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Political, economic, and social conditions of the period from 1795 to 1880 – three different eras – the rule of Aleksander I – Slonim as a government city – District of Slonim in the Grodno Region – renewed competition with the Polish citizens – The situation of the Jews under the new regime – Local and international commerce in the city – Trade with Königsberg, Danzig, and Memel – The beginning of the lumber trade – The contractor Reb Hillel Spokojni – Slonim at the crossroads of the new highways – The social structure during that period – Census of tradesman from 1797 – Wagon drivers and diligence drivers – The synagogue yard [Shulhauf] as a social center – Beis Midrashes of the workers groups – Jewish factory workers.

When considering the 120 years of Russian rule, we must divide the events in the city into two primary periods. The first period covers the years 1795-1880. Apparently 1881 was a year of significant change in the unique conditions of the city, both with respect to general political events in Russia, as well as with respect to important local internal events. The year 1881 thus opens the second period of Russian rule in life of the city and the Jewish community, which extends until 1915, the year that Czarist Russian rule ended there.

In this and the following chapters, we will deal with the political, economic and social conditions of the period 1795-1880.

That era lasted 85 years, covering 3-4 generations of the 19^th century, with its many changes and streams, overflowing revolutions, encompassing the rule of three Czars: Aleksander I, Nikolai I, and Aleksander II – each of whom conducted their rule with unique conditions, not only due to their own politics, but also due to their own personal character and disposition. An era such as this must require double investigation of separate aspects during the periods of time that compose this era. This double investigation will cause the history of Jewry in the Russian empire to penetrate the eyes of the investigator and researcher. These eras are unique, each bounded by their timeframes, and unique in their political atmosphere, economic circumstances, and cultural character. These three eras correspond exactly to the rule of the three aforementioned Czars, who sat on the throne of Ekaterina II consecutively, one following the other. Each consecutive rule was marked by great changes, for the characters of these three rulers had all the features, due to the essence of their personalities and the length of their rule, to impose these changes throughout all the yeas of their lives, since each one was a smodrozovich – a powerful ruler and monarch.

It is self-evident that these three different periods, despite having commonalties, are each recognizably and well differentiated in the annals of Slonim in general, and in the life of the Jewish community in particular.

When the area of Lithuania was annexed to Russia in 1795 in the wake of the third partition of Poland, it was the final year of the rule of Ekaterina [Catherine the Great]. Her heir Pavel was lacking in character, and the forces that consolidated against him during the six years of his reign removed any possibility of giving expression to his essence. This break in the forging of a monarch led to the continuation of the “status quo ante” in the newly annexed area in the eyes of the royal minister. Regular administrative edicts emanating from Peterburg were limited to administrative strengthening of the regime, as were superficially appropriate to the annexed area with respect to the long-standing administrative protocols of the empire, without causing any change in status or economic activity of the district. The change was expressed first and foremost by the liquidation of the “Vojevoda” and “Poviat” (Regions and Districts), and changing to “Gubernias” and “Uyezds,” most of which were equivalent with the districts of the Polish regime.

Slonim, as it found itself under the new regime, was a district city that was developed by Oginski into a commercial center with excellent means of connection, and a central cultural point – was chosen due to these factors as well as its geographical location, as the seat of the Gubernia. After the annexation, the occupied area was divided into two sections: the region of Vilna and the region of Slonim. Thus, did Slonim rise to the level of a Gubernia capital. This fact testifies to the importance of the city during those years, which was better than Grodno and Brisk combined. The region of Slonim included eight districts: Slonim, Novogrodek, Lida, Grodno, Volkovisk, Brisk, Pruzhany, and Kobrin^[241]. However, the new regime still maintained the form of the original area during its first years, and it endured a great deal of challenges and issues in acclimatized to the new way. The aforementioned administrative divisions existed for only one year. In 1796, the area turned into a unified region: the Lithuanian Gubernia. However, the

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Lithuanian region did not last for long. In 1801, the area was again divided into two regions: Vilna and Grodno^[242]. This time, Grodno was preferred as the regional capital for strategic reasons. The region of Grodno included approximately the region of the former region of Slonim, and Slonim turned into a district capital (Uyezd) of the Grodno Region. Thus did it remain until the end of Russian rule in 1915, that is, for 115 years.

With the lack of a “strong hand” in the civic internal government during the years 1795-1800, the Jews of the city again felt the arm of the Polish “citizens.” After the repeat of the Magdeburg law in Slonim in 1774, the “Mesczans” lost their influence on civic affairs, as has been noted, and the Jews of Slonim, protected by Oginski, lived securely without anticipating local decrees from the Woyat and his associates in the city council. However, immediately after the change of regime, when Oginski became a private nobleman and was permitted to spent his final years in his palace with nothing to do, the citizens returned to their ways and prepared to take precedence in the new regime through impinging on the rights of the Jews.

Incidentally, this competition with the citizens was felt after the annexation in all the cities of Lithuania. Immediately when the area was absorbed, the “citizens” began to plot new ways to restrict the steps of the Jewish citizens. We learn about the outburst of the citizens from an important document pointing this out clearly: A few months after the annexation, already in 1795, a Jewish delegation of leaders from the communities of Vilna and Grodno, approached the military ruler of the annexed district, General Rapnin, on behalf of all the Jews of the area, outlining their complaints about the Polish residents and the Lithuanian citizens, stating that they have begun inimical deeds against the Jewish population. The Russian ruler calmed them, and assured them that no evil would befall them. He also added that any changes would not affect their legal and social status, and that everyone would continue to work at their regular jobs^[243].

Indeed, after the first five transition years, when Aleksander I ascended the throne in 1801, it became increasingly clear that the new regime showed no favoritism to any leaning, and that it set itself on a path – until the “Russian” politics became more consolidated – to continue the status traditions that had existed for hundreds of years of Zhatspospolitica, under the protection of the “Double headed eagle” of the Russian Crown. The socio-political background of the population did not change. The Russians generally did not impinge on the rights and privileges of the high Polish nobility and the middle szliachta. The class of farmers continued as they had been. Similarly, the Jews also continued to maintain their status in the cities, towns, and villages. The impression grew that the Russian government was apparently considering to continue the previous era, with a long stretch of status quo until it would be able to impose its new politics, first upon the nobility and the szliachta, which it regarded as some sort of competitor in power, and later upon the other strata of the population, including the Jews. These politics would finally be subordinate to the purposes of the government.

This transition period lasted for almost a quarter of a century. The city generally continued to develop in the direction forged by Oginski. The lenient economic conditions created during his time continued to influence life in the city. Oginski's canals, the digging of which had not yet concluded during his years of effort and action, were finally completed and operated to the extent possible. The transport of merchandise up and down the Shchara became commonplace, and the city became a commercial center connecting the various areas of the Lithuanian province, and contributing toward international trade, for the canal and connecting rivers served as a primary route for international trade between Lithuania and the ports of Eastern Prussia. This commercial activity developed a circle of experienced merchants within the Jewish community, who supported this international trade and established warehouses for various colonial merchandise for the entire area. Reb Itzele Ginspriker (see previous chapter) was the most characteristic Slonim merchant of this type. He developed his business already during the time of Oginski, and later brought it to the level of one of the highest developed enterprises in the area. At the beginning of the century, the merchants of Slonim maintained business connections with Vilna, Grodno, Kovno, and agents and businesses in Königsberg, Danzig, and Memel^[244].

Those among the Jews of the city who had initiative quickly became accustomed to the lenient conditions, and developed wide-branched commerce in the area. The large-scale merchants used agents who would purchase grain from the villages, and export it through the canal, the Shchara and the Neman to foreign ports. During that decade from 1800 to 1810, Jews of Slonim also started working in the lumber trade. From that time, a class of lumber merchant and experts arose in the city, whom the estate and forest owners used to capitalize on their natural bounty. The first contractors for government, military and civilian authorities arose from among the Jews of the city during those years. We know of the large-scale contractor Reb Hillel Spokojni from the beginning of the 19^th century. He was one of the powers of the community, and an expert scholar^[245]. Among other things, he provided the army brigades camped in the city with various provisions during the years 1811-1812, the time of the Napoleonic war in Russia. Official documents from those years testify to his wide ranging activity as a military and civilian contractor^[246].

In addition to Oginski's canal, the paving of new roads contributed to the development of the city at the beginning of the 19^th century. The Brisk-Slonim Road was paved during the last days of Poland. The Russian government planned new highways from Slonim-Vilna and Slonim-Brisk for various security and strategic reasons^[247]. These three highways were central in the entire Lithuanian-Byelorussian area. The road to Minsk became one of the primary trade routes between Russia and Western Europe, since it connected to Moscow on the east, and to the Slonim-Brisk-Warsaw road on the west. Thus, Slonim was on a major European route.

The paved road from Slonim to Vilna played a major military role during the Franco-Russian War for various strategic reasons around the time of the invasion of Napoleon, for it was one of the roads through which the Russians retreated and the French advanced eastward. From that time until today, it was called Napoleon's Road by the people^[248].

The population of the city as well as its Jewish population grew under the economic positions and prosperity that flowed from it during the years 1795-1810. Jews from nearby villages and towns streamed to the city and participated in the increasing economic activity.

With that, we must not exaggerate the economic ascent of the

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community during those days. The pride in the local and national commerce, as well as the contract work, influenced a rise in the status of the wealthy merchants and the contractors who became right. However, small-scale commerce and trades continued to be the two primary sources of employment for the majority of the community. In essence, the rise of the merchant and contractor class went hand in hand with the strengthening and increase in tradespeople and laborers in all sectors. We have seen above that already from the middle of the 18^th century, various tradespeople worked in the Jewish arena of the city. From the ledgers of “Bikur Cholim and the Charitable Fund,” we learn of the existence of organizations of tailors, cobblers, and butchers. However, at the end of the century, there were also organizations of hatmakers, potters, candlemakers, belt makers, button makers, and tanners. According to the census of 1797 conducted in accordance with the tax accounting ledgers, there were 965 tradesmen registered with the tax office that year (aside from the apprentices and assistants who were not on the list). The majority of the Christian citizens of the city of Slonim were farmers and gardeners in the city suburbs. The minority were tradespeople. The vast majority of such handworkers were Jews. A significant proportion of all these tradespeople would sell their wares in the markets of the city and at nearby fairs. They required temporary passports that were valid for the vacation times or the market days in the city and the villages.

At the beginning of the 19^th century, transportation and communication services were added to this sector of labor and trades. The geographic position of the city on the crossroads and central commercial trade paths created the need for various type of vehicles, including simple wagons for the transporting of merchandise, diligences [stagecoaches] for transportation, mail wagons, etc. The connection between cities and towns in the area, as well as between Slonim and farther out areas was conducted by Jewish wagon and diligence drivers. Regarding the region of Grodno, it is said that Jews comprised the decisive majority of transportation service workers in Slonim and other district capitals^[249] during those years. Incidentally, the mail service and provision of horses for government officials was leased to a Jewish contractor. (Incidentally, this leased position was transferred as a legacy from generation to generation, and remained in the hands of the descendants of the contractor until the end of that century^[250]).

Indeed, at the beginning of the 19^th century, the class of tradespeople and manual laborers grew and consolidated in the city. Their importance, prominence, and influence on life and communal institutions grew alongside the class of wealthy businessmen. Whereas this class was subordinate to the “wealthy barons” of the community during the previous century – at this point it had already consolidated into a bustling and demanding mass that insisted on their rights. The communal way of life of the common masses was – to a degree no less than that of the wealthy householders and communal heads – imbued with a firm religious spirit. All of their events, organization, professional conduct, and culture was centered primarily around the Beis Midrashes of these labor organizations. Thus, the Shulhauf [Synagogue courtyard area] was already surrounded 200 years ago by unique houses of worship for the tradesman. According to tradition, the first of these was the Beis Midrash of the tailors, which was situated between the Beis Midrash of the Chevra Kadisha and the Wooden Beis Midrash. It stood there until the final day. Following them was the Zovchei Tzedek [Righteous Slaughterers – i.e. Beis Midrash of the Butchers] who set up the Za'tz Beis Midrash next to the Djordziki Cemetery. The Beis Midrash of the Shoemakers and Saddlers was established at the end of the 1790s. The hatmakers and wagon drivers were not far behind, for they built their Beis Midrash at the beginning of the 19^th century.

We can add the masses of apprentices and assistants to the class of tradespeople and craftspeople. They were employed in the workshops and the homes of their employers not as day laborers, but rather as annual employees. However, we also have convincing testimony regarding Jewish factories that day laborers were already found in Slonim during the first quarter of the 19^th century. This was particularly with reference to the workers of the weaving enterprise that was founded in Slonim in 1820 by the Russian nobleman Novosilchev. (The enterprise was located in the Zamosca suburb next to the pond, not far from the mouth of the Isa River^[251]). Most of the employees of the enterprise were Jews. Similarly, day laborers were employed in the primitive tanneries of those years. Jewish workers from Ruzhany and Slonim also worked in the textile enterprise of Prince Saphieha in Ruzhan.

During the first half of the century, the strong, variegated status of the workers of the populist class consolidated, and formed as some sort of counterweight against the communal leaders, gabbaim [trustees] and strongmen who led the community with a high hand. At times, they also caused distress to the rabbinical court itself. The first conflict between these two camps was not long in coming, as we shall see later.

The Oprava – The Jewish Starosta – The conquest of the city by the French in 1812. – The decline of the economy – The spread of small-scale competition – The discovery of subterranean hiding places and the libel against the Jews of the city – The Rule of Nikolai I – The Cantonist edict – The Snatchers – The Polish revolution from 1830 and its influence on the city – The liquidation of secondary communities in the villages of the region – Jewish agriculture in the area – The establishment of the settlements of Kostantinova and Pavlova in the Slonim district – The Jewish population in the villages – Relations between the farmers and settlement people – The economic recession in the city – the Korobka and Candle tax – The conditions of the residents and the sanitary situation – The convention of the upper Russian military brigade – A description of the hygienic situation during the 1825s.

During the 1820s, a new era began in the politics of the Russian regime. The authorities began Russification activity, albeit at first with great caution. The main thrust of this activity was directed to the Poles, the nobility, and the citizens, and at first took on a religious and cultural character (the liquidation of the Polish churches, the use of the Russian language, etc.). It was accompanied by administrative techniques that imposed their mark upon the civic economy. Civic affairs were conducted by the Oprava, a civic leadership authority appointed by the

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regional minister, without any participation of the residents. The only task of the Jewish Starosta who was employed by it was to maintain the civic registration books of the Jewish settlement.

In the interim, the economic growth at the beginning of the century receded due to several factors during the second decade, and especially during the 1820s. The first disruption began in 1811 in the wake of a harsh famine that afflicted the area. Commerce weakened, and there was a serious lack of foodstuffs. The conquest of the city by the French at the beginning of 1812 served as an additional pretext to disrupt and complicate the orders of life and economy. The Prussian, Saxon, and Austrian brigades of Napoleon's army confiscated the food warehouses, and the supply chain from villages was disrupted completely. The French ruler imposed a contribution upon the city^[252].

The civic economy did not recover easily from these plagues. The repression especially affected the small-scale commerce and trades, which were most sensitive to the afflictions of the times. The natural increase of the community also left its mark on the situation. During the years 1820-1830, there was a disruption in small-scale commerce, which was the pillar of livelihood for hundreds of families. This affected all the streets and alleyways of the Jewish quarters. An enactment of the communal council from the year 5584 (1824) testifies to the poverty and want: this enactment imposed a stringent ban on providing refreshments at a circumcision ceremony, even for the closest relatives. That ban also applied to snacks and refreshments at any joyous ceremony – all of this to restrict expenses and to prevent the hosts from incurring expenses beyond their means^[253]. The spreading out of small-scale peddling can also be seen from an edict registered in the communal ledgers from the year 5589 (1829), banning shopkeepers and stall-keepers from placing tables or platforms with merchandise outside their shops^[254]. This edict came in the wake of the complaint of the shopkeepers that many stall-owners were renting out the immediate area beyond their doors to indigents who did not have the means to rent their own stalls, and this would expand the poverty and lack.

The pressure of stringent decrees that came with the ascension of Nikolai I to the throne in 1825 added to this terrible want. The comfortable atmosphere of the beginning of the century was already thwarted by the years 1820-1825, the final years of Czar Aleksander I. Already in 1817, in the wake of the blood libel that arose in Grodno, the district minister of Slonim, in accordance with directive from the regional minister, stated that any blood libel that might arise from haters and libelers will be considered null from the outset^[255]. Four years later, in 1821, a libel arose from the city minister that… the Jews of Slonim concealed warehouses of stolen goods in subterranean hiding places beneath their houses^[256]… At that time, subterranean cellars and passageways that had been created during the 16-18^th centuries were exposed in the city, and the rash chinovniks [chinovnik -- Russian title for a person having a rank and serving in the civil or court service] from the offices of the Gorodnichi (city minister) jumped and informed the regional minister about the discovery of stolen good with the Zhidz of Slonim…

Without doubt, the heaviest blow for the Jews of Russia during the rule of Nikolai I was the Cantonist decree, known as one of the darkest episodes in the annals of Russian Jewry from the 19^th century. As in every place, the Slonim communal council had to provide the military authorities with a specific number of lads to be drafted and sent to internal regions. The uprooting of the lands from the bosom of their mothers and the transport of them to the interior of Russia for a 20-25-year term of service was an unbearably terrible and cruel decree. Thus began the disgraceful era of the snatching of children, connected with the degeneration of communal life with preference shown to “well-pedigreed” lads at the expense of orphans and the children of the poor. Several “snatchers” became known in Slonim, people of the underworld, lacking any conscience and devoid of any communal concern. The era of the “snatchers” is etched in the memory of the masses as a lengthy, terribly frightening experience. At the beginning of the 20^th century, songs of degradation, shaming the snatchers, were still sung by the people^[257]. The anger of the masses toward several of the communal strongmen, who played favoritism in this regard and with respect to other communal matters, is expressed in a roundabout manner by the dispute that broke out between the masses and communal heads regarding the rabbi and head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Berush Ashkenazi (see further on).

The Polish revolt in 1830 also caused great suffering. The revolt bypassed Slonim to some degree, but was still felt strongly in the city and the area. The revolutionaries, centered in the forests of Slonim, imposed strong pressure on the communal leaders, by means of their emissaries, to help them with spying on the movements of the Russian army in the city. Information of this nature reached the Russian general Stankievitch, the commander of the local military guard. He summoned the communal heads and demanded the opposite from them, that they provide information about the revolutionaries, to prevent a sudden attack by them on the city^[258]…

With the constant impoverishment of the Jewish population in the wake of the decrees of the authorities, as well as the growth of population (by the end of the 1840s, the Jewish population of Slonim was already greater than 5,000) there was a great awakening to transfer to agriculture. As noted above, many Jews in certain villages of the area were already working in agriculture during the previous centuries. They continued working the land as long as their villages (Derevnaya, Rohotna, Rudi, Isievich, and others) had a concentration of 20-30 Jews in the village. With such a concentration there was a sense of a community living together, and the ability to provide for their religions needs. These settlements were centered around a large-scale Jewish landowner or lessee. These village communities dwindled at the end of the 18^th century. Some of the villagers moved to Slonim during Oginski's time. The liquidation of Jewish autonomy in 1764 also contributed to the disbanding of the “Prikahalks” in the adjacent villages. These secondary communities no longer existed already by the beginning of the 19^th century, and only families of innkeepers and lessees remained in the villages. However, the tradition of Jewish agriculture in the area during the previous century had struck roots, and in the wake of the poverty and straits, a new awakening toward working the land arose among many families. This awakening was considered so beneficial that even the Russian government looked favorably upon the support of agriculture among the Jews. This awakening came to fruition in Slonim with the establishment of Jewish villages near Ruzhany (the settlements of Konstantinova and Pavlova), near Drechin (the Sinia settlement), and several other locales in the region^[259].

During the 1830s-1850s, numerous families from Slonim joined the Jews who were occupied in traditional sources of livelihood in the villages of the area: tavern keeping, land leasing, production of dairy products, running mills, etc. According to the statistical information, there was no village in the entire region at that time in which there was not one or more Jewish families. During this entire long era, until the 1880s, proper relations, and in some places even friendly relations, existed between the Jewish farmers in the villages,

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and the Polish landowners, and even with the new owners of those estates, which had been confiscated by the government from the Poles who participated in the 1830 and 1863 revolts and were sold to Russian landowners. They continued to place their trust and faith in the Jewish lessees who managed the estates and conducted secondary businesses, for without them, they would not have the means to manage their estates. Whether a Jew leased the entire estate, or whether he was occupied only in forestry, milling, or distilling of liquor, the Polish or Russian poretz [gentile landowner] would be satisfied with receiving the lease fees in a secure manner.

Until the 1880s, the number of Jewish residents of the villages and estates in the district of Slonim was relatively large in relation to the Jewish population of the city. One can surmise from up close their essence and rootedness in the village farming and industrial economy when the tragic deportations from the villages began at the beginning of the 1880s. It then became clear that the Jewish settlement in Slonim and the district was not only in cities and towns, but also in villages, and the sectors related to agriculture were a valuable portion of its economic status.

With this, the situation in the city continued to be very depressed, and small-scale peddling remained on shaky ground, for every needy person, those who had fallen into difficult times, and young men who was no longer supported by his father-in-law tried their hand at it. The crowding of the stalls and shops reached such a degree that the head of the rabbinical court, Rabbi Berush Ashkenazi, was forced during the 1840s to permit the setting up of stalls next to the walls of the Great Synagogue (which uglified the splendid external appearance of the building)^[260].

The great depression in the city during the 1840s-1850s can also be explained by the recession in international trade of the grain and lumber sectors that took place during that era. The regime's adoration of the narrowmindedness and xenophobia of Nikolai I, and the international conflicts (the Crimean War) negatively influenced all economic connections with other countries – and Slonim, which had benefited from its geographic location as a communications crossroads especially suffered from this recession of commerce.

In addition to general government taxes, during the time of Nikolai I, special indirect taxes were imposed upon the Jews, including the meat tax (Korobka) which was already imposed during the 1820s, and the candle tax, which was imposed in 1844. These taxes were designated to cover the religious and social needs of the community. The candle tax was also designated to maintain the government schools for Jews. (Indeed, such a school was set up in Slonim about 20 years later – see details later on).

It is clear that these taxes were difficult for the impoverished community, for only a small number of wealthy people were able to maintain their situation during that period. According to data from the years 1843-1853, the number of Jews who defaulted on their tax payments grew by a factor of three during that period.^[261]

The Jewish population continued to grow during the 1850s, but the crowding in the alleyways and shaky houses that were about to fall in the Breg, Balyuna, and Yurdzika and other suburbs grew in a similar fashion. The hygienic conditions were very poor, and severe epidemics broke out from time to time. Cholera and typhus epidemics, which claimed many victims, broke out during the 1830s and 1850s. A committee of the general branch of the army inspected the city during the 1850s, and in their report on the houses of the city and living conditions, the following dismal description is noted: “bad odors, cold, dampness, and mildew are features of the houses of the poor Jews in Slonim… The death toll as a result of these difficult conditions cannot be estimated. Children walk about pale, sickly, and gaunt…”^[262]

Spiritual life during the years 5560-5640 [1800-1880] – The Lithuanian-Misnagdic character of the community – Two rabbis of the community and their coexistence in harmony – Rabbi Itzele Ginszpriker as the head of the rabbinical court – His sixth generation descendent: President of the State Yitzchak Ben-Zvi – Head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Yitzchak son of Rabbi Moshe – Head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Zeev-Wolf the son of Rabbi Yosef-Yaakov – Head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Shlomo the son of Rabbi Avraham Minz – The founding of the Yeshiva of Slonim in the year 5575 [1815] – The connection between the Yeshiva of Volozhin and the founding of the Yeshiva of Slonim – The founder and first Yeshiva head Rabbi Shlomo Zalman Kahana – The Yeshiva head Rabbi Avraham the son of Rabbi Yitzchak Matityahu – The Yeshiva Head Rabbi Lima – The Preacher of Righteousness Rabbi Yehuda Leib Adel – His renown as the author of Afikei-Yehuda. The renewal of the Gemilut Chassadim organization – The author of Afikei Yehuda as a grammarian and translator – The value of his grammar books from a Haskala perspective – The Afikei Yehuda in the eyes of the Maskilim – The rabbi and head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Mordechai the son of Rabbi Itzele Ginszpriker – The head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Moshe-Yitzchak Avigdor – Scholars and authors from the years 5560-5600 [1800-1840] – Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe, grandson of the Gr'a – His worth as a preacher and publisher of the manuscripts of the G'ra – Concentration of the manuscripts of the G'ra in Slonim – Rabbi Leib Diskin , one of the best of the Perushim [a term for disciples of the Gr'a].

The buds of the Haskala, which were seen in Slonim during the time of the head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Shimshon, withered with the departure of the rabbi just as it appeared. The “news” of the Haskala was hidden with the loss of his books and his departure from the city. However, while this movement had been growing in other centers in Lithuania and Southern Russia from 50-60 years previously, during the 1830s and 1840s – in Slonim no less than 100 years passed from the time Rabbi Shimshon gave his approbation on Euclid until the seeds of the Haskala, planted by him and others in his circle in the local ground, began to sprout in accordance with the winds of the new times. During the 90 years, from 5550 – 5650 (1790-1880), from the time Rabbi Shimshon left, the stringent Torah guard grew with full force. The results of these 90 years on the internal spiritual life of the community were – a guard of sharp scholars, extreme religious education, generations of religious zealotry, and on the side: internal fights between Slonim Hisnagdut [formal opposition to Hassidism] and local Hassidism that arose and were rooted in the background of general Lithuanian Hassidism.

At the beginning of this period, the

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stringent Lithuanian Misnagdic style of the community was forged, the typical character of which was already prominent during the previous centuries. However, an additional strata of the community also consolidated during that period: the “populist” class of those people who were at a low level of Torah and scholarship.

There was already then a miniature form of the roughness of the community of Slonim of the future, that of the 19^th century, with all its streams, schisms, classes, and trends. As has been noted, already then it was possible to detect the two primary spheres in the small community, the harmonic blend of which later forged the form of the modern community: a) the sphere of firmness in Torah and scholarships, the signs of which were: delving deep into exegesis, halacha, breadth, and sharpness. This scholarship was based on the style of the G'ra, and all of its various influences and ways stemmed from this mighty Lithuanian tree. b) the “mass populist” stream, which formed the antithesis of the “spiritual chieftains of the community.” In the background of the community-style shtibel that was customary with individuals and mighty people, this stream gave expression to the mass-aspirations of the tradespeople and laborers of the nation. This stratum was prominent at that time in the circles of the tradespeople and their Beis Midrashes, in the populist charitable organizations, and in groups such as Shomrim Laboker. A spirit of awe and simplicity of direction imbued them all. As the years went on, after 100 years, that stratum took on new forms of the “Working People,” movements of artisans and laborers, professional organizations, and local chapters of political parties dedicated to national and social liberation.

Whereas the first sphere was already sufficiently forged during the times of Rabbi Shimshon, the second sphere was still in its state of consolidation.

The Torah-scholarly Slonim was at the pinnacle of its flourishing during the first period of Russian rule, during the comfortable times of Aleksander I. However, it strengthened further and took refuge in its four ells during the period of decrees, persecutions, and “snatchings” of Nikolai I. It is possible to find connections between the external circumstances and the retreat into the internal world that came as a result of the blows and pressure from outside.

With the departure of Rabbi Shimshon, his rabbinic court continued to operate, now headed by Rabi Itzele Ginszpriker as the head of the rabbinical court (provisional), until the selection of a new rabbi. In essence, Rabbi Itzele had all the qualifications to serve as the rabbi of the community in his own right, as an ordained scholar, acceptable to the community. However, he never regarded himself as merely a religious-halachic personality. All of his activities in the community, in which he lived for more than 50 years, were more like a communal head and parnas [administrator] than a religious force. Rabbi Itzele lived for another 17 years (approximately 5550 – 5567, 1790-1807) after Rabbi Shimshon's departure. His son Rabbi Mordechai was already on the rabbinical court as an actual judge during his lifetime. Rabbi Itzele continued to be the chief spokesman and head of the community. When his father, the author of Pardes, died (in the year 5535 – 1775), all the descendants of his father and his uncles – tens of families in Slonim, Horodna, and other places in Lithuania, who traced their lineage to them – also regarded him as the patriarchal head of the family. With the passage of years, the family and descendants of Rabbi Itzele spread out. (One of his direct descendants, six generations down, is the president of Israel, Yitzchak Ben-Zvi. He descends from Rabbi Itzele as follows: the third son of Rabbi Itzele was Rabbi Avraham of Tolochin; the son of Rabbi Avraham was Rabbi Meir, the rabbi of Vilna- Šnipiškės; the son of Rabbi Meir was Rabbi Yitzchak HaLevi Epstein of Maladzyechna; Rabbi Yitzchak's daughter was Yenta Kopilovich of Poltava; Yenta's daughter was Atara Shimshelevich; Atara's son was Yitzchak Ben-Zvi^[263]).

Rabbi Itzele's business flourished with the opening of the Oginski canal. At the beginning of the 19^th century, his enterprise was one of the largest commercial enterprises in Vilna, Grodno, and Kovno. When Rabbi Shimshon left, the spirit of Haskala [enlightenment] of Rabbi Itzele, Rabbi Eliezer Greiber, and other close associates of the rabbi became frozen. All of them became surrounded and folded into the tent of pure Torah.

We do not know for how long Rabbi Itzele served as head of the rabbinical court. His tenure was in any case provisional, until a replacement for Rabbi Shimshon was chosen – the head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Yitzchak the son of Rabbi Moshe^[264]. Rabbi Yitzchak the son of Rabbi Moshe was the second rabbi of the community who was known to have been born in Slonim, the first being the author of Chelkat Mechokek. He was the grandson of the head of the rabbinical court of Slonima, Rabbi Zelig Yeselesh. Rabbi Moshe's father was “a leader and scribe” in the community. He was the one who published Or Chadash on Tractate Pesachim, written by his father-in-law Rabbi Eliezer Kalir. The Torah novellae of the head of the rabbinical court, Rabbi Yitzchak the son of Rabbi Moshe, who was the son-in-law of this famous Gaon, were published in the books of his father-in-law, the aforementioned Or Chadash, and Chavat Yair Hechadash. Rabbi Yitzchak Cohen formerly served as the rabbi of Omstibova [Mscibow], and moved to Slonim from there. We do not know anything about his deeds and activities in the city, or about the year and place of his death. His tenure was within the years 5550-5568 (1790-1808). The members of the rabbinical court of Rabbi Yitzchak the son of Rabbi Moshe included Rabbi Itzele, and his son Rabbi Mordechai. (A detail worthy of note: the son-in-law of the head of the rabbinical court, Rabbi Yitzchak the son of Rabbi Moshe, was Rabbi Aryeh Leib, the head of the famous Pines family of Ruzhany, and the grandfather of Reb Yechiel-Michel Pines^[265]).

Following him as the head of the rabbinical court of Slonima was Rabbi Zeev-Wolf the son of Rabbi Yosef-Yaakov, whose previous post was in Pruzhany^[266]. We do not have detailed information about this head of the rabbinical court. His tenure lasted only two years, for he did not arrive in Slonim prior to 5568 [1808], but someone else was already serving in that position in 5570 [1810].

In the year 5570 (1818), Rabbi Shlomo the son of Rabbi Avraham Minz was appointed as the head of the rabbinical court. He was a descendent of Mahar'I Minz^[267] [see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Judah_Minz ]. He was great in Torah, but did not extend beyond local importance. He issued approbations for several books while in Slonim. His tenure lasted about 12 years. He died in Slonim on 16 Kislev 5582 (1822). His tenure was marked by an important event in the life of the community: During his time, the Torah educational institutions were strengthened, development occurred that left it stamp on the community from that time until the destruction, and the community gained fame throughout the Talmudic world and in the entire Jewish Diaspora in Russia – namely, the establishment of the Slonim Yeshiva in the year 5575 (1815), which was the crowning achievement of the Torah oriented section of the community at the height of its consolidation.

Indeed, Torah schools existed in Slonim already in the previous generations. In the year 5397 (1637), Rabbi Moshe Lima signed one of his responsa as “Head of the rabbinical court and Yeshiva head in Slonima”. From here, we learn that there was a Yeshiva in Slonim already about 180 years prior to 5575. However, we must not forget that most of the rabbis of the preceding generations bore the title of Yeshiva head, for they always had students around their tables. Nevertheless, we cannot consider these to be Yeshivas in all aspects.

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The year of the establishment of the Yeshiva is clouded in uncertainty. Different sources note it as 5575 or 5591 (1831)^[268]. However, we can establish that the version stating 5575 is correct, as proven from data regarding the Yeshiva heads. It is known that the second Yeshiva head, Rabbi Avraham the son of Rabbi Yitzchak-Matityahu (who later became an Admor and the founder of the Slonim Hassidic dynasty), directed the Yeshiva from the year 5590 (1830) and onward. That means, it does not make sense that it would have been established in 5591. When he began his tenure, the final Yeshiva Head, Rabbi Shabtai Yagel, thoroughly interviewed the elders of that generation about 60 years ago regarding the history of the Yeshiva. He also determined that the date of the founding of the Yeshiva should be established as 5575^[269].

In relation to the fact that, the Yeshiva was founded only eight years after the establishment of the Volozhin Yeshiva in 5567 (1807), we must note the connection between the Yeshiva of Volozhin and the founding of the Yeshiva in Slonim. This also makes sense, beyond a shadow of a doubt, from the circular that Rabbi Chaim of Volozhin publicized in his time after this Yeshiva was established. He requested of the communities “that they should see fit and act upon founding central educational institutions in other places.” It is known that the main Lithuanian Yeshivas arose within a few years of the publication of the circular, including: Mir, Slonim, and Slobodka (near Kovno). They were founded in the wake of the establishment of Volozhin, and through the influence of Rabbi Chaim.

It is clear that the intention of the founders of the Yeshiva of Slonim was not only to fortify local Torah education, but also to establish a “central educational institution” that will attract students from the entire region. Due to various unique circumstances, and especially thanks to its heads and other teaching staff, the Yeshiva became one of the four most important Lithuanian Yeshivas. Of course, the local conditions and the expert scholarly character of the community made it easier for the institution to develop into an attractive Yeshiva of renown. Its renown spread throughout the entire Russian Pale of Settlement. During the latter half of the century, the number of its students reached more than 500 (this was over and above the students of the Talmud Torah that functioned alongside the Yeshiva), the vast majority of whom arrived from near and far. Many students streamed to it not only from Reisin [White Russia], Lithuania, and Poland, but also from father areas such as Bessarabia, Ukraine, and the Caucasus.

The Yeshiva was a very important factor in the spiritual life of the community. The sight of hundreds of Yeshiva students from abroad filling the city, being supported at the tables of the “householders,” eating at various places on a rotation basis, in the best traditions of the Lithuanian Yeshivas, became a daily sight and an inseparable part of the Slonim reality for a century, from the time of the establishment of the Yeshiva until the era of renewed Polish independence. (Indeed, the Yeshiva continued to exist during the period of Polish independence, until the Soviet conquest in 1939, but its influence weakened, and the tradition of the students eating at various households on a rotation basis was canceled.)

The founder of the Yeshiva and its first head was Rabbi Shlomo Zalman Kahana. He led the Yeshiva during its first years. As with all the institutions of the city, the Yeshiva also had its own ledger, which was opened from its inception. In the year 5619 [1859], certain entries from this first ledger were copied into the new ledger, in which the gabbaim of the institution continued to register its events. This ledger was preserved until the destruction of the community, and some entries of this ledger came to our hands. Regarding the founding of this Yeshiva, the scribe of the first ledger wrote as follows: “For eternal memory shall be the Tzadik and founder of the Yeshiva, the late rabbi, sharp, expert, and most G-d fearing, whose name is known in a praiseworthy fashion for his righteousness, modesty, and holy comportment, the honor of his splendorous name, our teacher Rabbi Shlomo Zalman the son of our teacher Rabbi Moshe Kahana. He prepared the great Yeshivot, planted the tree of life, studied and taught Torah in public. With the will of G-d in his hands, he succeeding in leaving behind a blessing, the Yeshivas that he set up and established in their glory.” – From the year 5590 [1830] until the first years of the 5600s (approximately until 5602-5604 [1842-1844] the aforementioned Rabbi Avraham the son of Rabbi Yitzchak-Matityahu ran it. He was a “prominent and sharp scholar.” We do not know the reason he left his position of Yeshiva head, approximately 15 years before being appointed as Admor by the Hassidim of Kobrin. However, we can assume that he already met with a certain level of conflict between the firm Misnagdic atmosphere of the Yeshiva and his situation as a faithful Hassid of the Kobrin court. Rabbi Lima succeeded him as Yeshiva head, serving until 5615 (1855). His greatness in Torah was described by the rabbi of the city at that time, Rabbi Itzele Charif “Lima–is like a Talmudic sage.”

Thus, the Yeshiva was the most important spiritual asset of the community. The best of the prominent scholars basked under its shadow. They would set hours aside to examine the Yeshiva students once a week. A committee of gabbaim and overseers from among the scholars would watch over the behavior of the Yeshiva students, which was exemplary. The upholding of the institution was primarily based on annual donations through campaigns that were arranged through all strata of the community, through “pledges” of people on their deathbeds, as well as campaigns arranged throughout the Diaspora by emissaries of the institution. One could find people educated in the Yeshiva of Slonim, and rabbis and scholars that emanated from there throughout the entire Diaspora. (See the following chapters regarding the ways of the Yeshiva and its development and leadership during the era of Reb Itzele and onward.)

The essence and character of the community, and its hierarchy of religious and moral leadership from the time that it consolidated as a bastion of Orthodoxy and scholarship, can be surmised from the large number of such positions. Rabbi Shimshon was both the head of the rabbinical court and preacher of righteousness, for small communities did not have a place for a set preacher for the community, and would suffice themselves with the sermons of the rabbi as well as of itinerant preachers who went from place to place. However in the days of the head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Shlomo Minz, the community already had the need for a unique preacher to fulfil the needs of the community for sermons and lectures on morality and good deeds. The first unique preacher [i.e. who had no other position than that] in Slonima was Rabbi Yehuda Leib HaLevi Adel, who became known in the Torah world already during his lifetime due to his well-known two-volume book on exegesis called Afikei Yehuda^[270]. He lived in Zamość, Poland before settling in Slonim. His work Afikei Yehuda and his other works were published while he was already in Slonim. The people of his generation referred to him as “an exemplary preacher, sharp in his generation.” He was very beloved in Slonim by both the circles of scholars and the mases, due to the pleasantness of his sermons, his comportment, and his altruistic actions. His name was also connected to the revival and renewal of the Gemilut Chasadim organization. As has been recalled, already during the days of Rabbi Shimshon, the Bikur Cholim organization took on the activities of the Gemilut Chasadim, which had already been founded by the first Rabbi Asher [Bikur Cholim refers to tending to the sick, whereas Gemilut Chasadim refers to general charity]. However, as time went on, the Bikur Cholim was overtaken by the roles of Gemilut Chasadim, and its funds were depleted. The author of Afikei Yehuda re-established the Gemilut Chasadim organization, and set up a special fund in its name. This organization existed in different incarnations for approximately a century.

Indeed, in a paradoxical manner, the author of Afikei Yehuda also had importance in the Haskala movement, on account of some of his other books. Rabbi Yehuda Adel had an excellent sense of languages, and, in the footsteps of the Gr'a, he also set his heart to disseminate an understanding of scripture and Midrash in a straightforward fashion to the people

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in their language, through teaching the principles of grammar and accurate explanation of the obscure words and names. He was one of the first in Lithuania to take practical interest in grammar, by composing the grammar book Safa Laneemanim, the book Iyei Hayam that delved into the research of obscure names, and the Redifei Maya commentary on Ein Yaakov that also dealt with obscure names. Rabbi Yehuda Adel's methodology was literally exceptional in light of the denigration of grammar and study of scripture during that period.

As is known, at the inception of the Haskala movement, it placed special importance on the study of grammar and straightforward Biblical texts. Indeed, during the second and third quarters of the 19^th century, the circles of maskilim in Lithuania and Poland also made use of the grammar books of the author of Afikei Yehuda. Thus, it turns out that the Orthodox, Torah oriented preacher and exemplary expositor contributed to the consolidation of the Haskala in a roundabout manner. The great Maskil of Vilna, Sh. Y. Fein stressed the Haskala value of the works of the Afikei Yehuda about 50 years after his death with the following words: “… The great rabbi, Rabbi Yehuda Leib HaLevi Adel, the preacher of righteousness of the community of Slonim provided no small amount of benefit in awakening the love of knowledge of the language and understanding of scripture and the lore of our sages in their straightforward meaning”^[271]. His books indeed provided an important service for the early Haskala people who were making steps solely toward the study of Bible and language, which were regarded as completely extraneous in the eyes of those delving into the Sea of Talmud. Thus, in a roundabout manner, Slonim was again connected to a certain stage of the Haskala movement, even though the community itself did not participate in such to any great extent.

Generations of preachers and expositors were educated in his book of preaching, Afikei Yehuda, which bore the name of Slonima. Tens of works cite it, and it is considered to this day as a firm pillar in the expository literature. Rabbi Yehuda Leib Adel is often known as “The Maggid of Slonim.” This shows the extent that his activities as an author and preacher were connected to the city in which he lived, and in which he died in the year 5588 [1828]. (It should be noted that he is also included in the fine literature of one of the compositions of Sh. Y. Agnon, Sefer Tachlit HaMaasim.

The eldest son of Rabbi Itzele Ginszpriker, the aforementioned Rabbi Mordechai, was an important personality in the community at the beginning of the 19^th century. He was born in the year 5513 (1753), and was appointed as a Moreh Tzedek [a term for a rabbi who was not the main rabbi of the city] already in the year 5539 [1779] at the age of 26. He sat on the rabbinic court throughout the consecutive tenures of four rabbis of the community: Rabbi Shimon, Rabbi Yitzchak the son of Rabbi Moshe, Rabbi Zev-Wolf, and Rabbi Shlomo Minz. With the death of the latter in the year 5582 [1822], a replacement as head of the rabbinical court was not appointed again during the life of the Moreh Tzedek Rabbi Mordechai (who was already 70 years old at the time), and only Mordechai was honored to serve as the head of the rabbinical court until his death in the year 5589 [1829]. In this way, the community honored the memory of the splendid head of the community and man of great action, Rabbi Itzele. Since he did not want to be honored with the rabbinic cloak in his time, the heads of the community raised his eldest son to the level of head of the rabbinical court. Rabbi Mordechai served on the rabbinical court for 50 years.

Apparently, the heads of the community did not agree on an appropriate rabbi after Rabbi Shlomo Minz, for even after the death of the Moreh Tzedek and head of the rabbinical court, Rabbi Mordechai, five years passed before a new rabbi was found worthy to occupy the rabbinic seat of the community. This was the Gaon Rabbi Berush Ashkenazi, who was appointed head of the rabbinical court around the year 5595 (1835). That means that Slonim lacked the highest level of religious-spiritual authority for 13 years. As can be seen from the following period, this situation affected the moral character of the community during those years. From the time of the death of Rabbi Mordechai in 5589 until 5595, Rabbi Moshe Yitzchak Avigdor, the son of Rabbi Shmuel of Brisk, served as head of the rabbinical court^[272]. (He was the author of the book Pardes Rimonin on Yoreh Deah [one of the four sections of the Code of Jewish Law], as well as a book of responsa.) He arrived in Slonim at the age of 28, and left after six years. (the reason for his brief residency in the city and his departure can be understood from the following chapter.)

A full gallery of scholars, authors of Torah novellae, authors of works, issuers of approbations, and questioners and responders added splendor to the community throughout the entire course of the 19^th century. The name of the community in which they created and functioned fluttered above the multitude of their books, compositions, approbations, and responsa. The ones that became known especially during the years 5560-5600 (1800-1840) include: the well-known scholar Rabbi Chaim of Slonima, who authored the book Derech Chaim; Rabbi Shimon the son of Rabbi Dovber, the author of the book Mincha Belula, responsa and minor halachot (published in Vilna and Horodna in 5582 [1822], with approbations from the great ones of the generation); the prominent scholar Rabbi Zeev-Wolf of Mir, who settled in Slonim (included in the book Pnei Aryeh); Rabbi Meirim, the second son of Rabbi Itzele Ginszpriker; Rabbi Yisrael the son of Rabbi Efraim-Mordechai HaLevi (grandson of Rabbi Meir-Avraham, the rabbi of Musz), author of Chidushim BeEmek Hapeshat on the Yoreh Deah section of the Code of Jewish Law, and the Ta'z, known as Ner-Yisrael; Rabbi Avraham of Slonima, great-grandson of Rabbi Zeev Wolf of Tykocin, the brother of the Baal-Hapardes; the aforementioned Rabbi Eliezer Grajber, the author of Mishnat DeRabbi Eliezer on the Talmud, with approbations from the great ones of the generation (including the aforementioned Rabbi Yehoshua Ceitlin of Ushcha); Rabbi David Tavli the son of Rabbi Shlomo Zalman Lyfszyc; Rabbi Dovber of Slonima (brother of the local Tzadik, Rabbi Yechiel of New Mosz); Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe, grandson of the G'ra; and many more^[273].

The most wondrous of them all as an author annotator, commentator, and published was the last one mentioned, the grandson of the G'ra. He was the son of Rabbi Avraham, son of the G'ra. Had scholarly-expository Slonim only contributed to rabbinic literature that which Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe succeeded in producing with his immense activity – that contribution alone would already have perpetuated the name of Slonim in rabbinic literature. The merit of Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe was such that he published the majority of the manuscripts of his illustrious grandfather. We must remember that the scattered writings of the Gaon of Vilna were not published during his lifetime His grandson Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe, who married a woman from Slonim and settled there several years after the death of the G'ra, inherited most of the manuscripts of his grandfather (a small portion of them passed to other family members). His life was dedicated to the publication of the works of the G'ra. During the nearly 50 years that he lived in the city, he edited, annotated, and wrote commentaries and introductions to the many explanations and commentaries of the G'ra. The list of books of the G'ra which his grandson prepared and published is long, and includes no less than 16 titles^[274]. These include the best of the commentaries and Torah novellae of the Gaon, such as: the commentary on the Orach Chaim section of the Code of Jewish Law with a preface by the one who brought it to publication; the commentary on the Even HaEzer section of the Code of Jewish Law with his glosses; the book Sifra Detzniuta with his preface; the commentary on the book of Habakkuk with his glosses. He also write introductions to the Eil Hameshulash and Dikduk Eliahu books of the Gaon.

One can determine without suspicion of exaggeration that were it not for the diligence and dedication of Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe, most of the Torah works and commentaries of the G'ra would have been consigned to oblivion. The persistence and sense of holiness over the course of about 50 years with which he concerned himself with the spiritual creativity of his grandfather has no

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precedent. Without his personal understanding and sharpness, it is doubtful whether it would have been possible to prepare the manuscripts for publication, for some of them were cut off or transcribed in an unclear form by his students.

Rabbi Yaakov Moshe also published his own Torah novellae (such as the book Pnei Moshe on the Yerushalmi [Jerusalem Talmud], which include glosses). His novellae and commentaries can also be found in the geographic book on the Land of Israel by the G'ra: Tzurat Haaretz Vegliloteha, and in the commentary of the G'ra on Isaiah and Chronicles.

Rabb Yaakov-Moshe was also prominent as one of the heads of the community. He worshipped and studied throughout his life in the Wooden Beis Midrash, where the rites of prayer were established in accordance with the opinions of the G'ra (which the gabbaim of the Beis Midrash guarded until the time of the Holocaust). He died in Slonim on 3 Tevet 5609 (1849). His son Rabbi Eliezer (born in Slonim, died in the Land of Israel in 5634 [1874]), and his grandson Rabbi Eliahu published the rest of the works of the G'ra that Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe did not manage to publish.

The influence of the tradition of the G'ra was very strong in Slonim throughout the entire era. One can state that there was no other community in Lithuania aside from Vilna in which the traditions of the G'ra were preserved for generations as they were in Slonim. The influence of this tradition was expressed in various forms: in the style of study in the Yeshiva and Beis Midrashes, in the ranks of students, and in particular in the home of Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe, the grandson of the G'ra. The influence of the G'ra was also expressed from another side: in the aliya of the Perushim, the students of the G'ra, to the Land of Israel. Among the students of the G'ra who made aliya was the Slonim native Rabbi Leib Diskin (the father of Rabbi Binyamin Diskin and all the Diskin families of Lithuania and the Land of Israel. He died in Jerusalem in the year 5576 [1806])^[275]. Rabbi Leib Diskin, who made aliya in the year 5568 (1808) was the first one that we know of from Slonim to make aliya. Householders and tradesmen from the city followed in his footsteps on aliya throughout a period of more than a century (5568-5674 [1808-1914]), until the beginning of the pioneering [chalutzit] aliya in the year 5680 [1920].

Text Footnotes (241-275, Page 274)

241. See “Gorodoskia”, the edict from December 17, 1795 regarding the partition of the region into two districts: Vilna and Slonim, and the edict from August 8, 1796 regarding the partition of the region into eight districts, and the declaration of Slonim as its administrative center. Return
242. Ibid. The edict from December 12, 1796 regarding “The Lithuanian Region”, and from September 9, 1801 regarding the partition of the Lithuanian Region into two districts: Vilna and Grodno. The region of Kovno was formed from parts of the regions of Grodno and Vilna in 1842. Return
243. See act 29, number 244, page 498, from January 15, 1795. Return
244. Reb Hillel Spokojni was among the merchants of Slonim who maintained business connections with Königsberg and Kovno during the years 1800-1820. Return
245. Details on Reb Hillel Spokojni and Reb Lunski are in the section: Slonim Natives. Return
246. See the Acts of the Vilna Community, the volume dealing with the war of Napoleon on Russia in 1812. Return
247. See Goldberg 1, page 27. Return
248. Ibid., page 29. Return
249. See Bobrowski. Return
250. The postal service and the horses were leased by the local Miller family for generations. Return
251. See the memoirs of Osip Antonowicz Przeslawski in the “Ruskaya Starina” monthly, 1874, pp. 451-477. Return
252. Goldberg 1, page 29. Return
253. See Zwlocki in “Sal V.” issue 190, August 11, 1933. The enactment is listed in “Ledgers of the Entire Community” (opened in the year 5578 [1818]). Return
254. Ibid. ibid. Return
255. See the annual publication of the Grodno region from that year. Return
256. See the aforementioned memoirs of Przeslawski in “Ruskaya Starina” September 1883, page 490. Return
257. See Zwolocki, Sl. V. 191, note 48. Return
258. Goldberg 1, page 30. Return
259. See the arrangement of statements: “A visit in Kolona” (the Jewish villages near Ruzhany), by K. Lichtenstein, Sl. V. issues 46-51. Return
260. See Zwolocki, Sl. V. 189, note 33. The matter was recorded in the aforementioned communal ledger. Return
261. See Bobrowski, volume I. Return
262. Ibid. ibid. Return
263. See the family tree of the Shimshi, Ben-Zvi, Reuveni, etc. families by Tzvi Shimshi, page 17, second edition, Jerusalem 5717 [1957]. Return
264. Regarding the head of the rabbinical court Rabbi Yitzchak the son of Rabbi Moshe, see Lunski, Sl. V. 194. See the preface to “Or Chadash”; Daat Kedoshim, page 197. “Anshei Shem” by Barberman, “Gvurot Ari”. Return
265. See Lunski, Sl. V. 194; “Toldot Aryeh Leib Pines”. Return
266. Lunski, ibid.; See “Pinkas Pruzhany”; Aliot Eliahu, page 31, note 32; “Anshei Shem” Barberman. Return
267. Lunski, ibid. “Daat Kedoshim” Return
268. See the “Keren Hatorah” booklet published by Agudas Yisroel, Vienna, Kislev 5685 [1924]; “Hapardes” Torah monthly, New York, Choveret Hayovel 5702 [1942]; The article “The Yeshiva in Slonim” by M. Tzinivich, “Hatzofeh” Tel Aviv, February 8, 1946. Similarly, see Zwolocki. Return
269. The memoirs and research of the Yeshiva Head Rabbi Shabtai Yagel of blessed memory regarding the Yeshiva I recorded from his mouth, and from the mouth of his son Rabbi Peretz Yagel. Return
270. “Afikei Yehuda” volume I: published in Lemberg 5563 [1803] by Zalkowa 5579 [1819], published by Izikonan 5632 [1872]; Volume II published in Amsterdam. Return
271. See “Hacarmel” monthly, fourth year, booklet 9, Tishrei 5640 [1879], page 588, the article “Safa Laneemanim” [language for the faithful], by Rabbi Sh. Y. Fein. Return
272. See Lunski, Sl. V. 194; “Nachalat Avot”; “Hamagid” 5725 [1965], issue 35. Return
273. Regarding Zeev Wolf of Mir, see Lunski, Sl. V. issue 229; Regarding Rabbi Shimon the son of Rabbi Dovber, ibid. issue 230; Regarding Rabbi Meirim the son of Rabbi Itzele Ginszpriker, see “Gvurot Ari”; Regarding Rabbi Yisrael the son of Rabbi Ephraim Mordechai, see Lunski, Sl. V. issue 231; Regarding Rabbi Avraham of Slonima, ibid. ibid.; Regarding Rabbi David Tavli the son of Rabbi Shlomo Zalman Lypszyc, Sl V. issue 233; Regarding Rabbi Dovber of Slonima, issue 234; Regarding Rabbi Yaakov-Moshe grandson of the G'ra, issue 229. Return
274. See the full list in the book “Aliyat Eliahu”. Return
275. Regarding Rabbi Leib Diskin, see Lunski, Sl. V. 272. Return

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