[Page 119]

In the Spring of 1920 or 1921

That, which I wish to record, took place in the time when the newly-formed Polish regime, among its first acts, began to recruit a new regular Polish Army. This was the time when General Haller arrived in Poland from the outside with his army, when the ‘oafs,’ or as they were called, the ‘Hallerists’ let themselves go, amusing themselves with a variety of assaults on the Jews in cities and towns, on trains and on roads, wherever they found themselves, and they especially hounded Jews with beards. If they trapped a Jew of this sort, he was not to be envied. One of the Hallerists would hold him tightly, and another would cut his beard with scissors, and when the Jew struggled and tried to stop them in their depraved task, the Hallerist – willingly or unwillingly – cut the Jew on his face and throat. We learned of these ‘lovely deeds’ perpetrated by the Hallerists, who were supposed to be the core of the newly created Polish army. This was heard not only from the Jewish periodicals, but also from Jews who came traveling from those places where the Hallerists preyed. The facts reached the larger Polish population, and without doubt, there was a specific number of Poles, whether from the intelligentsia or the urban rank and file, who were not only very dissatisfied about these sorrowful events, but actually, among themselves, spoke of the shame it was to Poland. Until not long ago, they had heard of such ‘lovely stories’ concerning the Russian bandits, but this was totally inappropriate for Poland. In many Polish cities, Polish workers supported Jewish self-defense, and to protect Jews from Russian pogromshchiki, as I personally saw in Lodz in 1905-1906.

In connection with what has been written above, I read the following fact, which was a reaction outside of the country regarding the sorrowful deeds of the Hallerists. As I recall those years, the first post-war conference of the representatives of Europe and America had perchance taken place. The ministers came together, and among them was also a minister from the newly-established Poland. So many of these ministers were meeting for the first time, and did not know one another, and as was the practice, some minister would come over to a group of other ministers, and introduced himself, as to who he was, and what country he came from. At a certain point, a minister approach, I do not know exactly who, whether from Holland or Norway, who happened to be the only minister with a long beard. He put out his hand to greet each minister to whom he was introduced, and when he was introduced to the Polish minister, he quickly covered his beard with his left hand, pressing the hand of the Polish minister, but saying nothing as to why he was clutching his beard, but all the [other] ministers looked on and smiled. But all of them understood very well what this meant, and the Polish minister was embarrassed and felt very badly, and he let the Polish government know about this, and demanded that the wild predations of the Hallerists be stopped, and in fact, immediately afterwards, the predations were stopped.

As mentioned above, the predation of the Hallerists were no secret from the rural populace, especially the young ‘oafs,’ who were recruited into the army. In our city, the Faber Commission was then in the brigade buildings, which were left behind by the Russian army after the war. Twelve districts belonged to our city, and the young recruits were brought by wagon from each district separately. First thing in the morning, one could see the long row of wagons arriving, at the head of which was the administrator and the secretary of the district. The long row of wagons with the recruits would pass through the Zamość and Lemberg Gasse in order to reach the brigade headquarters. In riding to the city, they would beat every Jew they met along the way. But also, even in the city, they would jump out of the wagons, and fall upon a Jew, or leap into a

[Page 120]

Jewish place of business and grabbed whatever they desired. The young, newly created militia with the head of the militia did not react at all to the wild behavior of the recruits. And seeing this, the recruits became more hopeful and confident in themselves, that their wild behavior was not punishable. This condition lasted for about 3-4 weeks, and it is superfluous to write down how sad this was for the Jewish populace. When the wagons with recruits would arrive, the stores were locked shut, and people hid themselves wherever they could, in order to avoid encountering the recruits. A terror fell upon the Jewish populace, and it was simply not possible to bear it.

On a certain day, the Dozor of the Jewish district, Lejzor Lederkremmer, came to me, and asked me to accompany him with a delegation to the Starosta to request protection and complain about the militia. I accepted. On the morning of the following day, I accompanied the Rabbi and Lederkremmer to the Starosta, immediately that morning, who was at the end of the Lemberg Gasse, in the building where at one time there was the Circuit Doctor Shamarayev's Hospital. We went early in the morning before the recruits arrived. and not to fall into their hands. The Starosta, Ittner, immediately received us, greeted each of us with a handshake, and asked the reason for which we had come. I had been designated to speak. I conveyed to the Starosta everything that had been going on for the last 8-10 days, and that we ask of him as the ‘patriarch’ of the entire area, to protect our lives. I saw immediately that he was moved by my tale, and immediately asked why we had not come to him before this, that this is the first time he hears of these events, and it is possible that this occurred because no one had seen him in the city, and he immediately called in his secretary, Michalkiewicz, and immediately ordered that the Chief of Police be summoned to him, who was located on the Lemberg Gasse at the house of Itcheh Karper. Fifteen minutes later, there was a knock at the door, and the Chief of Police entered. A tall dark gentile, in the uniform of the police, he remained standing at the door, as we, the delegation sat, the Chief of Police stood for the entire time at the door. The Starosta told him that the delegation came to him to complain about the Chief of Police, regarding the assaults by recruits against the Jewish populace, that the police do nothing to protect us. The Chief of Police was frightened, and attempted to defend himself, saying that he has insufficient manpower in the police force, and as a result he has no option regarding the undisciplined recruits. I immediately requested the privilege to speak and said, that I do not agree with the response of the Chief of Police, because I personally saw a day earlier, how four recruits went into a place of business, of Abraham' tcheh Warter on the Lemberg Road, and immediately leapt out of there with robbed items, when precisely at that same moment an elderly resident came by who, upon seeing them leap out with these items, began to club them, and shout a them. ‘how do you not be ashamed to do this, have fear of God, you louts, and the recruits were frightened by this single, solitary elderly and weak man, and dropped all the items they robbed and fled, so I ask the Starosta, if four recruits were frightened by such an elderly and weak man, with only a stick in hand, how could they not be fearful of even one policeman? The Starosta was visibly convinced by my words, and asked the Chief of Police, what answer he had for the delegation. The Chief of Police replied, that from this day forward, he will see to it that there will be no more assaults against Jews. With thanked the Starosta and were satisfied with our mission.’

From the following morning, to the end of the draft, the city became free to the Jews, and one no longer saw any recruits. because the police did not let them into the city, and they were kept locked up in the brigade building for an entire day, and afterwards, they were escorted out of the city by militia.

The other day, sitting in front of the house where I lived at my father-in-law's, I see from afar that the Chief of Police is heading in my direction. I felt that it was possible he was coming to rebuke me for what I had complained about him to the Starosta, but it became evident, that he had actually approached me, greeted me heartily, and asked whether I was satisfied with the order than had been implemented, and that finally there was quiet in the city, and I thanked him for this, and showed my satisfaction.

[Page 121]

The first Halutzim in Tomaszow Moshe Reichenberg, Yisroel'keh Greenbaum, Moshe Karper, Shmuel Gelernter, Yoss'l Meldung, Abraham' eleh Dornfeld, Nathan Goldstein, Abraham Zilberberg, Ary' Levenfus, Fishl Nat. Klerer, Paltiel Herbstman and Yoss'l Singer[1]

Certification from Agudat HeHalutz of the year 5680 [1920][2]

Certification from Agudat HeHalutz of the year 5680 [1920][3]

Of course, our Tomaszow was not the only city that produced these parties. Almost every city in Poland produced Halutzim, pioneers, who later became the builders of the Land of Israel. Who, indeed, are the leaders and creators of the State of Israel, if not those Halutzim of yore who grew up in the cities and towns such as our Tomaszow was.

And it was precisely these Halutzim, who were those that were the first to go to [training] camp (as the scripture says: Every armed man of you going across Jordan before the Lord till he has overcome and sent in flight all who are against him, etc. [Numbers 32:21]. And so, the pioneering spirit also penetrated to us in Tomaszow,

It was this pioneering spirit that penetrated the hearts of a group of fourteen young ‘shtibl’ youths in our Tomaszow, They youths, children of balebatim, on one day, assembled in the beautiful house of Moshe Karper, ז”ל, and officially organized themselves as: Agudat HeHalutz B' Tomaszow Lub. Each of the young men took the oath: ‘We will pass as pioneers before the children of Israel.’

[Page 122]

As officers, the following were elected: Aryeh Levenfus, Chairman, הי”ד Abraham Zilberberg, Secretary today has an important job with the Israeli government in Tel-Aviv. Ephraim Fishl Hammer (Nat), in N. Y. in America, Paltiel Herbstman in the Land of Israel. Israel Greenbaum in the Land of Israel – in the Va'ad HaPoel. The following friends were the first Halutzim in Tomaszow: Moshe Reichenberg הי”ד, Moshe Karper ז”ל, who died in Galicia, Shmuel Gelernter ז”ל, who died in N.Y., Yoss'l Meldung, in Argentina, Abraham Dornfeld in N. Y., Nathan Goldstein in Israel, Mott'l Eisen, Chaim Hirsch Gelernter, Joseph Singer ז”ל, who died in Israel.

The first group of youth consisted of the first Halutzim in Tomaszow, which they founded. We immediately established contact in writing with the central committee in Warsaw, where we were immediately accepted and recognized as Agudat HeHalutz, and we received instructions which we relate further here.

Thus, the establishment of a pioneering movement in Tomaszow took place before one even conceived of the Balfour Declaration. What did the parents of the Halutzim say? It was Tisha B'Av in their homes. The parents raised a hue and cry, and mostly when we shut our Gemara texts, and began to diligently learn Hebrew, Tanakh, and the geography of the Land of Israel.

I will never forget our first leader, teacher and director, R' Yaakov Mordechai Dornfeld ז”ל, from whom we drew energy and inspiration. He implanted a true love in us for Hebrew and the Land of Israel. Twice a week, we gathered together to hear lectures from him in Hebrew, the Prophets and the geography of the Land of Israel.

Rabbi Yaakov Mordechai Dornfeld was a great scholar. He was a first-class Hebraist, and had an equal command of Russian, Polish and German. He was a bookkeeper by profession. He occupied an important position in the municipal government. Regrettably, he did not live to make aliyah to the Land of Israel, he died in New York in the year 1954, but he was privileged to live long enough to see the establishment of the State of Israel. Honor his memory.

Since we already had a society of Halutzim, and we were able to speak a bit of Hebrew, it was necessary to start the most important of initiative of our mission. That means, we had to make a transition from theory to practice, we simply had to go out into the fields, and assume the burden of [agricultural] work. Here stood the question of where we would obtain the use of a field that would permit us to learn agricultural labor. No Jewish land proprietors, you understand, existed in our region, to be found.

But after a great deal of searching,. We were able to obtain a bit if field to rent outside of the city from a gentile ‘resident’ and also the resident was required to teach us how to engage in agriculture. After a conference, it was decided that our first planting should be potatoes. The gentile told us that we needed to fertilize the field with animal manure,, and you would think an easy thing to come by, manure. Go find the manure of cattle in Tomaszow where not a single cow can be found. Mazel Tov! We find a Jewish man at the edge of the city (regrettably, I do not remember his name) who has a cow, who sold us a wagon load of manure in exchange for a sack of potatoes that we will, God-willing obtain as a yield from our bit of rented land.

The Halutzim are conveying manure…. speaking of conveying manure, we are conveying the wagon load of manure like a groom is escorted to the wedding canopy…. with joy and song. Of the fourteen Halutzim that we were in the group, just a bit less than half had the courage to escort the wagon of manure on both sides, and that wagon of manure was deliberately conveyed through the middle of the marketplace, with the singing

[Page 123]

of Hatikvah…

The storekeepers came out of their stores, and looked at us, many with resignation and many with sorrow. They reckoned without a doubt that we had all lost our minds or gone crazy, God save us. Upon bringing the manure to the field, the group took to the work. The gentile, our ‘agronomist,’ and gave commands as to how the manure has to be spread over the field. And when the fertilization came to conclusion, the gentile told us to go home, and come back tomorrow very early and that we should bring shovels and take once again to the work of conditioning the soil.

Appreciate that we were on the field at 6AM, but not everybody brought shovels. and again the same question: which of us owned a shovel? But despite this, we brought more than a half dozen shovels, and the digging began with song and happiness, we literally tore to the work. The spring sun shone and warmed us, and we sweated and were able to feel the dictum: ‘By the sweat of thy brow wilt thou eat bread.’ Digging the ground this way, until midday, all of us got raw hands, and mud between our fingers.

And as we contemplated this tiny parcel of a field that we had dug up, and the large tract of field that we yet needed to dig, and feeling our hands rubbed raw… we only then first apprehended that it is not so easy to be a peasant, it is much easier to sing ‘In the hooked plow lies the blessing of luck,’ that to be bent over and digging in the earth.

On the second day, our gentile came leading a horse and an iron plow, and the field was plowed into a number of rows. Only after the plowing and harrowing, did the real work begin, meaning the planting of the potatoes. But this was much easier and more acceptable than digging in the earth.

But what else do we do? Until the time that the potatoes would grow in, and become ripe, we obtained a garden from R' Nathan Neu, which we, again, dug up with shovels. By this time, incidentally, we all had shovels. Where we all got shovels, was indeed a matter of salvation, and the novelty was even greater when you think about these future peasants…. land workers posing for a picture, most wearing cravats, and most in their Sabbath finery…. well, these maters remain unanswered. Whatever we are, we are, but we are Halutzim, That is what we sang, and we were proud that we had the privilege to be the first of the youth of Tomaszow who prepared themselves to make aliyah to the Land of Israel.

But only two of our comrades had this privilege to make aliyah to be in the Land of Israel, Moshe Reichenberg and Israel Greenbaum, but tragically, they later returned to Tomaszow, for reasons unknown. But from those who later made aliyah, the following did indeed stay there: Abraham Zilberberg, Nathan Goldstein, Paltiel Herbstman, and Joseph Singer, and the remainder from the group were killed by The Unclean Ones, the Germans, may their names and memory be eradicated to the end of all generations.

[Page 124]

Members of the Tz. Tz. Poalei Tzion at the Establishment of a Training Kibbutz Standing from the right: Benjamin Herring, Moshe Unterbukh, Yaakov Herbstman, an unknown person, Ber'ish Kellner, an unknown person, Shimon Szparer Second row: Meir Eisen, unknown person, Michael Katz, Neta Eisen, Fyvel Hartz, and others

There was always life over at the brigade buildings: performances, market fairs of products of all sorts, took place at the brigade location. One could even hear musical concerts emanate from there, only Jewish life in Tomaszow was ossified.

When the war of 1914 was only a day old, shooting could already be heard, but this time not coming from the brigade premises, but from the Kiri Highway (the Lemberg Gasse). Several Uhlan scouts had crossed the border, and immediately were on the Tomaszow Kiri Highway. Then an exchange of fire took place and the Uhlans fell. [They were] the first victims of the war in Tomaszow.

Most of the menfolk were already in the military. Only women, children, and the very old remained in the city, or men with physical defects. There were also those who held certain types of positions. Martial law was declared in the city: at specific hours before nightfall, it was required to leave the streets. and cover the windows.

With the onset of The First World War, the ossified Jewish life in Tomaszow came to an end. Some remained, of the type who did not have to go to military service. Minors began to play a role: young people discarded the small Polish-Jewish caps and hats were donned that had shining visors, a part began to wear hats of a modern style, bought somewhere second-hand, because no new materials for civilian use were being produced. And even those who continued to wear the Hasidic hats and long caftans, were already wearing pressed collars with ties or cravats. And despite the fact that all the remaining men and young boys were hotly pursued to dig trenches in the forests, movement arose among the young people: unions began to be formed.

At the beginning of the war, people were occupied with the scrutiny of paper currency, to see if it had holes or not. Even a hole the size of a pinhead made the bill suspect, In addition to this, Russian paper money had no value at all: inflation set in: stacks of paper money began to be exchanged for gold and silver (if anyone had it).

The city overflowed with Russian military personnel. In the Praga, and other neighborhoods, field kitchens were set up.

[Page 125]

Several soldiers were billeted in each home, especially the oldest, in order that they not have to sleep in the streets. The ordinary soldiers slept not far from the field kitchen. Several military people also came to billet in our house. In our home, we had no adult male, because my father, and older brother Joseph were already in America. My mother remained [behind] with three young children, and cousin, Joseph Singer, the son of my father's sister, Tema, who came to sleep with us, so that my mother and her children should not be alone with soldiers.

Cousin Joseph Singer was a pious lad, a scholar, and he used to study in the courtyard of R' Yehoshua'leh. At that time, cousin Joseph Singer was still so observant that he did not cut off the first hairs that began to sprout on his chin, but rather, as he sat studying, he would pull on them, and then put them in his book.

In the same week that the war broke out, my grandfather, R' Elkanah Zeidl, my mother's father from Komarow, came to use in a large wagon with a driver, and took all of us to him, thinking that the war would not come to the mountainous shtetl of Komarow.

After fleeing the Komarow fronts, we wandered through a variety of cities in the Lublin District, and returned to Tomaszow, and survived the great battle when the Austrians and Germans came in, and Tomaszow remained under their occupation until further developments.

In the meantime, the young people matured, and did not have to present themselves for military service. Then, an upheaval truly took place in Tomaszow,

The now grown up religious youth became liberated. Cousin Joseph Singer became a freethinker, and not only him, but also others of his age. hey began to read books, becoming familiar with the programs of various parties, and began to teach themselves Zionist songs.

My observant uncle, Jonah Pinia's Joseph Singer's father began to hate his unbelieving son, pursuing him and harassing him. So he would come to our house to read books and sing songs. He was especially fond of the song: ‘In the plow, lies good fortune and blessing.’

He would read the books out loud to my mother and I listened as well.

My mother, despite the fact that she was observant, and the daughter of a scholar, loved it when Cousin Joseph Singer read for her, and sang Zionist songs. It was a festive occasion when Joseph would arrive with his little book.

The war continued. No end arrived. We went hungry, disease spread.

Apart from the military hospital, a large hospital was set up for the civilian population. The hospital was on the Lemberg Gasse, on the way to the Szkoci Dolina Forest^[1] that leads to Belzec. All those, suffering from typhus, were taken to the hospital together along with those who were well, with their bedding, and the house was sealed. There, everyone had their hair cut off.

Doctors from the Austrian-German military would go from house to house to examine everyone. Anyone who had a fever higher than normal was required to go to the hospital. I was among the fortunate who did not get

[Page 126]

sick, and would stand with my healthy friends, looking a the beautiful hospital building from afar, full of patients who were getting better, who would come out wrapped in sheets to take the fresh air. We strained to see people we knew, and indeed, my friend Tova Gelber, and her mother, little Sarah'leh and Tova's little brother Joseph and her little sister Feiga'leh. All the girls had their hair shaven off.

My friend says to me: You know, Leah Dornfeld, Yaakov Dornfeld's girl, already had her hair cut off.

Yaakov Dornfeld played a rather prominent role in the organization of the young people for the Zionist ideal.

As a young man he was a great scholar. Later on, he became a municipal employee. Thanks to him, and others like him, the Library was founded, where the awakened youth began to read books. The fanatics prevented their children from reading books, and a ‘library reader’ became a pejorative term, or nickname for them. Despite this, one continued to read. When one developed a bit, there began a process whereby one would not agree with another over Zionism. for example: Yaakov Dornfeld was the leader of the General Zionist Union.

The more observant founded a Mizrahi Union. The workers had a Bundist Union. There was a Poalei Tzion Union for Zionist workers.

And a class of young people came of age for which the Mizrahi was too observant, and the Poalei Tzion too far to the left, the general Zionists too far right, so they founded the Tze'irei Tzion Union.

To the extent that I can remember, among the founders were: Abraham'eleh Zilberberg, my cousin Joseph Singer, Pesach Gartler, Bronfman (the older brother), Esther Eilbaum and her brother. Adding: Yehoshua Weissleder, Yaakov the son of the Kozioner Rabbiner, and others whose names I cannot recall.

At the time of the founding of the Tze'irei Zionist organization, an upheaval took place in the world. A revolution took place in Russia. We, the minor children, did not know what such a revolution meant. Only those, who were a number of years older, and could read a periodical in which this was written about, could understand something about it. A periodical that one person received from Warsaw or Lublin, was passed from hand to hand. News and words were snapped up. To me, it didn't register yet. I was preoccupied with a sick mother, and with my tiny little brother(s) Eli' Ben Zion and Moshe. The youngest brother, Eliyahu Ben Zion was four years old, but looked younger because of malnutrition.

It was cold in the house. Cousin Joseph Singer took a log of their wood, so that his father would not know, and brought it to us in the house. With the large sharp axe, he began to chop up the hunk of wood, singing at that time a new song already.

And when the fire caught in the kitchen, and the house became a bit warm, he sang:

‘In the smithy by the fire,
Stands a smith who smiths,
He bangs the iron,
Sparks of fire leap,
And sings thereby a song.’

Cousin Joseph Singer looked at my sick mother and sang, as if the song would energize he. He presented the song:

[Page 127]

‘From the freedom that will come,
He sings heartily, sings with ardor,
And he does not feel how running,
From his face are rivers of sweat.’

After my mother's death, cousin Joseph Singer became my spiritual mentor.

One time, I remember it was the summer of 1917, cousin Joseph Singer says to me:

– Rachel'eh, we are founding a Tze'irei Zionist Union, you should join.

– Me? – I ask in astonishment.

– Yes, you – He answers me.

– Are children then accepted? I asked.

– They don't have to know how old you are, tell them you are already 18 years old, because they don't accept anyone under 18.

– I am not even a full 16 years of age; why should I say that I am 18 years old? I can wait with joining up.

– Don't wait, we have to have a specific number of members in order to organize the union.

– There already exists a Zionist Union, why do we need another one? – I asked.

So, cousin Joseph Singer explained to me, that the Tze'irei Zionist Union will be democratic. Tze'irei Tzion will strive to assure that the Land of Israel will be built on democratic foundations.

– What are democratic foundations? – I asked.

– Freedom, justice, and that all people will be treated equally. – This is how Joseph explained democracy.

This pleased me, and I said:

– If that is the case, I will say that I am already 18 years old. And this was how, along with the founders, I joined the Tze'irei Zionist Union.

I took my friends and relatives, somewhat older than I, into the Union: Gitt'l Rund, Pess'l Kayt'l and Tova Gelber. Later, my younger brother Moshe Lehrer also entered the Tze'irei Tzion Union.

The Union was located on the Kiri Highway (Lemberg Gasse). The sentiment in favor of democracy grew. Even Blonder, this wealthy man, also wanted democracy, and joined the Tze'irei Zionist Union.

It is difficult to remember all of the names of the members that joined, but I do remember Holtz, and Crook from Zamość, when he would come to Tomaszow to his sister, he would come to the Zionist Union.

[Page 128]

A substantial number of the members came from the various Batei Medrashim, and also from the General Zionist Union.

In the leadership were: Bramnan (the older brother), Abraham'eleh Zilberberg, Pesach Gartler, Joseph Singer and Esther Eilbaum. I later became Esther's assistant. Esther Eilbaum was the secretary of the Union.

Educational lectures took place. Brafman was the principal speaker. There were also debate evenings.

In the Union, I first hear the three Internationals discussed. I heard talk of a two-an-a-half International, and this struck my immature ears as being funny. Most of us young people did not understand the lectures with their complicated terminology. Only democracy, which we heard discussed in the Union for the first time, towards that we strove, and that we understood. We planned to publish an animated wall poster periodical.

Among the various themes that the speakers spoke about, understandably, was the Balfour Declaration.

It was on a beautiful November day of 1917, when the news spread that ‘the Jews were given their homeland in the Land of Israel back.’

Zionist youth was elated. We ran to the unions to obtain confirmation. I ran to the Tze'irei Tzion.

Esther Eilbaum embraced me joyfully, and exclaimed:

– Rachel'eh, we already have the Land of Israel!

– What does ‘we already have’ mean? I asked, being embarrassed at not understanding enough about the issue. In my childish mind, I did not grasp that suddenly they would return the Land of Israel to us. There was something about this that I did not believe, but was too ashamed to say so. I see that everyone is happy, so I must also be happy. However, silently in my mind, I thought: – Turn over so easily? Is this possible? Let's hope there will be no disappointment; Let it be true.

When the news of the Balfour Declaration was proclaimed on November 2, 1917, it was already known to every body and soul in Tomaszow, and the joy was so great, that all the Zionists marched, dressed in their finest clothing that they owned, and filled the streets with melody of Zionist songs: the Balfour Declaration was celebrated.

I remember Yaakov Dornfeld's shining face, and his daughter Leah Dornfeld with a pretty kerchief on her head, because she was still recovering from a bout of typhus and her hair had been shaved off. She led her little brother Moshe by the hand.

Our collective joy was indescribable. Partisan differences were wiped away: all the Zionist parties were united in this great joy at the time when the Balfour Declaration was celebrated in Tomaszow. The hope filled the streets. People exchanged greetings of Mazel Tov, and part of them kissed each other with joy. My friends and I sang along.

Despite the fact that we did not precisely understand what the Declaration said, except that it was a promise about the Land of Israel for Jews, we did understand that if my comrades are rejoicing, and we are singing, it is a good sign. And it pleased me that Jews were marching and singing. I was happy to the point of tears.

[Page 129]

Since the establishment of the Polish regime, assaults began to occur. The young people were no longer free. Again, the military draft was instituted.

Despite this, the Tze'irei Tzion Union continues to exist as it did before. When a particularly important individual would come for a visit, we trembled, lest something might happen. The Zionist unions are legal, and yet one is still fearful.

The Tze'irei Tzion Union is already a year old. New elections need to take place, The elections must be highly democratic, and so the ballot is made secret. This means a written ballot, where we will write down whom we want to elect as our new officers. Some want the elections to take place on Saturday, others are not pleased, for we are still observant.

Not everyone feels free to express themselves at a meeting. One's heart beats furiously at the thought of getting up to say a word.

The leadership knows this. So a box was prepared, into which it was possible to throw in a written thought or thoughts, which one was not yet bold enough to articulate, or that one felt ashamed about. By means of the box, it was possible to criticize, because it was not required to sign one's name, and it was therefore easier to say what one wanted to. The period during which the criticism was read, was interesting and instructive.

In this post box, my girlfriends organized themselves and demanded that no elections take place on Saturday, because it is forbidden to write on the Sabbath. I made use of the fact, that the Tze'irei Tzion had invited a renown speaker ( I think this was someone named Livertowsky), and it was this very speaker who said that it was necessary to draw in the largest number of people possible into these parties. The note that I wrote and put into the box read: – At the large gathering the speaker said that the masses need to be drawn to us. So the question poses itself: What sort of masses did he mean? Can the small number of ‘freethinkers’ be called ‘the masses?’ The masses are still the religious. And therefore no meeting can take place on the Sabbath, because this repels the masses.

My girlfriends: Gitt'l, Pess'l and Tova wrote in a similar manner. We were confident, that with four opinions against it, we could prevent elections on Saturday.

The elections took place without us four minor young girls.

Esther Eilbaum was again elected as secretary. She asked me to assist her in carrying out her work. I helped her. The work, that she delegated to me, consisted of her giving me a list of those members that owed their membership dues, for me to go and collect. It was not voluntary work, and not easy. And despite the fact that I was shy, I undertook this, because I loved the Tze'irei Tzion Union, with its democratic program, and I wanted to make myself useful.

When my cousin Joseph Singer married his beloved Malka, the leadership of Tze'irei Tzion came to the wedding, among them, Abraham'eleh Zilberberg, who occupies a very visible position in the Israeli government today. My cousin Joseph Singer, at that time wore a tie and a modern suit. He studied agronomy for a bit of time, stimulated by the Tze'irei Tzion Union.

I was in the Union until 1920, when, still a minor, I went to America, to my father and older brother Joseph,

[Page 130]

with my brothers Moshe and Eliyahu Ben Zion. I was lonesome for the Tze'irei Tzion Union with the lectures, summer celebrations with ‘air mail’ and the Kasse Gorten.

Later, cousin Joseph Singer went to the Land of Israel to dry out the swamps. He brought his family to Israel: a wife, children, two sisters: Baylah Rivka and Grunya, and his disapproving father. That was after the anti-Semites tore out his beard along with flesh, he then traveled to his son in the Land of Israel, and lived there to a ripe old age.

Most of my girlfriends from the Tze'irei Tzion Union are today in the Land of Israel, and whether my cousin Joseph Singer, or my girlfriends Gitt'l and Tova, they gave the country two generations of Sabras, Israeli-born, thanks to – the Tze'irei Tzion Union.

My cousin, Joseph Singer, died suddenly in Pardes Chana on the eve of the proclamation of Israel as the Jewish Homeland, 11 years ago. He was a great idealist, a co-founder of the Tze irei Tzion Union. Honor his memory.

[Page 131]

The (Leadership) Committee of the Bund in Tomaszow From the right: David Geyer, Mottle Lerner, David Geyer's little son, Mordechai Weissberg, Shevakh Kornworcel, and Yaakov Yehoshua Grohman

As I said, these notes are made from memory. But in part, where I speak of the origins of the Bundist movement, during the Czarist regime, I received information from those who took part in the movement in those years. It is clear that these will also be [just] fragments.

Solomon Blum, the son of Yitzhak and Miriam (nicknamed: Der Bulakheh's), tells about the beginnings of the Bund movement in Tomaszow-Lubelski, that took place in the year 1904, and he was then a carpenter. It was at that time that the first Bundist group was created, even if there were single Bundists that were present before. As he recalls, the following belonged that remained in the memory of Solomon-Shlomo Blum:

Chaim-Mekhl Horn, Zalman Ardinatsky, Max-Mendl Wunder, Peretz Koeniger, Leib'l Ferder, Chay'keh Ferder, Abraham-Shmuel Knopf, an artisan Abraham-Shmuel, a musician, Pearl-Leah, a daughter of a water carrier, Moshe Greentukh – a chimney sweep, Joseph Greentukh and Isser Greentukh – both barbers, the brothers Shmuel-Mot'ya and Meir Sztum – sons of the water carrier. Yaakov Dornfeld (died in America), Menashe Dornfeld (a druggist in Brooklyn). It is certain that the count was higher, but the teller does not remember any more.

The Bund activity in Tomaszow was led by a certain young man, who came from the outside, a lathe operator [sic: a turner] . He was an organizer and a good speaker. Secret meetings would take place outside of the city very often. The gatherings took place in the Szkoci Dolina Forest, or the Siwa Dolina^[1]. From time-to-time, even at the Jewish cemetery. The gatherings were arranged with the greatest care. Sentries were posted along the entire way to the meeting place, which had pre-arranged passwords, such signs, to allow trusted people go to the meeting.

Illegal Bundist literature was kept at Shlomo Blum's place. Proclamations were brought from the outside – it appears from Lublin, where the regional committee of the Bund was located, or from neighboring Zamość, where there was a strong Bundist movement.

Bundist activity was carried out for a couple of years without any special stress. After the more frequent and more active appearances, repressions began on the part of the Czarist police. A search took place of Blum's house, however, the literature was not found. An array of Bundists were arrested, but after detaining them for a specific period of time, they were set free, not having found any significant evidence against them.

After the failure of the first Russian revolution, around 1906, a portion emigrated to America, a portion were called up into the military, and the public became more wary. The Bund, as an organization of the masses, ceased to exist, and only individuals maintained contact with the regional committee in Lublin, or with Zamość.

In 1910, Shlomo Blum was called up for military service. He served in Smolensk in 1911 and he fled to America.

With the generally dormant position of the revolutionary movement in Czarist Russia, and also in Tomaszow, close to the beginning of The First World War, there was no organization, only individuals, who subsisted on their romantic revolutionary memories.

A transformation takes place as The First World War breaks out, and our area is occupied by the Austrian authorities. The remainder of Poland was occupied by the Germans, but the Lublin District and the former Chelm Guberniya, was occupied by the Austrians, where there was a meaningfully lighter regime that existed under the German occupation.

A new movement arrives in all of Poland, and also by us in Tomaszow, a new Bund organization is created., which is serviced by two centers – from Lemberg, and from Lublin. In Lemberg, the Z.P.S. (Zydowska Partija Socialisticzna) still existed, and the A”G ‘Galitzianer Bund,’ which sent comrade Adolf to Tomaszow. A Bundist collective was created in Lublin, which even provided the first Land-Conference of the Bund under the German occupation. It was from there that were visited by comrade Lejzor Levin (died as a refugee in 1940 in Kovno – Lithuania). We also had help from Chelm, where comrade Artur Zygielbojm^[2] was already active, the later martyr of Polish Jewry. Chelm was in a unique situation. One of the officers of the Austrian army was Dr. Shia Fensterblau, who had been appointed by the occupation authorities to be the vice-burgomaster of the city. Ignoring the fact that he was forbidden by the military leadership from partaking in community political activity, he helped out the Bundist work, and a very important Bundist center arose in Chelm, which also had an influence on the surrounding province.

Dr. Fensterblau, along with his family were killed in the Treblinka death camp.

Our first activity in that period of time was our participation in the city library. There was no place and possibility of a politically free action, and therefore the Bund utilized the community cultural institutions. It happened, that after the war, a group of former Austrian officers and non-commissioned officers, remained in Tomaszow, who were Jewish, who married Tomaszow girls. These were the ones who provided the initiative to create a general Jewish library.

It was in the year 1919. The group leading the initiative requested of all the local Jewish organizations to take part in the institution. Among others, the Bund committee received such an invitation, to come to the founding assembly. At the meeting, the Bund decided to take part, and when leadership positions were allocated, Pulya Haut and I went in. The general composition of the leadership was: from the Zionists: Eldstein and Hirsch Zilberberg, from Poalei Tzion: Fyvel Holtz and Moshe Blonder, from the Bund: Pulya Haut and David Geyer.

For about three years, the leadership was harmonious, but the Zionist majority bought more Hebrew books. The secretary of the library, Hirsch Zilberberg drove through his line. This brought to the situation where the Bund left the library. Since the needle trades already had a union at that time, which, in reality, had been established by Bundists, in resigning from the general library, the Bund established its own library at this union.

In the first leadership of the Bundist library the following comrades serves: 1. Pulya Haut, 2. Nahum Schuldiner, 3. Leib'l Szerer, 4. Joseph Meldung, 5. Yaakov-Shia Grohman, 6. Mottl Lerner, 7. Shevakh Kornworcel, 8. Azriel Tsan, 9. David Geyer,

We place ourselves in contact with the Yiddish publishers from Warsaw and Vilna. Rather quickly, we built up a nice library of outstanding Yiddish literature of more than five hundred books. The library becomes the Yiddish cultural center no only for the strict party members, but also an important institution for enlightened Jewish youth. In time, we become the only Yiddish library that served the entirety of the Jewish population, which sought after Yiddish books.

However events came to pass that disrupted the library, that were related to the repressions against the Bund, in the first years of the 1920's the local police took after the library and its leadership. There were frequent searches, assaults against private activists and in the library, until finally they arrested comrade Mordechai Weissberg and shut down the library. The books were taken away to the Starosta, and the union local was sealed.

The trial of Mordechai Weissberg attracted a great deal of visibility in all of Poland. It was known as the ‘Lublin Trial of the Bund.’ Apart from comrade Mordechai Weissberg, a whole group of other Bundists from the Lublin region were put on trial. The defense team of Henryk Ehrlich (killed by the communists), Esther Iwanska (passed away in Brazil not long ago) and Ludwig Honigwill (today in New York) arrive at the trial. Comrade Weissberg is sentenced to two years in prison, which he served in the :Lublin jail.

The Bund committee, however, did not rest. We continuously submitted requests and protests to have the books returned to us, and to permit us to re-open the library. In the end, we were permitted to open the library, but not under the name of the needle trades union, which had become ‘unclean.’ We opened a second library under a new name, and under a different status. Incidentally, we secreted a number of books out of the library which we hid in Pulya Haut's attic.

It should be noted here. that when we came to the Starosta, when we already had the new permission for the library, and requested that the Yiddish books which they had confiscated from the library be returned to us, a group also came to demand a ‘legacy’, claiming that they have a share in the library. The Starosta took this demand into consideration… he gave no one the confiscated books from the Bundist library. Until the outbreak of the war in 1939, the nearly five hundred books lay in the attic of the Starosta of Tomaszow.

During the time when comrade M. Weissberg sat in jail, we put together a drama circle of amateur players. We would put on theater productions in order to raise funds, in order to support comrade Weissberg's family, father and mother, and their children which he, Mordechai, was their sole breadwinner.

After serving his sentence, comrade Weissberg returned and was again placed at the head of leading the Tomaszow Bund.

Again, in the ensuing years, the Bundist library became the Yiddish cultural center of Tomaszow-Lubelski.

Regrettably, as I have already said, I do not have the relevant material about the movement and therefore, the exact dates and the number of elected Bundist representatives in the city council, where the Bund played such a very important role in defending the interests of the Jewish masses, in general, and Jewish labor, in specific, are missing, What follows is only fragmentary, and does not reflect the full range of activity.

At the beginning of the decade of the twenties, for the first time, the Bund received an invitation to assign representatives to the first municipal council of Tomaszow, who did not need to be elected, but rather a sort of ‘appointment-election’ from among the representatives of the various several groups. The intent of the Poles was, indeed, to allocate a much lesser share of the representation to the Jewish populace, that is due to them according to the numbers in the Jewish population. Again, it did not work for the Bund to obtain representatives, but rather to conduct clarification work during the elections, where one had the possibility of putting forth a political propaganda initiative among the broader Jewish folk-mass.

The Bund therefore declared, that it would not take part in this ‘election,’ and excused itself from this sort of ‘representation’ in the municipal council. – The balebatim of the city ignore the stand of the Bund – they divide up the seats in the municipal council and the advisory council among themselves.

It remains this way until 1927, when elections take place in accordance with the new Polish election law. The Bund decides t participate in these elections, and after carrying out a broad election campaign, we receive the second highest number of votes on the Jewish street. On the ballot of the Bund three councilmen are elected this time: Nahum Schuldiner, Leibusz Koppenbaum, and David Geyer.

I will bring just one episode here, about the activity of the representatives from the Bund in the municipal council. an occurrence which is perhaps in the character of the practice of the municipal councils in Poland.

At one of the sessions of the municipal council, where the municipal budget was taken up, the Bundist faction made a motion to set aside a specific sum of money for the ‘ Opiekno Spoleczno’ or social assistance, in order to be able to purchase wood and coal for the poor populace, which during the winter, is unable to permit themselves to heat their poor homes. It was, at that time, a fierce winter. Wind and frost hammered not only Poland, but also all of Europe.

We sat and waited for the gathering of the councilmen, and privately discussed the current questions and about the agenda of the day for the session…

The Endekinst councilman (from that anti-Semitic reactionary Polish party) who was the school inspector of the entire Tomaszow district, responded to this: ‘I do not understand what has happened here. It is many years that we have a municipal council, and a Magistrate, and we have never had items in our budget of the kind under the heading of ‘ Opieka Spoleczna’ – until the arrival of the Bundists. So they started to introduce peculiar innovations. He said further, we have been further pressed to the wall. Who is going to stand against such a proposal, but why must it be a Bundist proposal?’

We immediately answered him – that he had himself provided the answer to his question. So long as there were no Bundist councilmen, indeed, no such proposals were made, and therefore, it is logical that it be a Bundist proposal.

The proposal from the Bund was favorably entertained, but the majority of the municipal council (incidentally along with the Jewish community representation) concurred among themselves, that the committee for social help, which will distribute the winter aid, will not admit any representatives from the Bund. Not only was this ‘vengeance’ against the Bundist faction, but in the distribution, they omitted and transgressed against those needy who were known to have Bundist sympathies. Wood and coal was distributed right and left, but not to those families who were known to have children in the Bund, or in other affiliated Bund institutions. where the facts of discrimination were confirmed, and came out with a protest. The representative David Geyer declared:

‘…We know your feelings, why you did not allow any Bundist representatives into the committee for distribution of the aid for those in the populace suffering need. It is your revenge because the Bund compelled this action, which was the first time in the history of the Tomaszow city council. Already at the first implementation of the Bundist proposal the President of the committee was seen to dip his fingers into the coal scuttle, and they came out black…’

I said this in a symbolic sense, not having in mind to accuse the chairman of the committee of stealing. But the reactionary majority, with the burgomaster at their head saw an accusation of theft in this, and demanded that we retract the statement, ‘dipped his fingers into the coal scuttle.’ Despite the fact that, as said previously, we did not suspect this chairman in impropriety, we did not want to retract the statement, and throughout we demanded that the statement should go into the minutes, as it was expressed by the Bundist representative.

Three entire sessions of the city council were devoted to this issue, and we did not retract the statement. The leaders of the city council, after having a consultation with the Starosta, decided to lock out the Bund representative – the councilman David Geyer, from the city council.

By coincidence, on that same day, the Senator of the Peasant's Party, Zubowicz was to be found at the home of one of the Jewish councilmen, Yehoshua Fishelsohn, to whom this story was related, and the decision of the city council about locking out the Bund representative. The senator immediately apologized and took a precise description from me, of the issue. He declared that he will take on this matter pro bono. If the matter will entail costs, he, the senator alone, will cover them. After a consultation of the Bund committee with the Bundist faction, we turned the matter over to the Senator.

The matter lasted for an entire year. It reached the provincial leader in Lublin, and to the Sejm. During this time, the Bundist faction, being locked out, as a protest, did not participate in the work of the city council, when invitations were sent out to the sessions. We would set out that e received such an invitation, but as a protest, we would not come, and demanded that our response be entered in the proceedings, that we are simply not attending the sessions.

The outcome was that the provincial court gave out a judgement that the entire city council did not handle this legally, and that the city council is ordered to reinstate the rights of the representative of the Bund – David Geyer. The entire Bundist faction came to attend the sessions of the city council in which their comrade David Geyer was reinstated. The parliamentary hall was filled with onlookers as never before. After the reading of the judgement from the provincial leadership, that the city council acted illegally in the matter, the entire audience received this with stormy applause. It was a rare success against the reactionary anti-Semitic majority in the city council.

After the provincial judgement annulled the decision of the city council, about the exclusion of the Bundist councilman and the Bundist faction returned to the city council, we came out against the manner in which the President of the ‘Opiekno Spoleczno,’ the pharmacist Frank, an ‘Endekist,’ distributes prescriptions which were designated for the poorer people. At a session of the city council, the Bund representative, (David Geyer) was indeed elected as the ombudsman in the committee with the full authority to underwrite the prescriptions as well as distributing help to the need members of the populace.

I have only presented one example from the activity of the Bund in the city council, which was characteristic, not only for Tomaszow,

A Group of the Leadership of the Professional Union Standing, from the right: Nathan Griener, Hecht, Moshke Tsimshans Sitting: Shirota, Yehuda Winder, Leah'chkeh Tar and Yaakov Haber

A Bundist Election Poster from Tomaszow-Lubelski

There was yet another reason that dictated why we moved to organize Polish labor. The anti-Semitic incitement and behavior, that had been created, forced us into finding an understanding and a relationship with the Polish street, which would support us in times of excesses. In thinking through the situation, we decided therefore, to assist Polish labor to found an organization of the Polish Socialist Party.

We joined forces with a row of Polish workers. They had their first meetings in our locals. A healthy core of an organization was created, which indeed did work among the Polish laborers. Through our Bund comrades in Zamość, we got in contact with the Polish lawyer Swiatkowski who was a P. P. S. Deputy from the Zamość vicinity in the Sejm. A good movement developed, which during moments of intensified activities against Jews, gave a substantive [sense of] security.

The Tomaszow Starosta attempted to disrupt this action. He began to call specific activists from the Polish movement to him, attempting to buy off some with posts, others with other kinds of promises – the essence, however, being his ‘admonitions’ questioning why they were cozying up to the zyds… despite this, a healthy core of a Polish-Socialist movement remained in Tomaszow and the nearby region, which was established with the joint effort of the Bund.

We have previously mentioned the library, the city council, the professional unions. This, however, was just a part of the activity of the Bund. The Tomaszow Bund would take part in general initiatives of the country-wide movement, whether in elections, protest campaigns, the war against anti-Semitism, and like things.

There were traditional undertakings, which were observed by the Bund, such as the First of May celebrations – through demonstrations, or academies, anniversary-celebrations of the Bund, and the like..

Open explanation of ideas occupied a very important place. Apart from the activities of the library, of distributing books in the [union] local was a place of many undertakings, debates, lectures, discussion evenings. A drama circle existed, made up of local talent, or the organization was the address for a variety of professional Yiddish theater troupes from the outside.

Visits by prominent outside speakers occupied a very visible place. A year did not go by that Tomaszow didn't invite a speaker, that the Bund sent from the center to speak about a variety of political-social and cultural-literary themes. These undertakings were not only for the Bundists, and the surrounding area, the entire city would come to hear the Bundist speakers, who had a reputation in Poland. Even opponents of the Bund came to these debates.

The Party press played an important role in this work. Distributing the ‘Volkszeitung’ – the organ of the Bund, and ‘Jugend Werker’ the organ of the Bundist Youth organization, Jugend-Bund, ‘Zukunft’ was a great obligation of the Bundists. From time-to-time, there were ‘press days’ when the Bundist press was sold in rather wide circles. This was the responsibility of the Culture-propaganda activity.

The Bund considered its activity among the minor generation to be very important. We had a rather good Jugend-Bund organization by us, ‘Zukunft,’ and also from the children's organization ‘SKF’ (Socialist Kinder Farband). Work there was conducted in ‘circles,’ – aligned with the age and development of the members. The circles carried the names of the Bundist leaders. We had circles in Tomaszow with the names of Mikhalevich, Medem, Grosser, Bernstock, Arkady, Litvak, and others carried on debates with the circles those raised in the movement itself. Apart from the work in the circles, the young people occupied themselves with excursions, sports, song. A very important part of the work were the ‘flying together’ meetings that took place in the summer months, when the youth of the entire region would come together. One such meeting took place in Tomaszow at the end of August 1932, in which several hundred young people took part from the surrounding towns: Zamość, Szczebrzeszyn, Turobin, Krylow, Komarow, Tyszowce, Rawa Ruska and others.

The uniform of the Bundist youth was a blue blouse and red bandana. Indeed, on the festival days, one could run into a significant number of young people in Tomaszow, wearing this uniform.

It is clear that the Bund had opposition in the Jewish environment. Very often, discussions, and conversations with Zionist and communist groups took place. It happened that it was necessary to withstand an assault from the observant part of the Jewish populace, who saw in the Bund, the leading away from, and the forsaking of the straight and narrow path, of Yiddishkeit. Often times the discussions were quite sharp, and they led to quite serious altercations. Each side held to its own version of the truth, that it possessed the right way. While I do not pause here in connection with specific incidents, it is necessary to say this as a matter of history. The Final Solution, however, was that the Nazi murderer did not look at the party affiliation of the individual when it came time to exterminate Jews. but led off the entire populace to be exterminated.

The following comrades belonged to the Bund [sic: Leadership] Committees at various times: Nahum Schuldiner, Leibusz Kaffenbaum, Koppel Shpizeisen, Peltik Lederkremmer, Yaakov-Shia Grohman, Azriel Tsan, Joseph Meldung, Leib'l Szerer, Shevakh Kornworcel, David Geyer, Shimon Leder, and Yitzhak Zygielbojm.

Among those still living: Leib'l Szerer (the State of Israel), David Geyer (America), Shimon Leder (Chile), Yitzhak Zygielbojm (Argentina), Azriel Tsan (Israel), Joseph Meldung (Uruguay), Shevakh Kornworcel died in Uruguay – the remainder were killed by the Nazi murderers.

[Page 139]

I hold it as my responsibility to further present (in alphabetical order^[1]) biographical sketches about some of the active members of the Bund in Tomaszow, who are no longer among the living. A number of them have been mentioned previously in passing. Let the following lines be added support to the memory of those who were exterminated, and also a supplement to the history of our city, where these very individuals grew up, and served the Jewish folk masses in their way.

Yaakov-Shia Grohman was born to parents who were tailors. He also was a tailor. He joined the Bund movement while still very young, and it got to the point that during the last times, up to his death, he was continuously the chairman of the Bund Committee. He achieved a rather high level of development through self-education. He was a rather impressive speaker. He delivered lectures in the Bundist library, which was on the first floor of the municipal offices. He was the principal lecturer to the Bundist youth organizations 'Zukunft' and SKF. He was also the organizer and leader of the Needle Trades Union. He became sick in the decade of the thirties, and was sent to Warsaw to be cured. His sickness was not cured. He returned, and while sick, took part in all Bundist activities. He died in Tomaszow. The funeral was carried out by the Bund, in which a large group of people participated.

M. Weissberg was born in the year 1895 in Tomaszow. In the year 1917, he joined the Bund, to which he remained loyal o the last day of his life.

He was immediately placed into the leadership. He takes part in the organization of strikes by the workers, and was one of those who took part in the negotiations with the balebatim. He is arrested on every First of May. He is the correspondent to the 'Lubliner Stimme.' He is nominated to attend to the Bundist conventions, as a delegate of the Tomaszow organization, or of the Lublin region.

We have previously recalled that at the beginning of the twentieth century, when arrests were being made throughout the entire Lublin region, Weissberg was among the victims.

I have mentioned, that to give him material assistance, we formed a drama circle. Here, I will enumerate the participants in the circle, according to what I can remember.

1. Raphael – Pulya – Haut
2. Miriam Prager-Szerer
3. Chaim-Mikhl Horn
4. Fraydl'eh Reichman – Mairt Be'ers
5. Motya Blank
6. Bal'tcheh Blank
7. Shayndl Blank
8. 'Vigdor Zucker
9. Mindl Meil-Zygielbojm
10. Joseph Meldung
11. Nahum-Itcheh Schuldiner
12. Itta Teig

I also participated in this dramatic section, but in truth, not as a player. My job was to gather up the necessary wardrobe, the requisite, taking care of the actors and discharge all of the needed formalities with the authorities, and really make sure that the police will file 'good' reports with the higher authorities.

In passing, we need to tell how we would conduct ourselves, in order that the police submit a 'good' report. It was very hard to handle the police sergeant Cieszak, a wild creature, who had, on his account the life of a Jewish child from Narol that he had shot. It was this one who had to report to the Starosta, that at the performance, nothing was said against the Polish authorities... That everything was in order. We would take him behind the stage scenery, and had a 'L'Chaim' with him, since he dearly loved a strong drink, he could drink like a fish...after each couple of glasses, he would fall asleep and if he would awake, the bottle was quite close nearby, and he would take yet another glass.... and that's the way it went until the play was over. The reports were, indeed, outstanding.

Comrade Nahum Schuldiner was the director and the prompter, who in 1927 was elected as a councilman from the Bund.

In the last years, Mordechai Weissberg lived in Argentina, very active in the Jewish movement, and died in 1963.

He was a child of very poor parents. His father was a Melamed in a Talmud-Torah, who earned enough for water on kasha. His mother helped out with earning a living who was known by the name 'Shprinza'leh the Matchmaker.' But, from all of this, it was still hard to make a living.

Shlomo Lieber joined the Bundist movement while very young. He was especially active in the Bundist youth movement of 'Zukunft.' According to his age, he got married quite early, and lived in Warsaw, where he was engaged in house painting. He led a hard life. He was a loyal member of the Warsaw organization of the Bund. After this, he went to Lemberg. When the civil war breaks out in Spain, he leaves his wife and child, a little boy, behind. He went to off the Spain illegally and fought in the international brigade. In one of the severest battles on the Barcelona front, his is felled by fascist bullets.

His little boy was taken in by the Bundist Medem-Sanatorium in Miedzeszyn^[2], where he was raised.

Peltik Lederkremmer

Peltik Lederkremmer came from a family of Jewish balebatim. He came to the Bund in Tomaszow from the Lublin Gymnasium. Living there, he turned into the Bundist student circles, and was drawn into the movement. In us, Peltik encountered a Bundist organization that was already good, with a wide field for activity. We took him in with wide open arms, because we needed intellectual resources. Indeed, he helped us to organize the evening courses, where we studied twice a week. He was the adviser in writing out the necessary books. He also wrote out all necessary documents, applications to the authorities about speeches, and the like. It is true that we would copy these applications over. His father was the community Dozor going back to the old Czarist times, and we didn't want that the young Peltik should suffer from family anxieties...

When the Bund was able to get three councilmen elected to the city council in 1927, we made an effort for him to become an employee in the municipal government, where he worked for a long time, after which he worked in the national finance office (Urzad Skarbowy). In September 1939, when the city is bombed by the Germans, he is severely wounded in a foot. Not giving heed to his serious condition, he flees to the east, to the Soviet-occupied part of Poland. He takes a Soviet passport, and travels off, as that was the order, to live in a city at a 200km distance from the border. When the Germans break the treaty with the Soviets and attack Russia, Peltik falls into the hands of the Nazis and suffers the same fate as all Jews.

L. Kaffenbaum was born, in 1897, to parents who were tradespeople. His father was a carpenter, and his mother a baker of sweets. There was no lack of money, despite the fact that they were not wealthy people. Being descended from generations of carpenters, Leibusz also became a carpenter and indeed was one of the best in his craft.

He joined the Bund when it was already a multi-branched organization. When the Bund went to stand for election to the municipal council in 1927, we found it necessary to put him forward as a candidate on the ballot, and he was, indeed, elected to the municipal council as the third Bundist candidate. In fact, he was the youngest of the councilmen. As a councilman, he was a true representative, and loyally filled his mission from the Bund.

When the Second World War breaks out, he flees, as did the majority of the Jewish populace, and comes to Rawa Ruska, where he entered the Red Army. The Soviet regime forces the refugees to become Soviet citizens, but most refuse to do so, among them our comrade Leibusz. Together with everyone else, he is indeed shipped to Siberia to do forced heavy labor. He worked in the forests under the most severe climactic conditions and inhuman circumstances. He did, indeed, fall as a victim there, dying of hunger and cold. From the forest, in the place where I had been sent to, I received only one postcard from him. Among others, he wrote down a very meaningful sentence there: – 'David, what do you say about these robbers of the forest?' ...

Sh. Kornworcel was born to very poor parents in Tomaszow-Lubelski. His father, a carton maker, was very sick, but had to work in order to support the extensive family of seven souls. It happened, therefore, that Shevakh had to go to work very young, in order to help out his father to provide sustenance. Later on, he became the sole breadwinner, when his father dies at an early age, and orphans his large family... He

[Page 142]

works as a carpenter. He joins the Bundist movement while still young. He manages the Bundist library together with Joseph Meldung, always assuming important positions in the Bund Committee. Especially, he is the party secretary and the press commissar in the year 1931. In the year 1931 he emigrates to Uruguay. Even there, he is very active, in the management of the local Bundist organization. He falls ill with cancer and dies at a young age. He leaves his wife widowed and orphans two children.

Nahum Schuldiner, his son Moshe'leh, and his brothers two daughters from Hrubieszow

He joins the Bund and becomes one of the leaders. He is the first Bund candidate who stands for election to the city council during the elections of 1927. He represents, with force, the interests of the broad Jewish folk masses, in the city council. He is also the representative of the Bund in the Jewish community. When The Second World War Breaks out, he is cast out to Rawa Ruska as a refugee. The city is full of refugees, and he decides to travel deeper into the country. Together with his family, he wanders to Winizia Podolia. Nevertheless, the murderous Nazi Hand reaches him there – and together with all Jews, he and his wife and daughter are killed.

According to our hometown understanding, Koppel came to us from a family in 'Burzhuaza.' His father was a forest merchant, owned his own home, with a fine fruit garden. The Bund overlooked this family 'flaw' but because of this, he needed to withstand reprimands from his parents and his milieu of balebatim, who threw his association with tailors and shoemakers in his face... he worked along with the organization in a stable fashion, and we therefore trusted him to educate our young, as a lecturer to part of the Zukunft circles.

Incidentally, he wasn't the only 'Disqualified Bundist' in the family. His uncles, the father's brothers, were very active Bundist doers in the neighboring city of Zamość^[3].

[Page 143]

He came to the Bund when he was grown up already. After completing military service. Despite this, he served the movement with extraordinary commitment. Before the outbreak of The Second World War, he moved himself to Ludomir, where he got married. There, too, he maintained his attachment to the Bund.

He, and his family, were exterminated by the Nazis. One daughter, it seems, was able to save herself, and today is in Canada.

* * *

Here, I have only recalled a few of the Bundist activists, only those who are no longer alive. Their ways to eternity were varied, but most shared the fate of millions of exterminated brothers and sisters of the Jewish People. Together with those whose names we do indeed recollect, and those whose names we do not recollect, we offer homage to their [collective] memory.

 Yizkor Book Project    JewishGen Home Page  

Copyright © 1999-2024 by JewishGen, Inc.
Updated 02 Oct 2022 by JH