their journey to the rabbi in Biłgoraj and the coaches which sank in the swamps of Frampol. Biłgoraj produced the well–known writers Israel Joshua Singer and Yitzchak Bashevis–Singer who wrote many works in which they described various images from our area and its views. Janów Lubelski was well known for its scholars, God–fearing, righteous men of good deeds. In the Lublin area, Turobin was situated between the towns of Janów, Wysokiei, Tarnogród, and Biłgoraj, surrounded by forests and many unmarked villages. I.J singer wrote a beautiful story about Frampol and Turobin, a story read breathlessly. Bashevis too described the regional scenery in his book Der Hoyf.

There were times when a Jewish community was evaluated according to its spiritual leader, and the sense of gratitude and appreciation was estimated by how many great rabbis it had produced and by the number of great rabbis who resided in it. Turobin had a small population but was large in the quality it produced. The rabbis who served in it gave it renown. The wise rabbi of Frampol with the majestic appearance, Rabbi Eliezer Shalom Feder, originated in Turobin and was considered

[Page 57]

one of the great rabbis of Poland. He was a staunch opposer of Hasidism, as well as very impoverished, caring for children from his first and second marriages. He passed suddenly one Shavuot and the rabbi of Biłgoraj, Rabbi Metelle Rokeach (who made aliya after the war,) instructed the rabbi not be buried until Friday after the holiday^[22].

Jewish Turobin represented a large concentration of wise rabbis and Godfearing men and its scholars were well–reputed in the region. Turobin was approached when there was a need for a halakhic scholar. Turobin could be proud of its Torah scholars, and many communities in Poland were blessed with yeshiva leaders and Torah instructors who originated in Turobin. Nearby Żółkiewka needed a rabbi so they invited Rabbi Simcha Plhandler, one of the Torah scholars of Turobin. Rabbi Bunem Ostreicher was invited to serve as an instructor at the Chakhmei Lublin Yeshiva. Rabbi Yeshaya Nata Tregger, son of Rabbi Ozer the Coachman from Turobin was invited to serve as rabbi in a Polish town.

In addition to the grand Beit Hamidrash in Turobin in which lives of scholarship and Torah were flourishing, Hasidic life flourished at the synagogues of the Gur, Alexander, Turiysk, and Kreshnik–Turobin sects. The rebbe Yaakov Leibelle whose every deed was honorable was Admired by the Hasidic community for his personality. He resided in Turobin for many years in a house with a garden surrounding it. He had many followers in Turobin and the region. Once, a Hasid from Turobin came to ask for a blessing from Rebbe of Belz who resided beyond the Austrian border near the Polish border. He likely did so thinking there was no equivalent residing in Turobin to bless him and provide support in his time of need. The rabbi of Belz refused to do as requested and said, “you have Rabbi Yaakov Leibelle, why did you travel so far?”

The Hasidic awakening and the influence of the residents of Lublin and its world–renowned righteous men ignited the Hasidic passion in Turobin and the region. As a result, there was no place for the members of the Jewish Enlightenment, even though an Enlightenment leader, Yaakov Reifman, resided in nearby Szczebrzeszyn. Later, the area learned of the Enlightenment enthusiasts who gathered in Zamość as admirers of Y.L. Peretz. However, the Jewish Enlightenment movement was not accepted in Turobin which was sealed in Hassidism.

Exchanging Polish rule for Russian rule. Three nations in Turobin. Jewish farmers near Turobin. Persecution by Russian authorities. Between the Polish rock and a Russian hard place. Apathy towards Polish rebels in Russia. Nearby Goraj, the birthplace of the Rebbe of Kotzk. Jewish residence in nearby villages. Draft dodgers, emigrants. 1905 rumors of a pogrom in town. The last census in town.

The Vienna Congress expanded the borders of European Russia and added to it the entire Warszawa Dukedom under the name of “Polish Commonwealth.” Turobin exchanged hands many times and so, its residents did not foresee harm.

[Page 58]

Turobin was one of the towns in Congress Poland in which the Jewish population was almost completely separated from the Christians. Those were two separate worlds alongside one another. The two nations did not know one another and there were no social connections between them. Even the Russian clerks knew the Jews from the outside only and saw them simply as targets for persecution and exploitation. What could have served as an equal ground for Jews and Poles was prevented by both. It should be remembered that the Turobin area had several Russian Orthodox Christians. The authorities attempted to expand the minority of Russian Orthodox by building Russian Churches and adding believers. The Russian clerks controlled the state, and villages were annexed and given to members of the Orthodox Church. Russian bishops and priests made efforts to expand their influence on the region. The suspicion the Church showed the Jews was a barrier no less than opposition by Hasidic or ultra–religious Jews.

The ruling class hated Jews. It saw only the success of a few Jewish businessmen and not the horrible poverty and hunger of the Jewish masses. They only saw appearances and the often revolting sight of the expulsion of persecuted Jews. The Jewish population in Poland was expanding. The trade in Jewish communities was scarce and profits were slim. Many made a small living from unsecured positions. The number of craftsmen was grater than the demand, and so their work was scarce, and their earnings limited. Thousands heeded the call of Czar Alexander I to work the land. There were towns and villages In the Turobin area in which there have long been Jewish farmers whose diligence resulted in productivity. That would often awaken the envy of Polish farmers, envy which more than once alienated the Jewish farmers and caused them to relocate and look for other sources of income. The Russian authorities remained hostile to the Jewish population and refused to acknowledge its positive talents.

In the Turobin community, there were Cantonists who returned to their hometown after they completed their service in the Russian military. They were boys aged 12 or even 8 and 9 who were enlisted for the expressed purpose of uprooting them from their area for a period of 25 years and their enslavement to Christian influences. The Jewish parents saw their enlisted sons as lost. They had little chance of returning after 25 years, and if they finally did return they were strangers to their parents. The descriptions of those who returned were shocking; their prolonged religious struggle, the first meeting with their parents, their first return to the synagogue they attended as children. The returned Cantonists were surrounded at the synagogue by children and adolescents who wanted to hear what they went through in the depths of Russia. This is not the place to detail the horrors the Jews endured under Nikolai's rule, and an echo from that time of persecution was recorded in stories, memoirs, songs, and expressions^[23]. The Jews of Turobin were party to all those events, but suffered less than others since they were distant from the centers of power.

The difficult life of Jews in the cities and towns of Poland, including Turobin,

[Page 59]

did not break them. The Russian barbarism was unable to enslave the Jews and take their liveliness away. In times of peril, they continued to guard by prayer, tears and fasting with a firm belief in God. They thanked God with the intention of not surrendering easily, but to stand bravely. Ideologies sprouted like mushrooms; Zionism, Messianic faith, socialism. The Jews fought for and against them and their spirits were firm to the point of personal sacrifice. While activism and clashes were scarce concerning matters of tradition and faith, secular activism did not enter Turobin early on.

The Racial–Traditional barrier the Jews had constructed as an answer to the dangers posed by assimilating with the Polish Christians was more pronounced than in other towns, where there were assimilators and “Poles of the Jewish faith.” The barrier saved many from joining the ranks of rebellion against the czarist regime. The majority of Turobin Jews were faithful to the tradition which advocated love of Zion and Jerusalem, and two national loves cannot coexist. Jews in Turobin longed for redemption from the harsh exile and emigrating to the distant Holy Land. It is possible the Jews of Turobin could not understand the motivation of the Polish rebels. The territory of Congress Poland had shrank from the previously vast territory which included Ukraine and Podolia to the Black Sea and the Baltic Ocean, but the Poles nevertheless remained in their homeland. Indeed, the government was a Russian one and the Poles, although invaded by Russia, remained in their national homeland but still could not come to terms with their situation and occasionally were motivated to rise against the Czar with an armed rebellion. The small–town Jews were between a rock and a hard place among the Poles who promised them freedom and equality in exchange for resisting the Russians, and the Russians who promised them leniency as long as they did not participate in a war they were not concerned with on “foreign” soil.

There are no events recorded about the attitude of the Turobin Jews towards the Kościuszko Uprising. He had extended a special call to Jews to aid him in his war against the Russian oppressors. The slogans of rebellion did not impact their target audience in Turobin during the later uprising in Russian ruled Congress Poland in 1830 – 1831. Community leaders and rabbis in various towns negotiated with military commanders and requested the Jews be exempt from the war, and instead pay a tax, claiming Judaism forbids bloodshed^[24]. In many towns on the fight path the Jews did not want to participate even in a militia and proposed a doubled payment of tax (‘recrotovi’) in exchange for exemption from service in the gvardia or militia. In Lublin, near Turobin, Jews did much for the sake of the uprising despite the hostility shown by the non–Jewish population. There were those who supplied the rebels with equipment and grains, and there were some who spied on behalf of the Poles.

In the second Polish uprising in 1863, the approach of the Jews in the towns surrounding Lublin was apathetic or hostile. Only the Jewish intelligentsia was usually pro–Polish and assisted the rebels. In contrast, devout Orthodox Jews were staunchly opposed to those trends. But Lublin was a key position in the uprising and the participation of Jews in the rebellion

[Page 60]

was quite large there. Suffice it to say that the Russians retaliated against rebels they captured. Poland became part of the Russian state and Russian laws were imposed on its Jews. In the eyes of the Jews of Turobin, those Jews who assisted the rebels seemed like strange people, who instead of helping themselves during an economic crisis offered their help to outsiders. The Russians occasionally returned the favor to the Jews for not rebelling.

Hassidic rabbinic tradition was enhanced in Russian Poland. In place of the two righteous men in the days of the Warszawa Commonwealth, Rabbi Yaakov Yitzchak “the Seer” of Lublin and Rabbi Yisroel the Maggid of Kozienice, new lineages of Hassidic rabbis emerged. Rabbi Mendel Morgenstern was born in Goraj^[25], a town near Turobin. After he relocated to Tomaszów Lubelski, he established The House of Kotzk (1826 – 1859) where he did not build palaces or chase donations but appreciated the study of Talmud and delving into mysticism. Hasidic synagogues were established in Turobin, and Hasidic leaders occasionally appeared and attracted many followers to their tables. The Hasidic environment had much idealism and advocated pure, perfect morality. In a time of external pressures and the imposition of the military on Jewish youngsters, the power of Hasidism served as an antidote to the hostile dark powers of the outside. Hasidim and righteousness softened the external blows.

The development of Hasidism caused the establishment of “Houses of Righteousness” in almost every town. As new houses were established, existing houses were inherited by the descendants who continued the ways of their ancestors. In Turobin, such a house was established and managed by Rebbe Yaakov Leibelle. He was a righteous humble man, miracle worker, a scholar who knew how to attract a large audience and had may followers in the town and surrounding area. The rebbe purchased a nice spacious home which stood within a well–constructed garden. He passed away in Turobin and a shrine with a nice–looking tombstone was built for him in the local cemetery.^[26]

The persecutions of Polish Jews by the Russian Crown varied in degree of existential threat. In other places, they caused anger and hate of Jews by the Polish population. In Turobin, by contrast, relations between Jews and Poles were not damaged, and business relationships continued on the standard path. Farmers from the surrounding villages like Tshrenitshe, Delkovitz, Otrocz, Tarnawa, Zhavno Zakladia, Lipina, Zalovtshe, Zagruvla, Tokarov, Bozeivitz, Chelanov, Olszanka, Maydan, Tregovisko, Wierzchowina and many others would come to Turobin to purchase goods or spend time with friends conversing, drinking, etc. Those villages were also settled by Jewish families who worked in agriculture, crafts, and trade. Many Jews from Turobin visited the villages on business and exchanged goods. That relationship continued until the final Nazi war, following the Polish anti–Semites.

Adjustment to state persecution was difficult. The law forcing Jews to enlist in the Russian military caused much destruction among the Jews of Turobin. Some avoided enlistment by relocating from their hometown to a more comfortable place like America, Canada, or Argentina. The tendency to avoid military service emerged among Jews because as people who

[Page 61]

were denied civil rights, they did not feel the need to sacrifice themselves for the sake of a foreign land. The Jewish exodus from Russia, caused by the frequent prosecution by the state, expanded each year. Jewish Turobin also participated in that exodus and due to that, there are Turobin community members in various countries. The young men who could not part with their parents had to enlist and were sent to distant locations in Russia for several years. The parents considered enlistment to be a harsh punishment. Many in Turobin were drafted, and their parents were unable to resist. Instead, an awakening occurred among the youngsters who claimed one must not sit idly by and wait for miracles.

The Kishinev Pogrom which was initiated by the Russian authorities shook Russian Jewry to the core. A mix of anger and shame overtook the Jewish community; anger about those subjected to slaughter and shame of their brethren who did not resist the rioters, and did not attempt to defend against the human–shaped predatory beasts. Those riots were the start of a series of pogroms against Jews in various owns.

At the end of January 1904, The Russo–Japanese War began. The number of Jewish troops who served in that war was about thirty thousand. However, the reactionary Russian press which was angered by the initial defeats of the Russian army and Japanese victories spread rumors that the Jews were assisting the “racially related” Japanese to avenge the Kishinev massacre. Many youths from Turobin participated in the war in the Far East and many fell or returned maimed.

The bloodshed in St. Petersburg on January 9, 1905 began the open uprising against the monarchic regime in which social and political demands were joined. The liberation movement in Russia and Poland continued to expand. But in place of demands for change, came the Cossacks' whistling whips and the soldiers' gunfire, and a second round of the Kishinev Pogrom occurred in many towns against the Jews. The riots reached their peak in October 1905.

Turobin too was not silent and serene at that time. Suddenly, a rumor arrived the Russian Black Hundreds wanted to conduct a pogrom in Turobin. The town had no organized forces, aside from a police chief and a few Russian policemen tasked with keeping the peace. The Russian military was in place only in Kraśnik and Janów Lubelski, and would rarely appear in Turobin while practicing for parades on quiet days. Of course, the rumor of the pogrom, which was intentionally spread to cause a panic, achieved its goal and the Jews locked their businesses and barricaded their homes as they waited for the storm to pass. The market square in Turobin was inhabited only by Jews, and aside from the Christian–owned pharmacy, Jews operated all businesses. The homes and businesses were locked for more than a day. In the end, all remained peaceful and nothing happened.

The last rabbi in the Russian period was Rabbi Eliyahu Halevi Landa, who was also recognized by the authorities. He passed a short time before WWI and was buried

[Page 62]

in the Jewish cemetery in Turobin. Following him was the instructor and halakhic judge, Rabbi Yaakov Yehoshua who escaped to Lublin at the start of the war, where he was accepted as an instructor.

The Czarist regime was possessed by anti–Semitic incitement, whose echoes were felt in Turobin as well, because Jews were a common scapegoat. The trial of Mendel Beilis who was suspected of murdering a Christian boy caused bitterness across the civilized world, and the Jews of Turobin were also brethren who rejoiced in his acquittal. That trial left a stain on the Russian Empire.

Economic and political reasons likely contributed to the fact the Jewish population in Turobin did not expand as quickly as in other towns. We previously detailed the figures from the 1765 census in which Turobin and the area had a combined Jewish population of 985. In 1856, 951 Jews lived among a population of 1408 Christians. The general census of Poland in 1897 listed 2377 people in Turobin, including 1509 Jews.

The poor state of the Jews in Russia and Poland was clear to whoever met them. But in Turobin, that did not decrease the drive for traditional education and preserving tradition. That alertness helped them to overcome the political struggles. The plague of hatred, which the Czarist authorities attempted to expand by tarnishing the relationship between Jews and Poles failed in Turobin, which served as an example for other towns in a mutual relationship.

Draft announcement in Turobin. First retreat of the Russians. First Austrian horsemen in town. Cossacks in town. Cossack torment of Jews. Turobin exchanged hands. Canon fire destroys town. Turobin in Russian announcements. Military sparring in town. The Duma patrols the battlefield and his horrific description of results. Senator Neidhart's report. Civilian council for those impacted by war. Suffering of the Turobin residents. Descriptions of the Jewish writer Z. Mindlin. “Assistance Work in the Lublin Province.” List of Jews of Turobin requiring assistance. Special Committee to assist Jews. Jewish Chairman H. Kafman in Lublin. Strategic change in battle territory. Liberation of Galicia and Poland from the Russians. Storming the Russian front and its abandonment. Turobin repeated in Russian war announcements. Turobin far from the Front under Austrian control. Rebuilding the Turobin community. National awakening of Jewish Youth. News of the Balfour Declaration in town. Tarbut Library in town.

After 102 years of Russia on Congress Poland since the decision of the Vienna Congress in 1812, Russia's time to exit Poland arrived. But the troubles of that exit were not easy at all. There was a wind of approaching chaos, although hopes of resolve were t abandoned. But hopes for peace were loose and very moment, the canons could

[Page 63]

start the world concert attend by countries large and small, with commanders desiring a swift victory conducting. Russia was not willing to exit Poland peacefully, and as a result, a lengthy bloody struggle ensued, whose impressions remain fresh to this very day in the world historical events.

Leo Tolstoy once expressed envy of the Jews who do not have a country, a military and wars of their own, and mocked Jews who longed for a land of their own. Tolstoy would never see how ridiculous his envy was, since in all the armies of each nation, there were Jews who fought one another. Among them were Jews from Turobin, the quiet ancient town in which the train tracks did not pass and as a result was not shaken by rumors and echoes of rumors which shocked the world about what was to come. It had not yet grasped the meaning of war when the armies were at its gates and battled for the crown of victory. In the meantime, the Jews of town were sentenced to plundering, the fear of death, and other results of war.

Since its founding 600 years prior, Turobin was not subjected to wars and battles in Poland, aside from the Tatar invasions, the Khmelnitsky Massacres, and the Swedish invasion. Then came WWI and residents became eyewitnesses to the struggle between the two camps. The war's sad results mainly affected the Jewish residents of the town, who had peacefully resided there and all made their living whether scarcely or well. The merchants somehow found their livelihood from their labor. The market days which took place in the town and nearby towns positively impacted the town's craftsmen and had a significant impact on the town's economy. Although in later years the Polish boycott began to diminish Jewish trade, still the financial status of Jews in Turobin was healthy. The farmers, after they learned that the Jewish merchant had lower prices, returned to buy from the Jews, and so the Jews lived peacefully in town and life continued its normal path.

The world bell began to toll; on July 28, 1914 Austria declared war on Serbia. On August 30 a draft was announced in Russia. Germany declared war on Russia on August 1. August 5, England declared war on Germany, and August 6 Austria declared war on Russia. The tolls were heard in most European countries and caused much tension. A few days later, the Jews of Turobin experiences firsthand the meaning of those tolls which did not give them much time.

The news of the draft announcement by the Russian authorities quickly spread across the towns. Turobin heard the weeping sounds of the women, children, the elderly, and the youth whom the news penetrated like an arrow.

On that night of horror, nobody slept. Everyone thought of the upcoming world events and the war about to erupt at any moment. Nobody in the town knew who the war would be fought against and in which country. They did not know Where the war would be located and did not care, as long as it was not near them. Nobody thought the war would be there too since they were certain that even if a war broke out between Austria and Germany, our “brave soldiers” would not let the enemy approach the city limits.^[27]

The first days after the declaration of enlistment passed in grief and consoling, in hopes that soon

[Page 64]

the horizon would be cleared of the dark clouds and the sun of peace would shine again. Indeed, a few days later, they forgot what happened and life returned to its course. All returned to their work, the tailor to his needle, the cobbler to his punch, and the merchant to his store. No significant changes were observed in town other than the pause in mail delivery. It was as if Turobin suddenly departed from the outside world and stopped taking in interest in it, and only few people showed an interest in keeping up with world events. Only a few days later, the first refugees arrived from Lublin and the town learned that there was much turmoil in the world and the war had already commenced.

The Russian military retreated in the first days after the declaration of war without the residents noticing. The few policemen who were in town suddenly disappeared. There were those who said that when the Russian officials and policemen departed, both the Poles and the Jews rejoiced and the exit of Russia from Poland happened to test their relationship and see if violence would ensue. Before the residents of Turobin could make up their mind, horsemen appeared in the market square. Where did they come from? what it a mistake? The horsemen asked everyone they passed, “where are the Russians? How do we reach to Lublin?” They were not answered as residents were afraid of the armed Austro–Hungarian horsemen. They passed through town quickly and continued eastward. The town rejoiced as if a heavy burden was lifted. The Poles were the happiest. People walked the street, there was no more fear for life, no more fear of robbery. The town was increasingly filled with Austrian soldiers. Bands of Battle–ready soldiers stood on every streets. Austrian soldiers searched homes for Russian soldiers.

Shots were heard on the other side of town. The gunfire intensified, the streets were emptied, and gloom spread. Some began hiding in cellars. Children ran through the street, they did not want to sit at home, they wanted to watch the pleasant sights of shots and fires. Not far from Turobin, towards Lublin, the Austrians stopped and immediately cleared Turobin and the surrounding area. Moments later, Cossacks on horseback were seen chasing the retreating Austrian soldiers. The Jews of Turobin suddenly found themselves in a war zone, a territory which rapidly exchanged hands.

As the Cossacks appeared, terrible rumors arrived of mistreatment of Jews by the Russians. Jewish lives were meaningless to the savage, bloodthirsty Cossacks who did as they wished to the helpless Jews. Saddening news arrived from the Radom and Kielce areas that Cossacks had inflicted pain on the Jews in various places like Staszów, Chmielnik, Radom, Kraśnik, and other towns. The Cossacks extracted praying Jews from the synagogue and hung them in the market on allegations of spying. Jewish property was plundered in many towns and other harm was inflicted.

The Jews of Turobin immediately knew dark days were ahead and felt the sword waving above their heads as the murderous Cossacks arrived, some the descendants of Khmelnitsky. After the Cossacks arrived, one could not go outside as every Jew encountered by those beasts was not

[Page 65]

spared from assault. On the first night the Cossacks arrived, fires consumed Jewish homes. The Cossacks began robbing stores. The fired did not cease, and before one fire was extinguished another was started. Apparently, the method of burning and plundering as many homes as possible was a strategic directive received from Russian headquarters whose propaganda and anti–Semitic sentiment echoed throughout the world and attested to the danger Jews were facing in the battle zones. Half of the town was engulfed by flames, and most of those homes were of Jews, while those of non–Jews were not harmed. The Jews had no choice but to pack some their belongings and escape. Most ran to Lublin and some to other places to wait until they could return. Soon after, an official decree was issued by the military chief under the authority of the Czar that all Jews must leave towns and villages and make their way eastward. Turobin was included in that expulsion decree. After the Cossack terrorists were in town for a few days, they retreated eastward. Though they were there for a short time, the damage they caused to the Jewish population was immense, while they had not harmed the Poles and the Russian Orthodox at all.

Horsemen from both sides clashed and attempted to learn about the methods of their opposition. The Cossacks asked, “how many kilometers from here to Berlin?” while the Austrians inquired about the distance to Lublin, without asking about Moscow and Petrograd as they were well versed in the geography of Russia. Jews lived in fear for their lives and possessions for the few days in which the Cossacks were in Turobin. The delegates of the Russian military instilled fear and accused the Jews of spying and aiding the enemy. The price of goods ballooned, and scarcity and poverty increased. The young men were enlisted in the military, as were the reserve forces which were not yet called when the war was declared. After the Cossacks retreated, Jewish refugees began to return to town and rebuild their lives and businesses.

Turobin was passed around in the first and second years, as they were at the front of the war between the Russian and Austrian forces, considered a “no man's land” subject to canon fire, guns, and other tools of destruction. When one of the sides was invading, it was easy to accuse the Jews of abetting the other side. The Poles especially loved to speak ill of the Jews and the military courts did not usually conduct a lengthy investigation and instead produced a quick verdict. The Jews of Turobin acted correctly when they escaped town ahead of time and reduced the libel and lynching which neighboring towns were subjected to. It was only a temporary stop for the Cossacks, a perpetration for the upcoming main battle.

It was not long before the Austrians returned to Turobin and a large battle between the belligerents ensued. The names of regional towns appeared in official announcements from both sides, and Turobin filled a large role. The Austrian commander Dankel announced that on August 23 and 24, 1914 his forces achieved a great victory in the battle on Kraśnik, Polichna, and Goraj, while the battle for Zamość and Tyszowce took place from August 25 to September 1. The Russians announced that on August 1 the forces of the Austrian enemy approached the Zbikhost–Żółkiewka–Janów–Tarnogród front and breached a small area of Russian territory. The Russians thwarted the assault on the 3^rd. “In the region of

[Page 66]

Tomaszów, Cossack horsemen pushed back the forces of the enemy and breached the Galician border.” A second Russian announcement reads, “The enemy is concentrating mainly on the roads to Lublin where intense battles are taking place.” A third announcement reads, “our forces in the south of Lublin have gone from a defensive battle to an offensive one. Although some battalions are in the seventh day of battles, the battle rages on. Many bayonet fights have occurred near Tomaszów. An intense war is ongoing in the region.” And again, “enemy forces have attempted to breach our position between Lublin and Chelm. Victory is ours. The remnants of the defeated army are quickly retreating southward.” An announcement from headquarters reads, “Austria's primary forces have concentrated across the frontlines in Zawichost, Janów, Biłgoraj, Tomaszów, and Belz, so they can storm the Lublin–Chelm frontline. The Tenth Austrian Corp, which attempted to breach those places was pushed back. West of Krasnystaw, The 48^th> Austrian Battalion was surrounded and taken as prisoners.” The announcement from a few days later states that “on August 23 and 24, the Russians stormed the Austrian base in Tomaszów Northwest of Zamość. The Cossack horsemen wiggled through the enemies' coaches in Frampol towards Lublin. The convoy which moved along the road from Józefów to Annopol were dispersed by our artillery regimen from the left shore of the Wisłą. A Cossack battalion returned from Frampol with many prisoners in addition to horses and livestock.”

We quote the announcements of Russian military headquarters published in Russia, which were not particularly objective. The notices by the other side were also unrealistic for the sake of battlefield morale. The Austrians breached Poland in Kielce and Radom as well and encountered no opposition. The Russians quickly retreated, fearing they would be surrounded by the armies of Germany and Austria, which could enter Poland on both sides. The Lublin and Chelm areas were already in a defendable territory. Turobin was within that territory, the no man's land, trapped between the two sides.

A summary announcement by the Russians about “The great battles at the front of Lublin–Chelm–Tomaszów.” Among other things reads, “On August 12, (12 days after the war declaration) the Austrians began an all–out assault. In those days, our forces were not yet organized across a territory of hundreds of versts and could position only a few of our troops in the north to face the Austrians. The first assault was aimed at Krasnik, but they immediately shifted focus and transferred it to the Tomaszów area, where the Austrian reinforcement Forces were brought. On August 21 while we were conquering Lviv, additional Austrian attacks occurred. The enemy's position stretched from Opole to Bychawa and was a canon shot away from the Trawniki Station and surrounded Krasnystaw, Zamość, and Hrubieszów. Near Józefów, two bridges were placed on the Wisłą. On August 24, we captured in a surprise attack the enemy's position in Opole–Turobin a 60 verst stretch^[28]. The battle which began on the 11^th on the southern part of the towns of Lublin and Chelm, which were previously the grounds of the great strategy

[Page 67]

slowly advanced, a prime example of military talent which ended in the total defeat of the generals Openburg and Dankel. On August 22, the victories of generals Rozski and Brosilov allowed us to counter–attack. Near Sukhodol, the we defeated the Austrians, and with a strong attack towards Turobin and Zamość, we managed to sever communications between the Austrian battalions in Krasnik and Tomaszów.”

These telegrams from the frontlines demonstrate the importance of Turobin as a central point between the two armies. Turobin was indeed very damaged by canon fire, and damage done to property was immense. Nakotchini was dispatched as the Polish envoy to the region of the Russian Duma. He patrolled the Lublin district where battles among Austria and Russia took place. In a conversation with a reporter, he said that the battlefield encompassed nearly three quarters of the Lublin district. It stretched from the Wisłą River (from the E
ubki village near Wąwolnica) until Oher [?] near Wojsławice and Tyszowce. That whole swath of land is now rubble covered in piles of trash, with occasional villages which were spared destruction.^[29]

When entering the Lublin district, The Austrian armies did not initially torment civilians and burn villages. But if they were defeated, they engaged in violent acts of cruelty. First, the soldiers robbed civilians and forced them to give them grains and livestock they did not pay for.

The war zone can be divided into three parts according to the amount of destruction. The edge of the Lublin district from the previous border of Galicia to Kshinzhomirsh. Kraśnik was the first to be invaded by the Austrians and the destruction in it was relatively small. A larger destruction occurred in the region near Turobin, from Żółkiewka and Wysokie to Zamość. Especially large destruction occurred around Józefów, Opole, Orzendov, Wilkulash, Nedzvitza to Trabnik. Only scorched earth was left behind in those places, and few saved villages. Hundreds of villages were destroyed. Opole was completely burned and destroyed. Józefów burned completely. Chodell was deafened by canons. Tomaszów was destroyed and turned to rubble. Zamość was plundered as were the regional towns of Weislovitz and Khomentsisk . The once fertile land in the Lublin district was abandoned. Trenches were placed across many versts wherever battles took place. The dirt dug up from the trenches, especially where deep canon positions were placed, was infertile and rocky. Over a million people labored for three weeks near the trenches, and many people are now needed to make the land fertile again. The damage done to the residents of the Lublin district is estimated in the hundreds of millions of rubles.

The many bodies left in the battlefields were buried where they died. There were some buried near residential areas. The fallen were buried in shallow graves and the air was poisoned by their fumes. There were areas where the stench radiating from the graves reached many miles. Today we find

[Page 68]

residential areas near the forests where dead bodies are scattered. Those are the corpses of Austrian soldiers who hid when injured.

That report, although from an official source, hides more than it uncovers^[30]. It does not attribute the destruction to the Russians, who are experts destruction and not construction, and is written in neutral language. In addition, we quote a short report by Russian envoy Neydhart, after he returned from war–torn areas, printed in papers of Petrograd. It states in part, “I visited one of the areas invaded by the enemy on behalf of the esteemed council for assisting refugees. I estimated the quality of care to the population which endured the troubles of war. I visited in the regions which suffered most, in the Lublin and Chelm Districts. In Lublin, a civilian council was established. The regions of Lublin were stormed by the enemy who displaced the population. 200,000 remained homeless. All food was confiscated by the enemy or destroyed. Residents have no horses nor livestock. In the Chelm district, most suffering was endured by the residents of BilGoraj, Tomaszów, Horbishov, and Zamość, where 1,593 farming estates were destroyed, 250 homes destroyed, and 228 civilians were killed by the enemy. The damage to civilians in the villages alone is over 700,000 rubles.”

The envoy from the Central Civilian Council traveled to Petrograd to meet with authorities and advocate for aid to civilians impacted by the war. The representatives took with them a memorandum in which they explained the scale of destruction inflicted on Poland in the first four months of the war, including some details on the Lublin region. Among the places which suffered most were four counties in the Lublin district, and five in the Chelm district. In Lublin: Krasnystaw and Janów and in Chelm: Robishov and Tomaszów.

In the section of “In Towns Around the Country” a reporter detailed the situation of the Lublin area^[31] partly stating that the towns of Józefów and Chodel suffered much during the war. Fires burned there for two days, and most residents escaped to Lublin, Warszawa, or Opole. In the final months, some returned and resided in tents and mud huts. The towns Krasnystaw, Izbica, Bikhawa, Turobin and Riki suffered To a Lesser extent, although many homes were burned in those as well.

Jewish activists and writers assessed the situation and thought of ways to rehabilitate Jewish refugees. A picture can be gained from the essays of Jewish writer Z. Mindlin who published an article in Hazefira titled, “Assistance efforts in the Lublin District.” In his first article (Shvat 24, 5675) he wrote^[32], “The Lublin district became a battlefield in August, after the Austrian invasion and their subsequent escape. Later, the towns of Józefów and Chodell were burned and destroyed, towns whose residents were mostly Jews. The towns Krasnystaw and Turobin, and the villages of Mendrowitz, Visoka, and Sweitshichov were partly burned and plundered.

[Page 69]

Other areas suffered as well but to a lesser extent. All district residents reaching the district capital, which the Austrians could not reach, lost most of their property. Livestock was lost or eaten. Granaries were destroyed, the stores emptied. Clothes, and underwear, were either burned or plundered. The need to aid the residents quickly arose. The first step was to establish a civilian council in Lublin without regard to nationality. Among the Jews was chosen H. Kafman, and it appeared that aid efforts would enjoy the cooperation of Polish and Jewish communities. However, differences arose in the first days, and shortly thereafter it became clear that each nationality will separately handle aid efforts. Kafman is still a member of the council but that is mostly nominal as he has no practical relation to activities of the council, which became an exclusively Polish one. The supervisory Jewish council began to operate alongside the civilian council as an organization which aided Jews who suffered from the war. The civilian council, which accumulated significant resources, mainly from officials in the Tsar's estate, began activities in Lublin and regional towns, where the council has established twenty branches assisting mostly the Polish residents.

However, the Jewish council in Lublin, who had fewer resources, had similar activities to the civilian council. It opened soup kitchens for Jews refugees, and in December alone 300 meals were distributed daily. A home for over 100 children was opened. Shelter was supplied to 150 refugee families. Two stores were opened where free bread is given to 170 refugee families. Over 1,500 families purchase food at those stores at retail price. The Jewish council's activities were limited to Lublin only until the first days of December. Jewish residents in the satellite towns remained helpless with much scarcity. The regional minister, after a visit to the Jewish council, proposed establishing a council of local representatives without nationality differences. However, aside from Krasnystaw, most towns did not accept the proposal, which caused much damage to correct distribution. The Jews suffered most from the chaos.”

[continued in next issue, February 9, 1915:]

“In the towns of Turobin, Chodell and Izbica, gmina officials proposed the rabbis compose a list of needy Jews. In some places (like Turobin), the lists were recorded, but not fully. Matters progressed sluggishly, since nobody knows the purpose of the lists and the possibility of receiving emergency assistance. In Turobin, a list of 120 families was submitted. The gmina clerk reduced the list, placing only 100 families on it, who received over 400 pood of flour and 471 rubles in cash. The list of 120 families was incomplete so a completion list of 152 families was sent to the regional minister to read and act upon. , From what is known, flour was unavailable for distribution and I wish additional flour will be recived. The inconsistencies in aid distribution caused a disruption in Lublin as well. Only in Krasnystaw, where a general council was proposed by the gubernator, members of various nationalities joined the distribution of aid which operated with no complaints. When local Poles were asked why only they are given

[Page 70]

clothes, shoes, and food items, they responded that Jews had to ask H. Kafman, head of the Jewish council in Lublin. Meanwhile, scarcity has increased across the district and is increasing as the weather cools. An unfairness was felt in the lack of organization which could truly aid suffering Jewish residents.”

In his second article in the same paper, Z. Mindlin (Adar 3, 5675) continues to write about “the economic state of the Jews in the Lublin district,” from which we bring the relevant excerpt:

“Although the economic ruin occurred last August, still no external help came until December. Also, aid was organized by local government in the places with a Jewish majority until that time. Public works in Poland, especially in the Lublin district, are scarcely developed. There are no charitable institutions. When the war started, and people demanded help for those starving, locals did not know how to organize aid and who to request it from.” The author wrote of the large need for food items, shelter, clothes, shoes, religious items like tallit and tefillin, prayer books, whose absence was pronounced.

He then wrote of rebuilding the burnt homes. “Two months later, the construction season could begin in the Lublin region, and hundreds of people from Józefów, Chodell, Krasnystaw, Izbica, Turobin, and others need the ability to rebuild their homes. In the absence of reconstruction return to normal in those towns is difficult. Dozens of families resided in makeshift homes and cellars as they waited for construction season. They reside in nearby villages, which the central municipal committee for refugees of burnt homes has assisted with. Trade has begun to resurface in those palaces, orders are places with craftsmen and repairs. Remaining in those places for a lengthy period is unsustainable, and assistance is needed in constructing homes to rebuild those towns. In contrast, not rebuilding those towns for a prolonged period can forever deny them as a viable urban area and attract locals to other, undestroyed towns. That fact can deny hundreds of Jewish refugees the ability to return to their previous work and turn them poor for the rest of their lives. The will to return to hometowns is very strong, since only the previous known methods life can return to course.”

The author concluded the article with an announcement that “A committee named for the great princess Tatiana Nicholayovna was formed, whose express purpose is to provide aid to those harmed by war. Civilian committees were established in Poland and received donations from all over Russia. There is also a central Jewish committee. The means to aid Jewish residents need to be given by the authorities as well as by all of those organizations.”^[33]

Meanwhile, large changes were made in the strategy of the warring parties, in southern Poland as well. The Russians, who had retreated almost from the entirety of western Poland changed to offensive warfare, and not far from Lublin region attacked eastern Galicia, conquered

[Page 71]

Levuv, Ternopol, and Brody, and reached the Kraków area. Later, they occupied Peremyshl Fortress and reached the Hungarian border. Turobin remained in the hands of the Russians for a few months and served as a passage point for its troops who breached Galicia through the Wisłą and occupied the Bokobina region and its capital of Tchernovich. The Russians in Turobin, like in all Russian occupied territories, treated the Jews like foreigners. They robbed and plundered as they pleased, accompanied by explicit incitement by Polish civilians, who knew how to flatter military leaders and sic them at the Jews. The Jews who remained in the surviving homes barricaded their homes at night and feared to go outside. Young women especially hid in cellars and other hiding spots. Occasionally, horrifying screams pierced through the town. Store doors were shattered, and Jewish property stolen.

At the beginning of May 1915, the opposing army stormed the Russian front on the Doenitz river in western Galicia and scattered their enemies like dust in the wind. They recaptured almost all of Galicia and Bokobina, all Polish provinces, and invaded the Volhyn area. In the summer of 1915, it was clear the Central Forces were victorious in the Lublin area ss well. Names of Jewish towns in the Lublin district once more began to appear the announcements of Russian headquarters in the style of victorious retreat. That tactic was perfected by Kuropatkin during the Russo–Japanese war in Manchuria, where retreats were blended with victories. Let us detail some parting words from Russian military headquarters concerning the Lublin district, namely:

Tamuz 19: “The offensive war between the Weipsh and Bug rivers on the Zamość–Sokal front is ongoing.” Tamuz 22: “Towards Lublin, the enemy remains in contact with us along the Rivers of Viznitza and Pur (the river which passes through Turobin.)” On Tamuz 23, a notice was published titled “The Galicia and Lublin Region” which stated, “in the area of Onoploe – Krasnik – Turobin, canons fired on June 17 and 18. The advance of the enemy's front forces were thwarted by our gunfire. In the Turobin region, an immense battle developed on 18 June at dusk. The enemy's series of attacks were beat back successfully. The battle continued all night^[34]. On the night of June 19, some attacks by the enemy were thwarted in the Krasnik area. On June 23, the enemy advanced after persisting battles at the front between Krasnik and the Weipsh river. Near Lublin, our offensive war spread across the region, from the edge of the Podlipa lake to the lake at the south of Bikhawa. The enemy continue their retreat. Battles continue at the Józefów – Bikhawa front. On June 27, the enemy continued to hold Hill 13 and Kobrsk Village and mounted a fierce counter–attack between Bistritza and the village.”

The Russian military retreated from Poland, the echoes of canon fire were increasingly distant, until Turobin remined far from the front, which reached the Volyn territory.

Finally, Turobin was no longer the center of battles between the Austrian–German and Russian armies who ruled it intermittently. During that time, it was emptied of its residents who were scattered in villages and towns near and far. The Central Powers were victorious in Turobin. It remained under Austrian rule while the Russians retread and abandoned position after position. This time,

[Page 72]

they also left Lublin as they retreated East and nearly left all of Poland behind as they went on to defend Volyn and Lithuania. They remained for a while near Baranovitz and at the edge of eastern Galicia and Bukovina. However, the Austrian and German forces did not allow them to rest and chased after them as much as possible. The destroyed and abandoned Turobin was able to begin rebuilding. The Austrian authorities declared the return of the residents and eased restrictions for the sake of rebuilding.^[35]

Turobin became a passage town for Austrians and Germans forces who were progressing through Russia, but the road to complete victory was still distant. Meanwhile, Turobin and the region was still reeling from the horrors of war. Long convoys of farmer wagons brought the injured from the battlefields. Their screams were blood–curdling. Terror ruled all and nobody knew what tomorrow would bring. The large battles continued beyond Turobin, far away in the territory beyond the Polish border. They continued for months and years. Turobin remained in Austrian hands to the end of the war. The military authorities cared for the residents' welfare. The direct and indirect employment by the military was substantial. Local craftsmen supplied the army offices, and trade flourished as well. Despite military rule, the authorities did not burden the residents. The Jews and Poles were able to unite for purposes deemed harmless by the authorities. Zionist and social organizations began to operate in town, relieved after months of harsh battles, when life and death served as pawns by the canons machine guns, and the many destructive tools of both sides; Jewish Turobin began to breathe again after its refugees began to return. The youth, which witnessed their parents' tough life of wandering began thinking of “Purpose.” However, political activism was forbidden in wartime, so Zionist activities were done under the guise of culture.

Some time passed, and after America joined the war and Wilson's Fourteen Points, a new wind began to blow in Europe. In Austrian occupied Poland, preparations began for the day of liberation. Encouraging news reached the Jews; their rights to the land of Israel will be assured. News came that a council was composed by the Jewish leaders from the United States, England, France, and Russia (under Kranski) to reach those goals. More shockingly, news arrived that a large Jewish volunteer force from America was at the front of Eretz Israel and fighting alongside General Allenby to take the land from the Turkish. An unusual wave of awakening passed through the Jewish streets, especially among the youth which began to develop a national consciousness. They organized Hebrew language classes, invited guest lecturers, and ordered educational materials. A few influential and talented members from the town and nearby towns directed and led activities. The Austrian authorities did not disturb them, and even the Poles who were part of a national awakening and expectation of liberation could empathize. When the shocking news of the Balfour Declaration reached Poland in the winter of 1917, enthusiasm and joy swept the Jewish community. People wept in joy, and a “Geulah fund” was founded to which funds and valuable objects began flowing. Indeed, it is no wonder

[Page 73]

that when a rumor spread that the enlistment began for aliya, youths and adults from town and the area swarmed to enroll and save money for the trip^[36].

The first act came to fruition as the Tarbut library was founded by the youth led by Yaakov Leib Yaffe, Shmuel Abba Gitwortz, and Yitzchak Feder. However, the founding of the library awoke a conflict between fathers and sons who did not understand one another. On the other hand, even that skirmish was in the spirit of advancement. The nationalist cause threatened the return of the pre–war days as it demanded drastic actions in changing the way of life in the Diaspora. Not much time passed before Jewish Turobin sent its first oleh to Israel. More followed him, and thanks to that were saved from the Holocaust and established a network in the land of our Forefathers. Thanks to that network, this Yizkor book is published as a living literary monument for the Jews who are no more, but their memory will remain forever.

On November 11, 1918, the bells were sounded declaring the ceasefire, and the nations breathers a sigh of relief. The mass–murder ended. Independent Poland was resurrected. But new persecutions and trials would come to the Jews.

The Turobin community as a center for new settlements in nearby towns and villages. Krasnystaw was off limits for Jews. Its Jewish community served as an example. Krasnystaw birthplace of The Seer of Lublin. “Yoshe Calf” resident of town. Alias Reb Moshe Chaim Kaminer. Radzin Tekhelet dispute in town. BilGoraj – an old community. Many forests in the area. Zifn [?] and economic foundation in town. Jewish Goraj worked in agriculture and crafts. Birthplace of Rebbe Mendli of Kotzk. Janów Ordintzki regional capital. Jewish farmers in Janów. Wisoki Lubelski– an ancient town. Meeting place for Jews from nearby villages. Piaski (Lublin province). Rejowiec, Modliborzyce and Gorzków. Villages surrounding Turobin with a Jewish population: Tchirnitchin , Zhavno, Trgovisko, Dlikovitz, Tokary, Chlaniov, Hortcheck, Otrocz, Olszanka, Zagruvla.

In the 16^th Century, royal policy towards the Jews was generally more liberal than later centuries. Still, some towns and larger cities recived privileged directives which forbade Jews from settling in them. Such privileges were dubbed “privileges of non–tolerance to Jews (Privelgium de non tolerandis Judais).” Such privileges were in place in the Lublin area as well, and in Krasnystaw. In Lublin, Jews were permitted to live only in the Pod Zamkiem (under the castle) suburb and not in the town proper. However, Jews found a partial solution thanks to roles in trade and crafts and through protection from the ruling noble class. In contrast, Jews were not denied entry to Turobin almost from the day it was founded^[37], perhaps due to its status as a royal estate or since the Church did not see an interest in limiting Jewish residence.

[Page 74]

Turobin was founded before other towns which were famed and developed quickly like Tomaszów, Zamość, etc. But as Jews settled in Turobin, Jewish residence took place in surrounding towns and villages. Let us briefly describe the towns and villages which served as residences for Jews. First, we will describe Krasnystaw which was not included in the regions Jews were permitted to live in, and only during the Russian occupation did its pages open as they did in dozens of other towns.

Krasnystaw was a smaller town relative to its sister towns of Chelm, Hrubeshiv, and others, but it was different. The ratio of Jews to non–Jews was smaller than the towns mentioned. Krasnystaw excelled in its beauty, cleanliness, and its quiet and honest people. The town had houses of 3 or 4 stories with nicely painted exteriors. In the center of the town there was a beautiful park with walking paths. In the center of the park there was a nice stage where a military orchestra played all summer long from 6 pm to 10 pm. The town was physically elevated with two rivers surrounding it. The large roads to Zamość, Lublin, and Rejowiec added much beauty, movement, and life to the town. The Lublin road continued for miles out of town with trees on both sides, yards with various fruit trees which emitted a pleasant scent. Grazing fields and tall and beautiful hills which proudly surrounded the nearby rivers and forests. All those things left their mark on the way of life and mood of its population, especially its Jews. In contrast to the area towns like Rejowiec, Krashnitchin, and others, Krasnystaw was a clean and polished town; the roads were straight and nicely paved with wide sidewalks which added aa happy and pleasant view to the town.

The town was considered historic in Poland. Once, when Casimir the Great ruled, a noble's fortress proudly stood there, and elderly residents told somewhat of a legend that Casimir the great constructed an estate where he would spend time every year with his Jewish lover Esther. In older times, when Jews were forbidden to live in town, there was a Jewish ghetto. In later years, Jews resided alongside Christians, as they did in the town center and the “Groblia” [?] which was separated from town by the Weipsh River. The garden–surrounded town left a great impression on all who visited. Jews were one fifth of the general population of 25,000, but that figure included the suburbs Hkrakovi and Zakrinchia where few Jews resided. About 20%–30% of the Jewish population resided in the groblia. The lower Jewish class resided there: cobblers, tailors, bakers, windowmakers, jewelers, and village–traveling merchants. The Christian population never regarded the Jews with outstanding friendship. There was a restrained anti–Semitism, but active anti–Semitism never reached the town.

The elderly generation was not concerned with politics and did not belong to political organizations. However, they did conduct large and varied social activity. The town had unions of merchants and businesspeople, craftsmen, a gemach, a bank, and a burial society. There were Zionist organizations in town, Mizrachi, Aggudah, Revisionists, HaKhalutz, Poa'lei Zion (Z.S.), Poa'lei Zion Left, a professional union, and the Peretz Library. The Bund found no place in town.

Religious life was concentrated in two synagogues: the one in the main town, which was renovated after WWI,

[Page 75]

and the second in the groblia. In addition, there were two Hasidic synagogues of the Trisk and Ger sects. Hasidim of all kinds were not an unusual sight in the towns of Poland, as its core was inclusive of the entire Jewish population, and so of course, there were Hasidim of all kinds in Krasnystaw as well. However, the Hasidim of Krasnystaw did not resemble Hasidim in other towns. They were not unkempt, irritable, nor sulking. Quite the opposite; there they were well–dressed and well–kempt. They walked together in the town gardens regardless of affiliation and discussed everything: Hasidism, pilpul, Kabbalah, inquiry, Hasidic tales, and general and local politics until dawn. All of that happened quietly and civilly without disputes and skirmishes but calmly and with mutual admiration and respect. The peaceful life among the Hasidic sects was contributed to by an event: the two synagogues were situated far from the pleasant Jewish center since old times. Then the synagogue burned down. The Trisk Hasidim, were a large share of the local Jewish community, especially the Hasidim. They were also the wealthiest. And so, they established a large synagogue at the center of town, known as the Trisk shtibel. It then became a general synagogue, leading to mutual respect by the various leaders and their customs and everyone became one big Hasidic family.

The expulsion of the Krasnystaw Jews began during Passover 1942 and most were sent to Belzec. Memorial day for the Jews of Krasnystaw is Iyar 22.^[38]

Krasnobrod (Lublin area) – the Town elders were proud of the Seer of Lublin who originated in Krasnobord and pointed to a house where his wedding took place. On the same topic, they told a story in which he was arranged to marry a lessee's daughter from Ktchuke village and the wedding was set to take place in Krasnobrod. Before the bride was led to the canopy, the Seer demanded he be allowed to look at the bride's face since “it is forbidden to marry a woman sight unseen.” After he saw her, he refused to marry her, claiming he saw in her an image of the cross. Later, the bride indeed strayed off the Path and converted to Christianity. The Seer married a different woman and the wedding took place in the same house.

A band of musicians of Belz Hasidim were the ones who met Yoshe Calf in the Belz rebbe's house.. Band members testified at the rabbinic trial. Yoshe Calf resided in Krasnobrod for some time. He was the subject of the play Yoshke Calf by I.J. Singer. The story is as follows:

In Krasnobrod, there was a strange man named Yosef, nicknamed Yoshe Calv. He was considered a fool because he did not speak properly and would answer each question with a “yes” or “no.” Residents would exploit him for every task and give him pennies in exchange. He did not tire, not of the tasks nor the payment. He mostly stayed at the cemetery, where the manager employed him as a grave digger and allowed him to sleep in his home and a piece of brad and tea as a salary. Yoshe Calf eventually learned to scribe tefillin and mezuzot, but he did not stick to that job and continued to work temporary jobs and remained around the cemetery. After the cemetery–keeper expelled him from there, he slept in the synagogue. So, he lived alone and neglected, crowned with the title of village idiot. Once, a plague started in town. The residents

[Page 76]

began to repent and soul–search. They then thought of the orphaned Yoshe Calf, and to appease the Angel of Death married him to the cemetery–keeper's daughter who was orphaned of her mother. A canopy was raised in the cemetery and a proper wedding, was conducted. The town's rich gifted them with a dowry, and the town rejoiced. Meanwhile, the plague subsided. After some time, Yoshe disappeared. Some said he left with missionaries and others said he was killed by farmers while alone in a field. Few days passed before Yoshe Calf was forgotten.

Then, a rumor reached town that the son–in–law of the Rebbe of Zshinev, Reb Moshe Chaim Kaminer, disappeared a short time after he married the rebbe's daughter. It was a topic of conversation for a short time and then quickly forgotten. A year or two later, when rabbi Moshe Chaim Kaminer returned home, the Rebbe of Zshinev greeted him with joy and held a large celebration to which he invited his friends and many followers. The feast was hosted by brother–in–law, the Belz Rebbe. At that time, there were Hasidim who were invited from Krasnobrod by the Rebbe of Belz; R' Moshele Sofer, R' Mendli Fuchs, Elchanan and Eliyahu Shuster, and Berrish Greenboym. As the crowd was giddy from wine, the groom was introduced to the crowd. The Krasnobrod residents saw he was no other than Yoshe Calf from their town. Eliyhau Shuster got up and slapped him hard, and turmoil and shame ensued. The men from Krasnobrod shouted that the groom was not Moshe Chaim Kaminer but Yoshe Calf from their town and is the husband of the Krasnobrod cemetery keeper's daughter. The people of Zshinev wanted to rip them to shreds. “Can it be? Such libel? About the Rebbe's son–in–law?” Yoshe Calf sat silently. Those in presence divided across lines and turmoil erupted.

Eventually, it was decided the matter be brought to a bet din. Reb Moshele Sofer and the Krasnobrod cemetery keeper and his stranded daughter stated their case that they know him as Yoshe Calf who was born and raised in Krasnobrod and married the cemetery keeper's daughter on x day. In contrast, the Zshinev Rebbe and his followers said that Reb Moshe Chaim Kaminer knew details private among a husband and wife, and explicitly told the Rebbe what Talmud page they studied the night before he vanished. The testimony affirmed both sides. The trial lasted many months until a verdict was reached. The court ruled that Yoshe Calf, AKA Moshe Chaim Kaminer, must divorce his two wives, and after that can marry whichever one he wanted. That concluded the event which at the time stirred emotions and found its place in literature and even reached the theater^[39].

The elderly Hasidim of Krasnobrod maintained unity and harmony in the town until trouble emerged in the form of the “Tekhelet Dispute” by the Radzin Hasidim who would tie a blue tassel into their tzitzit. As is known, the dispute was present across Congress Poland, but the dispute was especially intensified in the Krasnobrod area and the rabbis named it “the KRC Dispute”, initialism for Krasnobrod, Rejowiec, Chelm. The dispute in those places reached fighting and physical altercations and hatred, to the point that residents avoided marrying their daughters to

[Page 77]

the sons of their opponents and brought brides from other towns. But there was a silver lining, as the community expanded and developed through establishment of partisan synagogues. The religious dispute ended on its own. However, the hatred continued for years to come and caused the firing of Rabbi Zvi Yechezkel Michelzon, known also as an author and biographer.

BilGoraj existed even prior to the Tatar invasions of Poland, although it is unknown when the Jewish community was established. BilGoraj is mentioned in Yeven Metzula and participated in the meeting of the CFL. It was in Congress Poland near the old border of Austrian Galicia, near Zamość. It had 12,000 residents, among them 65% were Jews. It was a town of Torah and greatness. Its last rabbi was Mordechai Rokeach, son of the Belzer Rebbe Yissachar Dov. The market square was surrounded by Jewish homes and their businesses. Until the first war, there was a Cossack division stationed in town from which the town Jews profited considerably.

Although BilGoraj had its own river, religious divorces could not be performed since Tsar Nikolai changed the river's name to Lada.

There was a forest near the town which became regionally famous. It had ample fruit trees, and stretched from Janów to Zamość. BilGoraj had many synagogues, a yeshiva, religious schools, Yavne School for boys and Bais Yaakov for girls, some Jewish banks, charitable institutions, and many Jewish sects led by great rabbis across many generations. Rabbi Moredchai Rokeach of Belz served in BilGoraj from 5687 up to the destruction of Polish Jewry. He passed away in Israel in 5710 and was succeed by a widow and a son from his second marriage (who was recently crowned Belzer Rebbe). The synagogue was established in 5640, was expensive and considered a glorious part of the city famous throughout the region. The first cemetery of BilGoraj was near the synagogue walls and has two tombstones which are difficult to read. The second cemetery was enclosed in a wooden fence, and it too had tombstones aged over 200 years. The last cemetery was by the sands, far from town, enclosed in a brick fence. The groundskeeper of the cemetery was a Christian. Trains did not pass through town, and travelers rode on coaches harnessed to three or four horses to Rejowiec on dirt roads and then continued by train. Only in WWI, when BilGoraj was occupied by the Austrians, a narrow train was constructed to Viznitz and from there a wide train to Rejowiec.

There were immense territories of woods from Krishov to Janów, Kraśnik which were owned by Zamoyski, with many royal forests. Some forests were owned by farmers who recived them as gifts from Tsar Alexander II. There was a large trade of timber in BilGoraj which continued for many years and owned by Jews, headed by the Jewish firms Herman, Honigboym, Schefer, Arbisfield, and Hirshenhorn. Among the first wood sellers in BilGoraj was Shmuel Eliyahu Shwrdshaf, a great Torah scholar, who exported wood to Danzig. All wood was transported on water.

BilGoraj developed the trade of Zifn [?]. It was the only town with such a market, not only in all of Poland but all of Europe. It offered a great manufacturing contribution to town.

[Page 78]

There was a large printing house in BilGoraj owned by Nata Cronenberg who transferred it there from Pyotrkov and printed many religious and secular books. It employed about twenty workers^[40].

Goraj was a privately owned town within the Zamoyski Family fee Tail. It was situated on the shores of the Lada River, roughly 2.5 miles from the district capital Janów. The town was previously known a Lada. It had an ancient palace in it, given along with the region to Dimitri, deputy treasury minister, by King Ludwick of Austria and Hungary. At the request of the owner, Alexander of Srivantze, the village was promoted to the status of town and renamed Goraj, after the famous Gorajski Family. Ownership was transferred from them to the Firley family, and King Zygmunt I respected the rights of Mikolai of Dombrovitza, Lublin voivode, and promoted the town from a Polish system to a Magdeburg one. But that family converted to Calvinism and established a church which was still in existence in the 17th Century. The town was transferred to Count Stanislav Gorka, who renewed all the old rights in 1561, and after the town was destroyed in a fire, added new rights, approved by King Zygmunt in 1569. The town was transferred by the Gorkas to Jan Zamoyski, who added the town to the Fee Tail. Since he wanted to improve the town, he afforded it additional rights, as did his successors. Later, Goraj had to invite craftsmen and industry folks to avoid bankruptcy.

In 1864, Goraj had a population of 1,712 including 1,248 and 464 Jews, who mostly worked in agriculture, with the remainder working in crafts and small–scale trade. It had one brick home, 244 wooden homes, a synagogue, city hall, and a public elementary school. There were factories in town which manufactured simple fabrics for peasant coats, wool socks, and coarse material for sacks. There were weekly market days and six fairs annually.

Goraj had an established Jewish community where there were many scholars and Hasidim. Rabbi Mendeli of Kotzk was born in Goraj to his father R' Yehuda Leibish Morgenstern who served as gabbai of the burial society. Many great rabbis served in it, who had an important role among the rabbis of Poland.^[41]

Żółkiewka was a private town in the Lublin province and Krasnystaw district, 25 versts from the district capital. It served as a famous location in the events of the Zholkeveieski family. The dynasty's patriarch, the Russian voivode Stanislav, converted to Calvinism and gave the church building to members of his faith. His son Stanislav, the patriarch in the 18^th century, returned the church to the Catholics. Żółkiewka was under the ownership of the Staromirski family which was the staroste of Krasnystaw. In 1869, it was purchased by Mitchislav Frishel. The first wooden church building was constructed at an unknown time after the Calvinists destroyed all its documents. After they no longer owned the church Tomash Staromirski established a new brick church in 1773^[42].

In 1868, Żółkiewka had 1,183 residents, including 790 Jews. It had 4 Brick buildings,

[Page 79]

84 wooden homes, a post office, city hall, and 6 annual fairs. In 1939, there were 500 Jewish families in the town among a population 3,500.

Janów Ordintski was a private town part of the Zamoyski fee tail was on the shores of the Biala River. On its south was the small Tishivatz stream which flows a half mile from the town along forests and ponds. The mail road from Lublin to Zamość, Turobin, Goraj, and Krushuvitz passed through Janów. The town originated in a village named Biala, which was chartered by Vladislav IV on 21 July 1640. It was elevated to status of city at the recommendation of its owners, Katarina of Ostrog and Tomash Zamoyski. The Polish monarch then granted it Magdeburg Law and allowed unions of tradesman and craftsmen, like other towns within the kingdom. Eight fairs were afforded annually, and weekly market days, etc. A few years later, Jan Zamoyski changed its name from Biala to Janów, after himself. After the town suffered from the passage of various armies, plagues, and was destroyed by fire and combat, King Jan Casimirish approved the name in a permit published on June 10, 1653, in hopes of developing the town. The town's owners from the Zamoyski Fee Tail afforded rights and liberties to Janów various times, like Jan Zamoyski in 1664, and Mrtzin of Brezlav who in 1687 added fairs and alleviated certain taxes. The town was well–constructed and well–settled. Various skills were developed in the town, and a special reputation was gained by thin fabrics manufactured by a factory which employed 364 workers. In 1831, after the Polish uprising, the factory was damaged and closed^[43].

In 1863, Janów had a population of 3,395, including 1,795 Christians and 1,620 Jews who were employed in trade, crafts, and especially agriculture. It had 26 brick homes and 456 wooden homes. Most beautiful were the governmental buildings including the square shaped courthouse, a jail, butcher shops, warehouses of fire extinguishing equipment, a wooden synagogue, and a mikveh. In the market square, which housed brick building, there were the offices of the district governor, the courthouse, and treasury. Surrounded by those buildings there was a park, where a monument was placed in memory the national hero Tadeusz Kosciuszko. Jews continued to be employed by small fabric factories which employed dozens of workers. There were also groups of cobblers, butchers, tailors, etc. which operated by permit from the fee tail. The town was the seat of the regional minister's office, the court, police station, invalid [?] center, city hall, tax offices, post office, elementary school, and a pharmacy. The town held six fairs annually and market days on Sundays and before holidays.

Wysokie (Lublin Province) – previously a town, which returned to the status of village in the Krasnystaw district, five miles from Lublin, and one mile from Turobin. Situated among mountain ranges, it was established in 1360 by Lukach Gorka and was afforded Magdeburg Law. It was owned by Tomislav until 1382, and 1836 was acquired by Dovislav, the palace minster of Lublin.

[Page 80]

In 1414, it was acquired by Stefan Bidzinski, one of the kingdom's heroes. It was passed down as an inheritance until the 16th Century when it was inherited by Calvinists. Until 1645, it was owned by the Lubinskis, well–known Arians. after they had to exit the kingdom, it was purchased by the Yavlonovski who held it until 1839, when the final owner inherited it, Keytan Larnizkii.

Until the 16^th century, there was a Calvinist church in town which remained until the 17^th century. The Catholic church was built of wood and constructed in 1414. In 1800, princess Yavlonovska built a brick church. According to tradition, there was a lavish castle built by the Lubinskis in Wyskoi, in which king Jan Casimirish lived. Indeed, there was a castle, or rather a castle's wing, at the center of a beautiful forest.^[44].

Piaski (Lublin Province) was a private town in the Lublin province and district, three miles from Lublin, near the road to Krasnystaw, on the shores of the Belz (or Giltchvka) river. In the 15^th Century, there was a village there named Pogozhlistav, and in 1429 an estate owner named Yaakov Deloto lived in it. Later, the towns name was changed to Piaski, probably for the sand dunes. In 1531, Paul Trushchke and Mikoly Starichevski, the estate owners, established the church. The town was then acquired by Pavel Bogoslav Ozhikhovski, scholar and treasurer of Chelm, and later by his son Stanislav, Lublin treasurer. Both were members of the new faith. In 1627, the town's owner was Andzhi Sokhodolski, a wealthy nobleman. Behind the stream at he back of town there was a large estate with a garden in which the Ozhikhovski family previously resided, followed by the Sochodloski family, the ruins of which remain today. For a long time, it was an Arian meeting center. There was also a cemetery there, located between the two churches with many marble tombstones. The last owner of Piaski was Yozef Bobruski. In 1865, the town had a population of 1,733, and had 112 houses, a post office, city hall, and held six annual fairs.^[45]

Rejowiec, was a private town in Lublin province in the Krasnystaw district, two miles from it. Mikolay Rey of Tolola [?] established the town in 1547 on his property near the Kovila village in the Chelm area and named it after himself. Zygmunt I, who wanted to prove his good relationship with Rey as a reward for his wonderful service. So, for the sake of Rey's successors, it was elevated to the status of town and afforded it Magdeburg Law. It was granted weekly market days, fairs twice annually, and all residents were exempt from taxes for ten years. In 1729, the town was owned by the Zhibuski family. Its last owners were the Woronitski dynasty. In 1866, the town had a population of 1,333 and had 98 houses, a city hall and six annual fairs.^[46]

Modliborzyce – a private town in the Lublin province in the Zamosc district. It sits in a valley surrounded by mountains, on the shore of the Sessna River. The road from Janów to Lublin passes through it, and it is 7 versts from Janów. The town was founded in 1642 by Stanislav Wytozki, the chef [/butcher?] of Belz, by decree of King Vladislav IV. The town was destroyed in fires in 1814 and 1841.

[Page 81]

Emil Dulinski last owned it. In 1864, it had a population of 998 agriculturalists. The town had 106 wooded hoes, two brick homes, a brick church, a flour mill, brewery, and city hall. Six fairs annually and weekly market days.^[47]

Gorzków was a privately owned town in the Krasnystaw district, Lublin province on the shores of the Żółkiewka river, 13 miles from the district capital. Founded by decree of Jan III in 1689, according to records held by the local church. Vladislav Blishnski owned the town. In 1866, the town's population was 738, including 160 Christians and 218 Jews, who were employed in agriculture, crafts, and small trade. The towns had two walled homes and 36 wooden homes.

Turobin resembled an open palm. The large town market was its center and the streets were the fingers. There were more than five roads and their perimeter was not proportional to the hand. They were stretched in all directions like an open spread–out palm. Towns and villages surrounded it and served as shortcuts for many passersby. Many of the villages had large or smaller Jewish communities who were in contact with Turobin and made a decent living. There were also villages where Jews did not reside. They too had business ties with Jews in nearby villages. Let us examine some of these Jewish inhabited villages:

Szczuczyn – a village near Turobin on the shore of the Pur river. It was part of the Zamoysky Fee Tail. In 1827, it had 67 homes and 467 people. Szczuczyn Wola was also a part of Szczuczyn. Four Jewish families resided in the village. Often on Shabbat and holidays, Jews from several towns and villages gathered to pray in a minyan with a wonderful cantor who made services pleasant.

Tanawa – A village and farm on the Pur river, Krasnystaw District, Turobin gmina. It was located West–East of Turobin on the expanded mountain range which stretched across the west side of the river. The village spanned in a 5–verst line in the Pur valley. In 1827, it had 66 homes and 537 individuals. The Village was part of the Zamoyski Fee Tail. 2 –3 Jewish families resided in the village.

Zhavno – a village and farm in gmina Turobin, a large territory within the Zamoyski Fee Tail. It had many grazing and crop fields. On the south side of the village was the “Kilfars witches meeting place” about which many legends were told, and written about by A. Viniarski. The Zhavno forest connected to the Wysokie woods across a large territory. In 1827, the village had 50 homes and 360 individuals. Three Jewish families resided there.

Tregovisko – Even during the 15^th century, Tregovisko existed as a farm and village. 35 versts from Krasnystaw. It had a wooden church. In 1827, it had 5 houses and 70 individuals. It was a farm rich with the land, grazing fields, forests, and more. It had one walled house and 10 wooden houses.

[Page 82]

3 – 4 Jewish families resided in it and was a meeting location for Jews from nearby villages and towns.

Dlicovitz – aka Dilstovitz was a village and farm in the Janów district. It was 54 versts from Lublin, 16 from Janów, and 51 from the Wisla. That village was also rich with lands of various types; farming, grazing, gardens, forests, yards, and some infertile land. It had three wooden houses and 19 individuals. In 1879, it was separated from the Kshanov estate. The land was muddy and swampy, excellent for growing potatoes. Jews did not always reside in it, but they were always present on visits, business, etc.

Tokar – a peasants' village in the Krasnystaw district and the Turobin gmina. In 1827, it had 57 homes and 326 people. The village was added to the Zamoyski FFT. That village did not have a permanent Jewish residence, but Jews were always in contact with peasants and the farm's owners.

Khlanyov also Khlanyovka, a farm and village in Żółkiewka gmina and Krasnystaw district. It was located 49 versts from Lubin, 28 from Krasnystaw, 14 from Szczebrzeszyn, 7 from Żółkiewka, 18 from the road paved to Izbitza and 18 from the Weipsh river. There were two brick buildings and 13 wooden houses. The village had much land. In 1827, it had 58 houses and 349 people. There were 3 – 4 Jewish families, employed in agriculture, small trade, and crafts.

Hortshek – a town owned by a nobleman who controlled vast properties, and large herds of livestock and employed peasants who worked in large gardens of fruit and decorative trees. Jews lived there for generations. The Jewish cemetery of Turobin was on a small hill on the landowner's property and was accessible through his fields. It was not in Polish geography books, just as many other places were excluded.

Utrutsh – a large peasant village in the Janów district, gmina Kshanov, 14 versts from Janów. It was on elevated, weak land. In 1827, it had 85 houses and 542 people. Before 1756, the Zamoyski Fee Tail founded a wooden church in Roman–Greek architectural style. In 1881, a general school for beginners was founded. The Lada river started behind the village. The peasants worked in processing fuel and beekeeping. The village was part of the Zamoyski FFT. There were Jewish families in the village, employed in small trade, crafts, and sales of local products.

Olszanka – a peasant village in the Krasnystaw district and Turobin gmina, part of the Zamoyski FFT. The village had much land. Two Jewish families resided in it.

Zagruvla – a village in gmina Turobin and Krasnystaw district. Due to its proximity to the town, it could be considered a suburb of Turobin. No Jews resided in it, but Jews were seen coming and going and it was considered a village with a Jewish presence.

[Page 83]

I detailed here only the villages which were involved in the Jewish community of Turobin but not the more distant ones or ones less frequented by Jews. The Jewish communities in the surrounding villages were satellites of Turobin which was considered the center of dozens of villages who were very attached to the community.

The Turobin community members residing in Israel are still emotionally attached to their hometown. When they reminisce about it, as they frequently do, they include the surrounding villages populated by Jews, where they spent much of their youths and enjoyed the natural sights. It is a shame that their light was extinguished by the destruction of Turobin and the whole of Poland.

Notes and Citations

1. Turobin, as a royal estate, was not off limits for Jews, in contrast to church estates, and their residence there was free and unrestricted. Return
2. The town was not central in historic or political events. No rival armies battled in it, and only in 1914, a fierce battle was waged near it. Return
3. In the Zamość book, (Zamość: Its Pride and Fall edited by Moshe Tamari, Tel Aviv, 1953) it says that in the Zamoyski Fee Tail towns like Tomaszów, Turobin, and others there were Jews from the day they were founded. That assessment is incorrect. Jews did not settle in Turobin for some time after its founding. Return
4. The Jews of Turobin were very active and were exceptional in their dealings outside of town as well. Yet, they were humble when publicity was concerned. It is a wonder that its earlier history cannot be found in books. Return
5. The number of regions in CFL was not always the same. As the Jewish population expanded, so did the number of represented regions. At first, Turobin was in the Lublin district. It was added to the Zamość Ordination Region as it and its neighbors expanded. Return
6. Five years after the final date mentioned, the 1648–1649 massacres occurred, disrupting the activity of CFL. The massacres continued into the next year. In the mentioned year, CFL convened at the Gromnitz Fair in Lublin, headed by wisemen, yeshiva leaders, and rabbis. They discussed the situation caused by the massacre and deliberated the question of agunot. No Turobin representatives participated, probably because of a lack of a qualified person or a lack of a Jewish community in place. It is possible there were other CFL conventions without the participation of Turobin representatives, but we found only one such meeting, in 5428. That year, Turobin was represented by “Yitzchak of Kraków residing in Turobin.” It is possible the Jews of Turobin did not want to give up their participation and chose a Jew from Kraków who resided in Turobin for that purpose who discussed matters concerning CFL with the town leadership. Return
7. The matters of CFL were recently discussed in various studies in our literature. Superior to all those is the book authored by Yisrael Halperin, The Council of Four Lands Ledger (Jerusalem, 1944) which contains most of the subject matter concerning the CFL. We found the matters concerning Turobin in the discovered documents, and it is possible more details are yet to be discovered. Return
8. Jewish historian Chaim Yonah Gorland (1843–1890) was among the first to gather material on the 1648 persecutions which was scattered across printed and handwritten documents. He published it in a series of pamphlets, “A History of Jewish Persecution (Events of 1648)” which were added to the collection Literary Treasure by S.A. Gerber, and later published as standalone pamphlets. Thanks to his efforts, we are no longer “in the dark.” The pamphlets were published in 4 parts 1887–1889. Return
9. In addition to the details we found on Turobin, we found poems, memoirs, etc. like Weary Scroll by Rabbi Shabbatai HaKohen of Vilne where horrific details about the massacre appear, (printed at the end of Shevet M'Yehuda by Shlomo ben Wirga, Warszawa, 1883). The responsa Eitan Ha'Ezrachi, section 22, details various details on the 1648 massacres. Dr. Yaakov Shatzki in his Introduction to the 1648 Persecution in Vilne also detailed various sources.

[Page 85]

and therefore there was a danger that “The Christian people will be infected by the Jews' superstition and lowly customs.” The Church thereby admits that one of the purposes of persecution is to guard Christians against the possible influence of Jews. Return
18. See “Turobin” in the Russian–Jewish Encyclopedia edited by Dr. Y.L Katzenlson published by Brookhouse–Iparon, Petersburg, volume 15. Return
19. See Bar Bolichover: Memories published by Dr. M. Vishnitzer, Berlin, 1922 page 116. Return
20. On this same topic, see the introduction “Polish Jewry During Hasdidic Expansion” in The Maggid of Kozienice: His Life and Teachings by Zvi Meir Rabinovitz, Tel Aviv, 5707. Return
21. A more expansive list of the students of the Seer of Lublin by Yitzchak Alfasi was published in the annual publication “Sinai” on Torah and Jewish studies. Volume 59, Av–Elul 5726. Return
22. See Sefer Frampol published by Yotzei Frampol in Israel. Edited by David Shtokfih, March 1966, Tel Aviv. Return
23. Varied and interesting literature developed around the pamphlets, in which the Jesuit [?] cruelty of the Russian Tsars who tried to convert Jews with many methods is evident. Return
24. The two elders would fearfully mention the Polish Uprising in the region, when many estate owners and rich folks supported the rebels and drafted many of their workers into the uprising. However, Russian authorities took harsh vengeance against the estate owners by distributing many estates among practicing Russian Orthodox to strengthen their influence on the region. Return
25. See more about the Kotzk Rebbe and his birth town of Goray in the two volumes of The Rebbe of Kotzk and 60 Heroes Surrounding Him Published by Netzach in Tel Aviv. There is also material presented on rabbi Shmuel Noakh of Turobin. Return
26. I have received memorized details from Zvi Kopf from Tel Aviv, the eldest of the Turobin emigrants in Israel, and he somewhat clarified the chronicles of the Hasidic rabbis in Turobin. According to him, there was a rebbe in Turobin before rabbi Yaakov Leib whom many Hasidim visited. Rabbi Yaakov Leib was related to Rabbi Bar. In general, since Hasidism arrived in Lublin, Turobin was home to Hasidim and righteous men. Return
27. About a similar fate that befell the neighboring town of Kraśnik see the essay of Yitzchak Rosenberg, “Life in One Town at the Start of the War: Events that Occurred and Deeds I Witnessed” serialized in the weekly publication “HaMizrachi” volumes 43–50, 1920, Warszawa. Return
28. Notices by Russian headquarters were published in all papers in Russia. Among the Hebrew language newspapers remain only Hazefirah published in Warszawa, in which updates from the battles appear. The paper was distributed only where Russians still controlled and could not reach the towns occupied by the Germans and Austrians. After the Germans occupied Warszawa, Hazefirah ceased publication and publishing resumed only six month later. I found the issues of Hazefirah from the WWI period at the National Library at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Return
29. The details of Nakotzini's survey of the battlefields in the Lublin area appeared in an article titled “The Cruelty of the Austrians” from 5 Tishrei, 5675. Return
30. The short report by Neidhart was published in Hazefirah from the Petrograd papers, issue 247, November 2, 1914. Return
31. See Hazefirah issue 20, 21 Shvat, 5675. Return
32. The article about the situation in the various provinces describes more details in the Lublin province in general and Turobin especially, see the issue of 24 Shvat, 5675. Return
33. The second article was published in Hazefirah issue 30, Adar 3, 5675. It contains important details on the Lublin area and proposed solutions on repairs of destroyed towns. Return
34. As the Russians retreated from Turobin, they no longer had anything left to destroy after the destruction and loss they had previously caused. Perhaps they ran out of time to destroy since they quickly retreated. Turobin was mentioned in announcements by Russian headquarters

[Page 86]

in Hazefirah, issue 141, 23 Tamuz, 5675. In addition, an announcement by the Lublin province minister Smerlinov (Hazefirah, issue 133, June 12) that as the Russians retreat from the region, civilians mentioned must join the retreating forces and not permitted to stay in enemy territory. Return
35. Another interesting detail published due to the events of the time. The report states (Hazefirah issue 141, June 20, 1915):
    “The Lublin province is part of few provinces where reconstruction efforts of Jews were organized. That was mostly because no war activities took place in the region during last August, and therefore there was no mass expulsion of Jews. Of course, the war increased the number of local needy people.
    “By consent of the authorities there are activities by the Jewish communities to aid those impacted by the war, and its activities are spreading throughout the region. The total number of places aided by the council reached forty. Aid is given to approximately 15,000 people.
    “As we passed through the number of known places in the province it must be emphasized that Lublin, as before, aid is almost exclusively in the form of economics; shelter and employment. Aid also includes bread distribution to refugees and local impoverished people. In the distribution of lunch by the soup kitchen (over 400 meals per day), a teahouse economy[?] was founded, as well as a home and soup kitchen for children. Finally, there is also food distribution at a discounted price. The council spends 800 rubles per month on leasing homes to refugees.
    “With the help of the Petrograd council, employment assistance was established in Lublin. Founded already and in operation are factories for the manufacturing of shoes and baskets. There is also an office established for job placement. To maximize efficiency, the council has begun fundraising operations in Lublin and has approached the idea of self–taxation for those impacted by the war.” Return
36. Cultural activities and nationalist organizations and political parties will be expanded on below. Return
37. This can be inferred from the general encyclopedia (in Polish) by the Orglebrand brothers, Warszawa, 1867, volume 15, page 751. Return
38. The Jews who emigrated from Krasnystaw have yet to publish a yizkor book, aside from a short book published in Yiddish published by Bafreyveng at the General Council in Munich, titled, “Yizkor Tsum Andenk fun di Kduohey Krasnystaw Redagirt” [Memorial and list of Krasnystaw martyrs] by Arye Shtunzeiger, 1948, 152 pages. Return
39. We have found it fitting to only mention here the most interesting details about Krasnobrod, as told by the Krasnobrod Yizkor Book edited by Mordechai Kroshnitz, published by Yotzei Krasnobrod in Israel, 5716. Return
40. See The Destruction of Goray. Material gathered by Avraham Cronberg, Tel Aviv, 5716. It is unfortunate that such an important city has not yet had a historical yizkor book about it. Return
41. A yizkor book has yet to be published on Goray, and its name has not been mentioned by traveling journalists. Some details were published in the essay about Hassidic Goray in this yizkor book. Return
42. Żółkiewka was a Jewish town, although the Jewish community in it was more recently founded. The town was not included in the list of places off limits to Jews. It is likely the town's owner initiated it to improve its economy. There are nearly no mentions of it in Jewish sources. Return
43. There were many towns and villages named Janów in the country. Hence the joiner Ordinitzki, not be mistaken with Janów–Lubshov near Pinsk, also a town with important rabbis. Janów Ordinitzki was home to its rabbi Moshe, among the students of the Seer of Lublin, who was known as “A righteous man, of the world's foundation, virtuous and divine.” Rabbi Yosef Keziss also served in it as ABD and it was the birthplace of Rabbi Avraham Naphtali Hertz ben rabbi Mordechai Zvi Yenner. There is more to be said about the rabbis of Janów. Return

[Page 87]

44. The Jewish community in Wysokie is absent from rabbinate and literature. Its community was new and initiated by its owners for economic reasons. Return
45. The name “Piaski” is also prevalent in Poland as a name for towns, villages, rivers, and streams, likely because of the sandy ground (“piaski” is Polish for ‘sand.’) But our Piaski was unique in its lively Jewish community and the Jews called it “Piusk”. It was common for Jews to change names of geographic terms according to their manners. The town did not produce notable individuals in literature or rabbinate, although it is described in fictional works in Yiddish. Return
46. Rejowiec was a Jewish community, although it did not leave a significant impression in the lives of Polish Jewry. It produced no great rabbis, although Hasidism was developed there no less than other places. Return
47. It was a weird and unconventional name and was renamed Mezel–bozhitsh. That community was also an ordinary and newly founded. The community could not self–fund its religious objects and coordinated with neighboring communities. A rabbi served as a joint rabbi of Lemil Wahin [?]. He was a student of the Seer of Lublin and rebbe Simcha Bunem of Pieczyska, who later travelled to Kotzk. He passed in 5628. Return

Undoubtedly, authentic materials could have been retrieved from primary sources like the archives of the municipality, district, or province. But obtaining such material from Poland, especially through the mail, involved various difficulties which need not be detailed here. Therefore, we had to make due with other sources, old encyclopedias which shed light on the early history of the town and its events.

From the Geographic Lexicon of the Polish Kingdom (1892) volume 17, p. 646–7, Warszawa:

A municipal settlement, previously a town, Krasnystaw District, Turobin gmina. Near the main road from Lublin to Janów and Zamość, 49 versts from Lublin, 35 from Krasnystaw, 40 from Zamość, and 12 from Żółkiewka (post office.) In it are a brick Catholic church, a brick Greek–Russian Orthodox church founded in 1882, two synagogues, a shelter for the handicapped, an elementary school, seven Jewish day schools, gmina offices and accompanying loan bank [?], a pharmacy, 366 houses (15 brick houses) 3949 residents (in 1883) including 1548 Jews.

In 1827, the town had 344 houses, 2026 residents, and the population was employed in fur processing.

In 1377, large properties in the Goray and Kraśnik areas were granted to Dimitri, King Ludwick's treasurer and his brother Ivan. In 1389, King Yagello added Turobin and the neighboring villages. It must have formerly been the village of Targobisko.

Turobin was granted local municipal rights by king Vladislav Yagello in 1420 at the request of the nobleman Dovrogosta of Szamotuły, whose wife Elezhbita, granddaughter of Demitri of Goray, granted Turobin as a dowry.

[Page 88]

The first local church was likely founded by the town's owner in 1430. The current brick church building was built in the 16^th century.

At the start of the 16^th century, Turobin was owned by the Shweider family, and its sons Vincenti and Andzhei renewed local rights in 1510, as the previous permit was burned during the Tatar invasion in 1509.

While king Zygmunt August was in power, Turobin was owned by the Gorks, who converted the local church building to the Calvinist faith in 1570 and founded a school for members of the faith near it. That school existed until the end of the 16^th century, meaning until the time when Turobin was purchased by general and chancellor Jan Zamoyski. He added it to his fee tail, and the church and school buildings were confiscated from the Calvinists. In 1595, Stanislav Gomolinski, Chelm bishop, overtook the church and after thorough renovation was reopened by bishop Swirski. The church burned at the end of the 17^th century and reopened in 1713.

Turobin is the birthplace of the theologian Paul Razitcizki, who donated his self–portrait to the local church. It is also the birthplace of the educated attorney Jan Turobinski, a professor at the Academy in Kraków. Turobin was the only place where notable statesman and economist Stanislav Stashitz served as a priest, who was an anti–Semite but also acknowledged their positive attributes.

Known poet Shimonovitz, who wrote his poems in Latin, resided Near Tchernicin.

The immediate Turobin region housed 5312 people. Gmina Turobin was part of the district court in Wysokie and the post office was in Żółkiewka. The Turobin gmina spanned 18,893 morg [?] with 9481 permanent residents (including 280 Russian Orthodox, 1803 Jews.)

From the General Orglebrand Encyclopedia volume 25, 1867 Waraw, p. 751:

Turobin, a private town in the Lublin province Krasnystaw district, on the Pun [?] River. 12 km from the Żółkiewka post office. In older times, it was part of a royal estate but was granted as a gift in 1389 to marshal Dimitri from Goraya, deputy royal treasurer, along with many other villages. Dimitri's granddaughter, Elizabet, who married Dovrogusta Shmotolski, kshtaln (city minister) of Posna and military affairs minister of greater Poland, owned the town after the Goras.

By request of Dovrogusta Shmotolski, king Vladislav Yagello granted rights to the town following the Magdeburg model as an administrative framework including weekly market days on Tuesdays.

After the Tatar attack, the permitted towns were burned, after which point Andzei Vicenti Soydov, inheritor of Turobin, renewed local rights in 1510 and granted its residents a constitution and freedom. After that, Turobin was transferred to the Gork family, who turned the

[Page 89]

beautiful local church into a Calvinist church while king Zygmunt August was in power. They founded a school near it for members of their faith.

However, by the end of the 16^th century, the great chancellor Jan Zamoyski purchased the Turobin estate and returned it to Church rule. The Church than received the building and the neighboring school. That was thanks to efforts by Stanislav, the bishop of Chelm who began his term in 1623.

After joining Turobin with his other properties, Jan Zamoyski examined the town's relevant documents and granted it rights on July 19, 1600. Tomasz Zamoyski approved or canceled other rights in 1618, and some other rights were approved by Jan Zamoyski in 1646. Finally, King Jan Casimiris granted 4 market days for Turobin in 1662.

Two hundred years later, Turobin was populated by 2482 people who lived in 330 houses and had 6 fairs annually.

From The Towns of Poland in its 1000 Years if Existence. Volume 1, published by Oslinski, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków, 1965:

Formerly a city, now a village in the Krasnystaw district, near the Pur River, a stream which leads to the Wieprz, 35 km south–west of the district capital, somewhat distant from the rail tracks. There is a paved road to Lublin and Krasnystaw.

At the end of the 14^th century, Turobin was joined with the Goray estate which spanned from Kraśnik to Szczebrzeszyn. The town is quite ancient, and in the Middle Ages was on the road leading from Kyov Vladimir–Wlinsk to Kraków. In the 15^th century, it was purchased by the Shamotolski family and thanks to its efforts it was granted the status of a town in 1420. The town experienced A period of growth in the 16^th century. At the time, it was owned by the Gorks, and then owned by the Zamoyskis. The Gorks converted the town to a Calvinist center and founded their own church and school and built a local palace.

In 1564, Turobin included 245 houses and 1225 residents. It is the birthplace of a notable lawyer, a professor at the academy on Kraków, Jan Turobinski, whose last name was inspired by his hometown. After 1772, the town served as a passage point to Zamoyski's tribunal.

In 1810, Turobin was home to 1963 residents. The population expanded to 3942 in 1887. The professions which dominated the town were agriculture, minor trade, and among the various crafts, fur processing received special attention. In the second half of the 19^th century, the town lost its rights. Later, the situation in town did not improve and its population decreased and reached 1592 in 1921. However, in the twenty years between the world wars, the population doubled, but WWII brought about the destruction of the population; in 1943, 1297 residents lived in it.

After the town was liberated from the Nazi occupier the town was uplifted. Electrical lighting was instated, and first work began on canals, a brick mill opened, and some small factories began operating, basic institutions for the public good were established, yet

[Page 90]

agriculture was the town's main source of employment at 64% of the population. In 1959, 1050 individuals resided in Turobin. There is an old church in the town in the style of the Renaissance.

We have quoted the material which has just come off the presses in Poland as is (translated into Hebrew). It is more efficient in its knowledge than the previous sources. However, it also raises unique interest as it ignored the Jews which lived there in 5 centuries of the millennia it existed and have contributed much to the town: economically, professionally, and politically. Even if the hand of the Nazi murderers impacted the Jews of Poland to such an extent that nearly none remain there, still certain artifacts remain; the centuries old cemetery, and synagogues which due to a lack of Jews have fallen as a “legacy” to the local Poles which must serve as housing or cultural warehouses. Does the good that the Jews contributed to Turobin necessitate ignoring and forgetting? And especially in the Bolshevik period which officially supports the war on anti–Semitism and advocates equality for all nations? Is that the payback to the Jews who held on to it for many generations despite persecution and bloodshed by various infamous criminals, and returned to it in masse to reconstruct its ruins and renew their residence? Does their constructive input warrant overlooking and erasing their memory which due to lack of Jews was demoted from town to the status of a pathetic village?

However, Turobin is not alone in the forgetting of Jews. There is not a single book published in liberated Poland abut towns and cities which this outlook of ignorance does not rule. We see no distinction between explicit and implicit anti–Semitism regarding the Jews who settled in Turobin and carried the burden of all municipal institutions and taxation no less than other residents.

Even more regrettable is that there has yet to be any response from any group on this implicit anti–Semitism in the new Poland. The intentional ignorance is itself being ignored by the Polish envoy to Israel as if we do not see what is happening in the world of Polish literature. They have the impression we are deaf and blind to this malicious harm by a nation which was a target of Nazi fire and their wild murders. This is the thanks the Jews get. It is good we are responding here to this injustice by the authors of liberated Poland who are continuing this anti–Semitic trend like olden days, as if a global revolution, especially in Europe, a social and idealistic revolution for the humane and moral rights among all nations. As if the leaders of Polish national democracy were not punished for their crimes and constant torment of Jews until the last war.

From The Jewish Encyclopedia (in Russian) by the Brookhouse – Iparon Company for Jewish Science Books, Petersburg, Volume 15:

In the period of the Polish Republic, Turobin was a town in the Chelm district. During the Khmelnitsky uprising, the Jews of Turobin were destroyed. In 1765, the regional community included 985 Jews. Now Turobin is part of the Lublin Province, Krasnystaw district. Its Jews were not always pressured. [?]

In 1856, there were 1408 Christians and 951 Jews. According to the 1897 census, it had 2377 people including 1509 Jews.

In May 1942, the the Jews of Siedlce, Rabka, Turobin, and other towns were expelled (The Zholkov expulsion) and transferred to Krasnystaw where the Jews of Wysokie, Turobin and other regional towns were transferred. Only the Jews who had work permits remained.

[Page 91]

According to testimony by Shmuel Lerer and Esther Perner.

Those expelled from Turobin were led for two days to the Krasnystaw train station where they were loaded on a train and transferred to Sobibor (testimony of Berish Friedenmerg.)

While we use the Jewish Encyclopedia (in Russian) we will quote entries from the same source about neighboring towns:

Goray

Jews resided there without bother since Polish rule. In 1856, it had 483 Jews and 1,352 Christians in 1897, the population was 1,738 including 473 Jews.

Gorshkov

Under Polish rule, the town's gates were not wide opened to Jews: in 1856, 176 Christians resided in it and 227 Jews. In 1897, the population size was 641, including 303 Jews.

Wysokie

Under Polish rule, the town was part of the Masovian Voivodeship. In 1765, 62 Jews resided in it who were subject to the Chikhanov community.

Żółkiewka

No roadblocks to Jewish settlement were in place under Polish rule. In 1856, it had 336 Christians and 568 Jews. In 1897, The population numbered 2,110 including 1476 Jews.

Modliborzyce

Under Polish rule, the town was part of the Lublin Voivodship. In 1765, 350 Jews resided in it. After the Russian invasion of Poland, it was added to the Janów district. Since it is 21 versts from the border, in the years 1823–62 was off limits to non–local Jews. In 1856, it had 364 Christians residents and 576 Jews. According to the 1897 census, the town's population numbered 1792, including 859 Jews.

Piaski

Under Russian rule, it was added to Lublin Voivodship. In 1765, there were 602 payers of the Jewish tax. In 1765, it was home to 104 Jews. Its name was later changed to Greater Piaski. In 1856, 520 Christians and 1883 Jews inhabited it. The 1897 census did not include population figures.

Rejowiec

Was one of the places in which in old times Jewish settlement was unrestricted.

[Page 92]

In 1856, 311 Christians resided in it and 824 Jews. In 1897, the population numbered 2175, including 1605 Jews.

Janów

Under Polish rule, it was part of the Lublin Voivodship. B. Tanner notes that in 1678, local Jews owned homes and real–estate. In 1765, 461 Jews resided in Janów. Under the Russians, it became a district capital and Jewish residence was unrestricted. In 1896, it was home to 1049 Christians and 875 Jews. In 1857, the district's population numbered 117,000 including 11,600 Jews, 8,000 in Janów including 2770 Jews.

General municipal:

1389 King Vladislav Yagello gifts Turobin and may other villages to marshal Dimitri of Goray.
1420 Vladislav Yagello grants Magdeburg rights to Turobin, including market days on Tuesdays.
1430 The town's owners founded the first church in town, which was intact up to the Tatar invasion.
1509 The Tatar on their journey to occupy Poland burned and destroyed Turobin.
1510 Andzei Vincenti Soydov renewed the town's local rights and granted a constitution and freedom to those rebuilding it.
1511 Jan Turobinski (1511 – 1575) is born, a great scholar and lawyer, author of books (in Latin) and poems.
1564 245 Houses in Turobin and 1225 residents.
1570 The Gorks, inheritors of Turobin, converted the local church to a Calvinist one during the period of king Zygmunt August and built near it a school for members of their faith, which existed to the end of the 16^th century.
1595 Stanislav Gomolinski, Chelm Bishop, seized the local church building from the Calvinists and in 1630, reopened it after renovations.
1600 Turobin and its estates were purchased by the great chancellor Jan Zamoyski who returned it to Church authority.
1604 Residence of the greatest Polish poet, Shimonovitz, at the Szczebrzeszyn estate near Turobin.
1618 Jan Zamoyski, after adding Turobin to the fee tail, examined the town's documents, approved some and canceled others. Other rights were subsequently approved in 1646.
1662 King Jan Casimir approved four market days for Turobin.
1772 Turobin served as passage point to Zamoyski's tribunal.

[Page 93]

1780 Stanislav Stashitz (1755 – 1815) a priest in Turobin, later promoted to royal statesmen and economist.
1810 1963 residents in Turobin.
1827 344 Houses and 2026 residents. Population employed mostly in fur processing.
1856 A population of 1,408 Christians and 951 Jews.
1867 The town has 330 houses and a population of 2,482
1882 Orthodox Church founded.
1883 366 houses, 3949 residents including 1548 Jews. The gmina, a territory of 18,893 morg [?] is home to 9,481 residents (including 280 Russian Orthodox and 1803 Jews.)
1897 The census records 2377 town residents, including 1509 Jews.
1921 Town's population is 1592.
1943 Population: 1297
1959 Population: 1050

Jewish Community:

1580 – 1764 The Council of Four Lands is in existence for the Jews of Poland, whose authority included the Jewish community in Turobin and the names of its leaders mentioned in the Council protocols.
1607 Shimon ben David Oyerbach of Turobin is among the 10 council members who signed various rules for Polish Jewry.
1632 Rabbi Shimon Wolf Oyerbach, formerly rabbi in Turobin, passes in Prague.
1643 Rabbi Menachem ben Yitzchak Chayoot, ABD of Turobin, participated in the Council's deliberations on the inconsistent wording of prayer books at the fair in Lublin.
1669 R' Yitzchak Parnas of the Turobin community, is a signatory on the CFL decision on the Tykocin community's complaint.
1672 R' Yitzchak, son of the righteous rabbi Uri Shraga Feivish represents Turobin at the CFL meeting in Jarosław, in which it was decided the council will not return to that cursed city.
1673 David Tebbil of Turobin participated in the Council's decision to empower the Pińczów leadership to restrict relocation to their town due to a poor economy.
1678 Meir Yosef of Turobin signed with 18 Jewish community leaders on a promissory note for the nobleman Georg Miltren fun Miltenberg, treasurer of Breslau.
R' Meir ben rabbi Yosef “Yoske” Katz of Turobin joins CFL approval of publication of the bible in Yiddish by R' Yosef Atiash of Amsterdam.
1861 R' David ben Eliezer of Turobin joins the members of CFL on another promissory note by the aforementioned noble to be paid in installments in the next 9 years.
1687 Meir ben Yosef Katz of Turobin was a signatory to forbidding more Jews to settle in Pińczów due to economic straits.
1688 Zechariah Mendel ben Arye Leib of Turobin signed a CFL document granting exclusive publication and distribution to a book's author.

[Page 94]

1688 R' Meir ben Arye Leib of Turobin signs a ruling on the dispute between the Tykocin and Międzyrzec Podlaski communities.
1689 R' Zachariah Mendel of Turobin signs a copyright decree to the author of Zofnat Pa'aneach and forbidding others to print and distribute for three years.
1691 Zacharia Mendel of Turobin signs a verdict upholding a previous ruling on the matter of Międzyrzec Podlaski vs. Tykocin.
1726 600 rubles granted to the Turobin community by CFL in the wake of a strained economy or other troubles.
1648 – 1649 A slaughter by Khmelnitsky's gangs in Tomaszów, Szczebrzeszyn, Turobin, Biłgoraj, Kraśnik, and economic annihilation of their Jews
1850 A map of Jewish communities in Poland published by CFL mentions the communities in Lublin province: Zamość, Frampol, Modliborzyce, Kraśnik, Turobin, Szczebrzeszyn, Biłgoraj, Krasnobrod, Bychawa, Grabowiec, and Vasilisovitz.
1765 985 Jews in the Turobin area
1766 Av 19, passing of the rabbi and scholar Reuven ben Yeshaya of Turobin in Lublin, where he was buried.
1856 951 Jews living among 1408 Christians
1897 1509 Jews and 2377 Christians
1910 Rabbi Eliyahu Halevi Landa, 40–year ABD of Turobin
1926 Divrei Shmuel by Turobin rabbi Noakh Shmuel Lifshitz, a student of the Seer of Lublin, is published.
1942 20 Tishrei – 20 Cheshvan, Jews are expelled by the Nazis to Izbitza.

  Turobin, Poland     Yizkor Book Project     JewishGen Home Page

Copyright © 1999-2024 by JewishGen, Inc.
Updated 14 Mar 2019 by JH