Less Than Human
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[Pages 440-464]
| Chapter 7. Reorganization | |
| 774 | John J Michalczyk (ed), Medicine, Ethics, and the Third Reich: Historical and Contemporary Issues (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1994), p.42. Return |
| 775 | Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), pp.93-94. Return |
| 776 | Michael Burleigh, The Third Reich: A New History (London: Pan Books, 2001), p.385. Return |
| 777 | Götz Aly, and Susanne Heim, Architects of Annihilation: Auschwitz and the Logic of Destruction (London: Phoenix, 2003), p.168. Return |
| 778 | Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p. 142. Return |
| 779 | Joseph Tenenbaum, Race and Reich: The Story of an Epoch (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1976), p.95. Return |
| 780 | Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), p. 15. Return |
| 781 | Ibid., p.52. Return |
| 782 | Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.165. Return |
| 783 | Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 2000), p.261; Israel Gutman (ed), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1990), p.453. Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 22 claims: “…the murder of more than two hundred thousand psychiatric patients, camp inmates who had fallen ill, people suffering from major depression and nonconformists.” Paul Julian Weindling, [Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006) p.188] puts the “currently estimated” number of victims of “euthanasia” at 400,000. Return |
| 784 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 35. Return |
| 785 | Bronwyn Rebekah McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany (Chichester: Princeton University Press, 1999), p.212. Return |
| 786 | When Kreyssig, protested about the illegality of the “euthanasia” action, Gürtner replied: “If you cannot recognize the will of the Führer as a source of law, as a basis of law, then you cannot remain a judge.” (Kershaw, Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis, p.253-254) This was a complete reversal of Gürtner's position in 1934, when in rejecting proposals for the legalisation of euthanasia he had stated: “If we start out in this direction, it would touch on the very foundations of Christianity's teachings to humanity, it would be the fulfilment of Nietzschean thoughts.” [Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.55)]. Return |
| 787 | Braune had calculated the total of fatalities from the numbers printed on the urns containing the ashes of victims which had been sent to relatives [Michael Burleigh, Ethics and extermination: Reflections on Nazi genocide, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p.138].Return |
| 788 | Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945 (London: Pan Books, 2002), p.160 – 166; Michael Burleigh, Political Religion and Social Evil. (Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions: Vol. 3, No. 2, 2002) 1-60l, p.32. Reinhard Rürup (ed), Topography of Terror: Gestapo, SS and Reichssicherheitshauptamt on the “Prinz-Albrecht-Terrain.” A Documentation (Berlin: Verlag Willmuth Arenhövel, 2000), p. 161. Return |
| 789 | Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 107-108. Return |
| 790 | Robert N Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp.196- 197. Return |
| 791 | That part of occupied Poland not annexed to the Reich or initially ceded to the Soviet Union. Return |
| 792 | Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.199. Return |
| 793 | Ibid., p.200. Return |
| 794 | Yisrael Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw 1939-1943 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), p.60. Return |
| 795 | Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.229. Return |
| 796 | Isaiah Trunk, Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), p. 145. Return |
| 797 | Ibid., pp.148-149. Return |
| 798 | Ibid., p. 153. Return |
| 799 | Yitzhak Arad, Israel Gutman and Abraham Margaliot (eds.), Documents On The Holocaust (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999)., p.408. Return |
| 800 | Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.271. Return |
| 801 | Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, p.467. Return |
| 802 | Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p.31. Return |
| 803 | http://tinyurl.com/2vxfp8y (Accessed 25 February 2008.) Return |
| 804 | Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, pp.467-468. Return |
| 805 | Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl, Nazi Mass Murder, pp.31-32. Return |
| 806 | Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.207. Return |
| 807 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.44. It had never been a requirement for Jewish patients to meet the usual medical criteria established by T4 prior to their being murdered. No consultations or discussions were appropriate or necessary: “The total extermination of this group of asylum inmates was the logical consequence of the `radical solution' of the Jewish problem being embarked upon.” (Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.77). Return |
| 808 | http://tinyurl.com/2uqe9v2 (Accessed 26 June 2008). Return |
| 809 | Klemperer, Victor, I Shall Bear Witness : The Diaries of Victor Klemperer 1933-41 (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1998), p.368. Return |
| 810 | Hugh Gallagher, What the Nazi “Euthanasia Program” Can Tell Us About Disability Oppression (Journal of Disability Policy Studies, Vol.12, No.2, 2001), p.97. Return |
| 811 | Robert Gellately, Backing Hitler: Consent and Coercion in Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), P.104. Return |
| 812 | Von Galen had first been informed about the “euthanasia” programme more than a year earlier. (Burleigh, Ethics and extermination, p.126). Return |
| 813 | Samuel Totten, William S Parsons, Israel W Charny (eds.), Century of Genocide: Eyewitness accounts and Critical Views (New York: Routledge, 2004), p.189. Return |
| 814 | This was certainly the view of Dieter Allers: “Nobody cared about what those fellows said in church…Hardly anyone went to church anyway. All we cared about was our crust of bread and getting the war over and done with.” [Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness - From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (London: Pimlico, 1995), p.75)]. Which in Aller's case meant continuing to commit genocide. Return |
| 815 | Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.174. Return |
| 816 | http://tinyurl.com/396jbyy (Accessed 14 May 2010) Return |
| 817 | Beth Griech-Polelle, Image of a Churchman-Resister: Bishop von Galen, the Euthanasia Project and the Sermons of Summer 1941 (Journal of Contemporary History, Vol 36, No.1, 2001), p.42. This revisionist assessment of von Galen proposes that he was not the heroic resister as so often portrayed, but rather “an example of a high- ranking German clergyman who offered selective opposition to certain Nazi policies”. (Ibid., p.43.) There is particular criticism of a complete
absence of any specific mention of the persecution of the Jews in von Galen's pronouncements: -In keeping with traditional Catholic teaching, von Galen could blame the Jews for their own misfortunes since they had failed to recognize the “true Messiah”. As St Augustine had written centuries earlier, Jews could be mistreated in order to be reminded of their “crime”; they did not need to be loved. Following this line of reasoning, turning a blind eye to the misfortunes of the Jews would not necessarily make one a bad person. (Ibid., p. 52).
It seems evident that if von Galen may be considered to some degree anti-Semitic, this was on traditional religious rather than racial grounds. In his defence, it has been pointed out that von Galen was highly critical of Nazi racist anti-Semitism, and maintained good relations with the Münster rabbi Fritz Leopold Steinthal, indeed going so far as to enquire after the rabbi's well-being following Kristallnacht.- [http://tinyurl.com/3ax7apr (Accessed 14 May 2010). Return |
| 818 | Burleigh, Wipperman, The Racial State, p.153. Allers quoted Brack as stating that it was expected to complete the “euthanasia” programme by July 1941 at the latest (Sereny, Into That Darkness, p.76). If that is true it is clear that Brack was referring only to the first phase of the operation. Return |
| 819 | It was assumed by the leading lights in T4 that the cessation was only temporary, and that it would soon be business as usual. Nitsche was insistent that registration of potential victims continue in readiness for a resumption of the killing. (de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.339, note 79). In March 1943, Hans and Margot Räder-Grossmann, in charge of gassing at Bernburg, wrote to Friedrich Mennecke: “It is said we will soon get a lot of work, and by the beginning of May we should know whether yes or no.” (Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 79). In the event, the answer was “no”. Bernburg ceased gassing operations in April 1943. Return |
| 820 | Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.151. Return |
| 821 | In addition to patients with psychiatric conditions considered incurable, from August 1941 the criteria for those slated for extermination included being a “public menace”, as well as “criminality”, a “psychopathic condition”, “antisociality” and racial and social “inferiority.” (Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.46.) This could, of course, mean almost anybody. Return |
| 822 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 166-167. Return |
| 823 | Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), pp. 211-212. Return |
| 824 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 64. Return |
| 825 | A 1938 article written for the Office of Racial Policy drew comparisons between two of the pariah groups in Nazi Germany – Jews and homosexuals. Like the Jews, the latter built a state within a state. They were not sick people to be pitied, or “treated”, but enemies of the state to be eliminated. (Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.213). Return |
| 826 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 53. Return |
| 827 | Ibid., p. 70. Return |
| 828 | Ibid., p. 64. Return |
| 829 | Ibid., pp. 71-74. Return |
| 830 | Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.157. Return |
| 831 | Schmidt, Karl Brandt, pp.235-236. Return |
| 832 | Kripo = Kriminalpolizei, the Criminal Police. Return |
| 833 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.83. Return |
| 834 | Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.247. Return |
| 835 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.84. Return |
| 836 | Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.222. Return |
| 837 | Michael S Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”: Nazi Euthanasia on Trial 1945-1953 (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2005), p.89. Return |
| 838 | Ibid., p.52. Return |
| 839 | Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.247. Return |
| 840 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 86-87 Return |
| 841 | Ibid., pp. 88. Return |
| 842 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.89. Return |
| 843 | http://tinyurl.com/38ogv46 (Accessed 20 February 2008). Return |
| 844 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.85. Return |
| 845 | Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.223. Return |
| 846 | Ibid., p.233. Return |
| 847 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 76. Return |
| 848 | Ibid., pp. 81-82. Return |
| 849 | Ibid., pp. 85-86. Return |
| 850 | Burleigh, Ethics and extermination, p.128. Return |
| 851 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp.183-184. Return |
| 852 | Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.233-234. Return |
| 853 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 89-91. Ludwig Trieb, administrative director of the Günzburg mental hospital was in charge of the “barracks operation.” (Ibid, p.169). Return |
| 854 | Ibid., p. 176. Return |
| 855 | http://tinyurl.com/37sueam (Accessed 25 February 2008.) Return |
| 856 | http://tinyurl.com/2vxfp8y (Accessed 25 February 2008.) Return |
| 857 | Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell (New York: Berkley Books, 1998), p.227. Return |
| 858 | Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.254. Return |
| 859 | Having served in the army throughout the First World War, Blome became active in extremist right-wing political movements during the Weimar years. He joined the NSDAP and SA in 1931, and advanced steadily upwards through the Nazi medical hierarchy following the Machtergreifung. (Wolfgang Uwe Eckart (ed), Man, Medicine, and the State: The Human Body as an Object of Government Sponsored Medical Research in the 20th Century (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2006), pp.199-200). Another source dates Blome's membership of the NSDAP to 1922, which given his background seems more likely. (Ernst Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich - Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: S.Fischer, 2005), p.54). Return |
| 860 | Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, pp 1066-1067. Emphasis added. Return |
| 861 | http://tinyurl.com/37sueam (Accessed 25 August 2008). Return |
| Chapter 8. 14f13 | |
| 862 | James Waller, Becoming Evil. How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p.244. Return |
| 863 | Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness - From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (London: Pimlico, 1995), p.77. Return |
| 864 | Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp.142-150. At the Inspectorate of Concentration Camps, the category 14f included all files involving the death of prisoners. Thus,14f7 files concerned death through natural causes, 14f8 applied to suicides, 14f14 involved executions, and so on. From April 1941, 14f13 was the coded file number for the killing of prisoners in T4 centres.
There would appear to be some confusion regarding 14f categories. For example, Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993) p.40, cites 14f1 as death from natural causes, 14f2 as suicides or accidental deaths,14f3 as shot while trying to escape, and 14fI as execution. But there is no uncertainty regarding the meaning attributed to 14f13. Return |
| 865 | Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.73. Return |
| 866 | Michael Burleigh, and Wipperman, Wolfgang, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.161. Return Return |
| 867 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.73. Return |
| 868 | Wolfgang Sofsky, The Order of Terror: The Concentration Camp, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), pp.28-43. Return |
| 869 | So far as prisoners were concerned, the difference between concentration, labour and a variety of alternatively categorized camps was often one of terminology. Conditions could be just as bad whatever the classification of the camp, and often were. The fundamental characteristics of the various categories of camp were frequently not understood by the allies in the immediate post-war years, and remain vague to many today. Return |
| 870 | Miriam R Levin (ed), Cultures of Control (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 2000), pp.181-187. Return |
| 871 | Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.145. Return |
| 872 | Robert N Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989), p.209. Return |
| 873 | Sofsky, The Order of Terror, pp.241-243. Return |
| 874 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.74 suggests this visit was to Orainienburg concentration camp. There is frequent confusion regarding the camps at Oranienburg (established 1933, closed 1934) and Sachsenhausen (established 1936), a confusion compounded by the fact that Sachsenhausen was situated on the outskirts of Oranienburg, and is sometimes referred to as Sachsenhausen- Oranienburg. From the timing of Mennecke and Steinmeyer's visit, it is clear that the reference is to Sachsenhausen. [see http://tinyurl.com/2wc47ru (Accessed 10 April 2008)]. Return |
| 875 | Approximately 2,500 pages of Mennecke's letters had been located by 1987, representing about one- third of their total number. (Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), pp 251 and 296). Return |
| 876 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.74. Return |
| 877 | Ibid., p.77 Another of those probably present was Rudolf Lonauer, chief physician at Hartheim. [Mireille Horsinga-Renno, Cher oncle Georg: La bouleversante enquête d'une femme sur un médecin de la mort impuni (Strasbourg : La Nuée Bleue, 2006), p.100]. Return |
| 878 | The gas chamber building in Dachau was not erected until 1942. [Harold Marcuse, Legacies of Dachau. The Uses and Abuses of a Concentration Camp, 1933-2001 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p.11]. Trial gassings of at least two groups of prisoners were conducted there between summer 1942 and spring 1945, but Dachau was never an extermination camp in the sense attributed to the Aktion Reinhard and certain other camps. (Ibid., p.46, p.254). Return |
| 879 | Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945 (London: Pan Books, 2002), p.219. Return |
| 880 | Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl Nazi Mass Murder, p.41. Return |
| 881 | Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.219. Return |
| 882 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p77. Return |
| 883 | Ibid., p.341, note139. Return |
| 884 | Joseph Tenenbaum, Race and Reich: The Story of an Epoch (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1976), p.93; Harry Stein, Buchenwald concentration camp 1937-1945: a guide to the permanent historical exhibition (Göttingen: Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Wallstein Verlag, 2004), p.124. Return |
| 885 | Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.208. Return |
| 886 | Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell (New York: Berkley Books, 1998), p.226. Return |
| 887 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, pp.74-75. Return |
| 888 | Ibid., p.74. Return |
| 889 | Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), pp. 139-142; Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, pp.216-220; Kogon, Mass Murder, p.40 ff. Return |
| 890 | Tenenbaum, Race and Reich, p.443, note 11. Return |
| 891 | Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl Nazi Mass Murder, p.49. Hartheim was now known as “the Dachau sanatorium” (Ibid.) Return |
| 892 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.77. Return |
| 893 | Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl Nazi Mass Murder, pp. 50-51. Return |
| 894 | Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.252. Return |
| 895 | Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.236. Return |
| 896 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.78 states that the number of victims of 14f13 “must have run into tens of thousands.” Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.250 estimates “50,000 concentration camp prisoners killed” between April 1941 and 1944. Return |
| Chapter 9. Aktion Reinhard | |
| 897 | Rudolf Reder, Belzec (Oswiecim: Fundacja Judaica Panstwowe Muzeum Oswiecim-Brzezinka, 1999), p.107. Return |
| 898 | Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust: The Jewish Tragedy (London: Collins, 1986), p.308. Return |
| 899 | Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.166. Return |
| 900 | Peter Longerich, The Unwritten Order: Hitler's Role in the Final Solution (Stroud: Tempus Publishing Limited, 2003), p. 82. Return |
| 901 | Christopher R Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy, September 1939 – March 1942 (London: William Heinemann, 2004), p. 115. Return |
| 902 | Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), p.17. Return |
| 903 | Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, p.362. Return |
| 904 | Robin O'Neil, Belzec: Stepping Stone to Genocide (New York: JewishGen Inc, 2008), pp.93-94; Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.18. Return |
| 905 | Ibid., p.93 Return |
| 906 | Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, p.362 Return |
| 907 | Eichmann stated that Heydrich's words were: “Go and see Globocnik, the Führer has already given him instructions.” This suggests that Globocnik has received his orders direct from Hitler, which was quite possible, but given the chain of command and the need to disassociate Hitler from direct involvement in mass murder, it seems more likely that Globocnik, who was very much Himmler's man, received his orders from the Reichsführer. Return |
| 908 | Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.37. Return |
| 909 | Jochen von Lang and Claus Sibyll, Eichmann Interrogated: Transcripts from the Archives of the Israeli Police, (New York: Da Capo Press, 1999), pp.75-76. Return |
| 910 | O'Neil, Belzec, pp.88-89. Return |
| 911 | http://tinyurl.com/375tulj (Accessed 11 October 2009). Return |
| 912 | Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.26. Return |
| 913 | Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, p.529, n.251. Return |
| 914 | Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.26. Return |
| 915 | Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), pp.52-53. Return |
| 916 | http://tinyurl.com/2ungf5n (Accessed 11 October 2009). Return |
| 917 | Jules Schelvis, Sobibor – A History of a Nazi Death Camp (Oxford: Berg, 2007), p.27. Return |
| 918 | Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen, Volker Riess (eds.), The Good Old Days – The Holocaust as Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders (New York: Konecky & Konecky, 1991), pp.228-230. Emphasis added. Return |
| 919 | It is interesting to note that the conference concluded with “a discussion of the various possible forms which the solution [meaning extermination] might take.” [Yitzhak Arad, Israel Gutman and Abraham Margaliot (eds.), Documents On The Holocaust (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999), p.261.] Even at this late stage different killing options were still under consideration. Return |
| 920 | http://tinyurl.com/3xgbb9w (Accessed 11 October 2009). Return |
| 921 | Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, pp. 362-365. There had been a Jewish labour camp at Belzec between early 1940 and October of that year, when the camp was disbanded. [Arad, Belzec, p.23]. Return |
| 922 | Schelvis, Sobibor, p.26 Return |
| 923 | Longerich, The Unwritten Order, p. 130. Return |
| 924 | Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.240. Return |
| 925 | Ibid., pp.231-233. Return |
| 926 | O'Neil, Belzec, p.115. Return |
| 927 | Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.25. Return |
| 928 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.229, p.382, n.23. Return |
| 929 | Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl, Nazi Mass Murder, pp.74-75. Return |
| 930 | Ernst Klee, “Euthanasie” im NS-Staat: Die “Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens” (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1991), p.418. Return |
| 931 | O'Neil, Belzec, p. 92. Return |
| 932 | Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp.296-297. Return |
| 933 | O'Neil, Belzec, p. 118. Return |
| 934 | Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.18. Return |
| 935 | O'Neil, Belzec, p. 93. Return |
| 936 | http://tinyurl.com/32fkysd (Accessed 14 October 2009). Return |
| Chapter 10. Himmler and Eugenics | |
| 937 | Peter Padfield, Himmler: Reichsführer-SS (London: Papermac, 1990), p.101. Return |
| 938 | Gerwin Strobl, The Bard of Eugenics: Shakespeare and Racial Activism in the Third Reich (Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 34, no.3, 1999), p.335. Return |
| 939 | Götz Aly, and Susanne Heim, Architects of Annihilation: Auschwitz and the Logic of Destruction (London: Phoenix, 2003), pp 74-75. Return |
| 940 | Hitler's allocation of “euthanasia” activities to the KdF was apparently a source of some irritation to Himmler, writing as he did to Bouhler and Brack in December 1940 on receipt of the letter from von Löwis concerning the evidence of killing at Grafeneck: “If operation T4 had been entrusted to the SS, things would have happened differently…When the Führer entrusts us with a job, we know how to deal with it correctly, without causing useless uproar among the people.” [Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), p.95]. Return |
| 941 | Horst Biesold, Crying Hands: Eugenics and Deaf People in Nazi Germany (Washington: Gallaudet University Press, 1999), p. 160. Return |
| 942 | The formal name of the organisation was Studiengesellschaft für Geistesurgeschichte‚ Deutsches Ahnenerbe e.V. (`Study Society for Primordial Intellectual History, German Ancestral Heritage [registered society]'). In 1937 it was renamed Forschungs- und Lehrgemeinschaft das Ahnenerbe e.V. (`Research and Teaching Community of the Ancestral Heritage [registered society]'). Return |
| 943 | Wolfram Sievers was born in 1905 in Hildesheim; he joined the Nazi party in 1928/1929 and the SS in 1935. A defendant at the Nuremberg Medical Trial, accused of aiding in the acquisition of skeletons for August Hirt's Strasbourg collection, as well involvement in human medical experiments at Dachau and Natzweiler, Sievers was sentenced to death. He was executed on 2 June 1948. [Ernst Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich - Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: S.Fischer, 2005), p.583]. Return |
| 944 | Padfield, Himmler, p.171. Return |
| 945 | Ibid., pp.374-376. Equally fatal tests were also conducted at Dachau concerning the potability of sea water. All branches of the military had an interest in these medical experiments, which despite often resulting in the death of the prisoners selected, had little or no practical value. Among other objections, the physical condition of concentration camp inmates could in no way be compared to that of healthy young serving soldiers, sailors or airmen. [Alexander Mitscherlich and Fred Mielke, Doctors of Infamy: The Story of the Nazi Medical Crimes (New York: Henry Schuman, 1949), pp.4-41]. Return |
| 946 | Padfield, Himmler, p.437. Return |
| 947 | http://tinyurl.com/343o3gt (Accessed 29 May 2008). Return |
| 948 | Guenter Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies' (Journal of Contemporary History, Vol 34(2), 1999),, p.204. Return |
| 949 | Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.51. Return |
| 950 | Ibid., p.187. Hirt was also extensively involved in the mustard gas experiments. (Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, p. 76). Return |
| 951 | Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, pp. 81-89. Return |
| 952 | http://tinyurl.com/36szy2o (Accessed 15 January 2009). Return |
| 953 | Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945 (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), p.166. Return |
| 954 | Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.121. Return |
| 955 | Ulrich Herbert (ed), National Socialist Extermination Policies – Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), p.191. Although the Nuremberg laws had been directed primarily against Jews, the Minister of the Interior, Wilhelm Frick, had pointed out that there were others who contaminated the purity of the race – “Gypsies, Negroes, and their bastards.” (Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.201.) Return |
| 956 | Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.201. Return |
| 957 | Ibid., p.202. Return |
| 958 | Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, p.125. Return |
| 959 | Ibid., pp. 113-125. Return |
| 960 | Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J Peck (eds.), The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed, and the Reexamined (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), p.321. Return |
| 961 | Herbert, National Socialist Extermination Policies, p.201 Return |
| 962 | Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.209. Return |
| 963 | Ibid., p.202. Return |
| 964 | Ibid., p.209. Return |
| 965 | Robert Gellately, and Nathan Stoltzfus (eds.), Social Outsiders in Nazi Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), p.226. Return |
| 966 | Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.210. Return |
| 967 | Berenbaum and Peck, The Holocaust and History, p.321. Return |
| 968 | Roderick Stackelberg and Sally Anne Winkle, The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts (London: Routledge, 2002), p.200. Return |
| 969 | The wives of SS-men were of course admitted without recourse to such testing. They had already been pre-approved by Himmler's consent to their marriage. Return |
| 970 | Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, p.274. Return |
| 971 | Padfield, Himmler, p.166. Return |
| 972 | Jill Stephenson, Women in Nazi Germany (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2001), p.39. Return |
| 973 | Padfield, Himmler, p.202. Return |
| 974 | Ibid., p.477. Return |
| 975 | Ibid., pp.279-280. Return |
| 976 | Ibid., p.368. Return |
| 977 | http://tinyurl.com/34rgvp8 (Accessed 27 September 2009). Return |
| 978 | Kjersti Ericsson and Eva Simonsen, On the Border: The contested children of the Second World War (Childhood, Vol. 15, No.3, 2008), p.399. Return |
| 979 | Ibid., p. 402. Return |
| 980 | Ibid., p.402. Return |
| 981 | Padfield, Himmler, pp.302-303. Return |
| 982 | Ibid., p.387. Return |
| 983 | An interesting sidelight on the ignorance of the British Foreign Office regarding conditions in occupied Europe are the comments by Victor Frederick William Cavendish-Bentinck, chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, appended in August 1943 to a Polish report on Nazi barbarism:
In my opinion it is incorrect to describe Polish Information regarding German atrocities as `trustworthy'. The Poles, and to a far greater extent the Jews, tend to exaggerate German atrocities in order to stoke us up. They seem to have succeeded…I do not believe that there is any evidence which would be accepted in a Law Court that Polish children have been killed on the spot by Germans when their parents were being deported to work in Germany, nor that Polish children have been sold to German settlers. As regards putting Poles to death in gas chambers, I do not believe that there is any evidence that this has been done… [van Pelt, Robert Jan, The Case for Auschwitz – Evidence from the Irving Trial (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002),p.127]. Return |
| 984 | Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, pp 65-73. Return |
| 985 | Franciszek Piper and Teresa Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp (Oswiecim: The Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum in Oswiecim, 1996), p.89. Return |
| 986 | Brack's claimed involvement in the so-called “Madagascar Plan” was at best an exaggeration, if not a downright lie. The idea of using Madagascar as a place to dump European Jews had been mooted by anti-Semites as early as 1885. A Polish commission visited the island in 1937 to investigate the possibility of forcibly settling Jews there. In Nazi circles, the suggestion had first been put forward as a supposedly serious option in June 1940 by the “Jewish expert” in the Foreign Office, Franz Rademacher. [Christopher R Browning, The Path to Genocide: Essays on Launching the Final Solution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) p.18]. Eichmann at the RSHA was contemporaneously putting together an SS version of the scheme which Heydrich forwarded to the Foreign Office in August 1940. The idea had been circulating among the Party hierarchy long before this totally impractical proposal surfaced in detailed form. In a diary note made two years earlier, Goebbels mentioned a discussion of this very subject with Hitler. Other leading Nazis like Alfred Rosenberg and Julius Streicher were also considering the Madagascar option in 1938. [Michael Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation – The Nazi Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), pp.248-249]. What is certain is that the “Madagascar Plan” was a subject well-known not only to high ranking Nazis, but even to the potential deportees. In a diary note of 7 July 1940, Victor Klemperer recorded the comment of a friend as a rumour spread that the British government had fallen: “Now they'll make peace and we'll be packed off to Madagascar.” [Victor Klemperer, I Shall Bear Witness : The Diaries of Victor Klemperer 1933-41 (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1998), p.332]. Return |
| 987 | Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.206 Return |
| 988 | Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.153. Return |
| 989 | Dick de Mildt, Dick, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), pp 384-385, note 40. Return |
| 990 | Ibid., pp.238-239. Return |
| 991 | Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.280. Return |
| 992 | Ibid., p.275. Pokorny (also somewhat confusingly described as a Sudeten Volksdeutsch), whose former wife was Jewish (they divorced in 1935), was among those indicted at the Medical Trial in Nuremberg. He was acquitted of participation in the sterilisation programme. His half-Jewish children arrived in Great Britain on a June 1939 Kindertransport. (Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.166). Return |
| 993 | Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, pp.133-134. Return |
| 994 | Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.89. Return |
| 995 | Rudolf Brandt, Himmler's personal adjutant, testified that experiments with Caladium seguinum were made on concentration camp inmates. A report of 24 August 1942 from Karl Gund, Deputy Gauleiter of Niederdonau (Lower Austria) refers to the possibility of the “necessary investigations and human experiments” being made on the inmates of the Gypsy camp at Lackenbach in Niederdonau, but no details of any such experiments have emerged to date. (Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, Medical Crimes, pp 133-135). Return |
| 996 | Yisrael Gutman and Michael Berenbaum (eds.), Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), pp. 304-307. Return |
| 997 | A female prisoner-doctor who spent a year in block 10 described it as a place that was somewhere between hell and a mental institution. (Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.270). Return |
| 998 | Ibid., p.273. Return |
| 999 | Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.90. Return |
| 1000 | Padfield, Himmler, p.333. Return |
| 1001 | Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.91 Return |
| 1002 | Israel Gutman (ed), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1990), p.302. Return |
| 1003 | Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.277-278. Return |
| 1004 | There were no functioning gas chambers in Auschwitz at that time. The first gassing experiments with Zyklon B were conducted in the basement of block 11 of the Stammlager in late summer 1941. Shortly thereafter the former mortuary attached to the camp crematorium was converted to form the first camp gas chamber proper [Crematorium I]. (Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, pp.157-159). Return |
| 1005 | Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.280. Return |
| 1006 | Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), p.198. Return |
| 1007 | The machinery was operated by Schumann personally. (Padfield, Himmler, p.439). Return |
| 1008 | Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, pp.91-94. Return |
| 1009 | Gutman and Berenbaum, Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, p.308. Return |
| 1010 | Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.277. Return |
| 1011 | Gutman and Berenbaum, Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, p.308 Return |
| 1012 | Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.94. Return |
| Chapter 11. Retribution | |
| 1013 | Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.245. Return |
| 1014 | Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945 (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), p.74. Return |
| 1015 | Benno Müller-Hill, Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies, and Others in Germany 1933-1945 (Woodbury: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, 1998), p.24. Return |
| 1016 | Eugène Aroneanu, Inside the Concentration Camps: Eyewitness Accounts of Life in Hitler's Death Camps (Westport: Praeger, 1996) p.xvii. Return |
| 1017 | It has been estimated that nurses intentionally killed more than 10,000 individuals during the Nazi epoch. [Susan Benedict and Jochen Kuhla, Nurses' Participation in the Euthanasia Programs of Nazi Germany (Western Journal of Nursing Research, Vol. 21(2), 1999), p.246]. Return |
| 1018 | Bronwyn Rebekah McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany (Chichester: Princeton University Press, 1999), p.147-148 Return |
| 1019 | Benedict and Kuhla, Nurses Participation in the Euthanasia Programs of Nazi Germany, pp. 255-258. Return |
| 1020 | Michael S Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”: Nazi Euthanasia on Trial 1945-1953 (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2005), p 213. The judgement stated that, in the opinion of the court, the defendants “on the basis of their education and activity had developed limitless trust in the doctors and also, on account of their mental rigidity, were equipped with only a below-average critical capacity.” (McFarland-Icke, Nurses, p.11). Return |
| 1021 | Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945 (London: Pan Books, 2002), p.238. Return |
| 1022 | McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany, pp.222-223. Return |
| 1023 | Sylvia Anne Hoskins, Nurses and National Socialism - a Moral Dilemma: One Historical Example of a Route to Euthanasia (Nursing Ethics, 12 (1), 2005), p.87. Return |
| 1024 | Ernst Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich - Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: S.Fischer, 2005), p.286. Return |
| 1025 | Robert N Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 65- 66. Return |
| 1026 | Ibid., p.94. Return |
| 1027 | Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.252. Return |
| 1028 | Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.103. Return |
| 1029 | http://tinyurl.com/3999v3m (Accessed 4 January 2007). Return |
| 1030 | Although, in the main, attention then and thereafter was focused on evidence at the Medical Trial concerning medical experiments on involuntary human patients, Taylor had no doubt that all medical atrocities were linked as part of an overall genocidal strategy, with both sterilisation and “euthanasia” providing essential components of the policy. (Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, pp. 5-6). Return |
| 1031 | Donald Bloxham, The Final Solution: A Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p.201. Return |
| 1032 | Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), p. xiii Return |
| 1033 | Guido Bolaffi, Raffaele Bracalenti, Peter Braham, Sandro Gindro, (eds.) Dictionary of Race, Ethnicity & Culture, (London: Sage Publications, 2003), p.xviii. Return |
| 1034 | http://tinyurl.com/3yjsx8r (Accessed 6 February 2009). The ruling regarding jurisdiction only applied where alleged crimes were restricted to a specific geographical region (Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.339). Return |
| 1035 | Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.308. Return |
| 1036 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p 113. Return |
| 1037 | Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.161. Return |
| 1038 | Peter E Quint, The Imperfect Union: Constitutional Structures of German Unification (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), p.185. Despite the thousands of death sentences handed down by them as servants of a criminal regime, few if any of these Nazi jurists were convicted of wrongdoing by the courts of the Federal Republic. Return |
| 1039 | Donald Bloxham, Genocide on Trial: War Crimes Trials and the Formation of Holocaust History and Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p.201 The eminent German jurist Ernst Müller-Meiningen commented in 1958: Would it have been possible to avoid this entire dung-hill cleaning? Only if one had fundamentally reorganized the courts at war's end – by replacing personnel – and had handed the administration of justice over to a new generation. Because this was not possible at the time, the undeniable and inextricable film of past injustice stills clings to us. As before, this places the German rule of law in question. [Philipp Gassert and Alan E Steinweis (eds.), Coping With the Nazi Past: West German Debates on Nazism and Generational Conflict 1955-1975 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), p.53]. Return |
| 1040 | Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.33. The IMT Charter defined crimes against humanity as “…murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population, before or during the war, or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds in execution of or in connection with any crime within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal, whether or not in violation of domestic law of the country where perpetrated.” (Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.71). Return |
| 1041 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.104. Return |
| 1042 | Eugène Aroneanu, Inside the Concentration Camps: Eyewitness Accounts of Life in Hitler's Death Camps (Westport: Praeger, 1996) p.xii. Return |
| 1043 | Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.47. Return |
| 1044 | http://tinyurl.com/2uhn4bv (Accessed 5 January 2008). Return |
| 1045 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.81. Return |
| 1046 | http://tinyurl.com/3x3da7z (Accessed 22 December 2009). Return |
| 1047 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, pp 63 – 106. Return |
| 1048 | http://tinyurl.com/38mew34 (Accessed 5 January 2008). Return |
| 1049 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, pp 78 – 80. Return |
| 1050 | It was not until 1998 that the International Criminal Court defined enforced sterilisation performed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population as a “crime against humanity”. (Anne-Marie De Brouwer, Supranational Criminal Prosecution of Sexual Violence: the ICC and the practice of the ICTY and the ICTR (Mortsel: Intersentia 2005), p.85). Return |
| 1051 | Not the least of the problems facing the allies in considering this question was the fact that similar sterilisation laws had recently been upheld in the United States. (Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.117). This point was not lost on the defendants at the Nuremberg Medical Trial, who made much of alleged allied hypocrisy. (Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, pp. 201-203, p.241). Return |
| 1052 | Ann Tusa and John Tusa, The Nuremberg Trial (London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 1984), p.504. Return |
| 1053 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.85. A significant number of statutes contained in title 18 U.S. Code are concerned with various aspects of conspiracy as an indictable offence. See also the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (commonly referred to as RICO Act or RICO), a United States federal law that provides for extended penalties for criminal acts performed as part of an ongoing criminal organisation. [John Madinger, Money Laundering: A Guide for Criminal Investigators (Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2006), p.92.] Return |
| 1054 | Alexander Mitscherlich and Fred Mielke, Doctors of Infamy: The Story of the Nazi Medical Crimes (New York: Henry Schuman, 1949), p.3; Tusa and Tusa, The Nuremberg Trial, p.417; Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.201. Return |
| 1055 | In 1946, 70 percent of the German population approved of war crimes trials. By 1950 an equal percentage opposed them. (Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death” p.109.) Return |
| 1056 | Bloxham, Genocide on Trial pp 153 - 161 Return |
| 1057 | David S Wyman (ed), The World Reacts to the Holocaust (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1996), p.612. Return |
| 1058 | Ibid., p.613. Return |
| 1059 | Ibid., p.717. Return |
| 1060 | Bloxham, Genocide on Trial, p.162. Return |
| 1061 | The suspicion remains that the West German legal code was deliberately manipulated and where necessary amended to benefit those who were likely to be accused of criminal offences committed during the Nazi era. (Michael Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation – The Nazi Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), p.417). However, following the trial of John Demjanjuk in 2011 the definition of “criminal guilt” and “perpetrator” was changed. German courts are no longer required to prove that an accused was responsible for or had been directly involved in a Nazi-era related crime. Mere presence at the time and place a crime was committed is now sufficient to make the accused an accessory to that crime and therefore culpable of a criminal offence. Return |
| 1062 | Bloxham, Genocide on Trial, p.201 Return |
| 1063 | Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation, p.415. Return |
| 1064 | Philipp Gassert and Alan E Steinweis (eds.), Coping With the Nazi Past: West German Debates on Nazism and Generational Conflict 1955-1975 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), p.59. Return |
| 1065 | Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation, p.537, note 32. Return |
| 1066 | Ibid., p.412. Return |
| 1067 | I am indebted to Dick de Mildt for providing this explanation of the Schwurgericht and Bundesgerichtshof. Return |
| 1068 | Wyman, The World Reacts to the Holocaust, p.505. Return |
| 1069 | One estimate puts the number of individuals convicted of crimes associated with the Nazi regime at 50,000. (Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.401, note 4). No source is quoted for this figure, which presumably refers to the global total of convictions. Caution should be exercised when considering the reliability of any such statistics. For example, in the Soviet occupied zone of Germany alone, nearly 18,000 individuals were sentenced in secret post-war proceedings, some of which, it is believed, were motivated by political rather than judicial considerations. These were, of course, in addition to the well publicized public trials of those accused of Nazi crimes. (de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.19). Return |
| 1070 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.20. Although the Federal Republic of Germany was not formally established until 1949, for the sake of convenience, the area that comprised the American, British, and French zones of occupation between 1945 and 1949, and the post 1989 unified West and East German States, are referred to here and elsewhere as “The Federal Republic.” Return |
| 1071 | http://tinyurl.com/32qbtte (accessed 18 October 2008). Return |
| 1072 | Statistics for Austria suggest a total of some 80,000 preliminary investigations resulting in 23,495 convictions, which, on the face of things and given the relative size of populations, is rather more impressive than the Federal Republic's efforts. However, it should be born in mind that Austria was under Allied occupation from 1945 to 1955. Post 1955 only 20 defendants were convicted of Nazi crimes by Austrian courts, compared with around 600 by West German and 122 by East German courts. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.1170); http://tinyurl.com/364gdjl(Accessed 18 October 2008). Return |
| 1073 | Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.166. Return |
| 1074 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, pp. 20-21 Return |
| 1075 | Ibid., p.404. Return |
| 1076 | Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, pp. 118-120. Return |
| 1077 | de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.83. Return |
| 1078 | By 1937, nearly 44 percent of German doctors were members of the Nazi Party, a far greater proportion relative to their overall numbers than other professions such as teachers or lawyers. In the same year, 1.3 percent of all SS-men were doctors – an overrepresentation by a factor of seven compared to their percentage of the total population. On the same basis, only lawyers achieved a higher ratio of overrepresentation in the SS (twenty-five to one) than the medical profession. (Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p 4-5.) Return |
| 1079 | Berndt Rieger, Creator of Nazi Death Camps – The Life of Odilo Globocnik (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2007), pp.11-18. Wolfsberg was a hotbed of Nazism, a town frequented at one time or another by a disproportionately large number of the men who would go on to become among the principal perpetrators of the Holocaust. Return |
| 1080 | George J Annas and Michael A Grodin, The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code: Human Rights in Human Experimentation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 34-41; Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.99. Return |
| 1081 | Robert N Proctor, The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 59-60. Return |
| 1082 | Steven P Remy, The Heidelberg Myth: the Nazification and Denazification of a German University (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2002), p.89. Return |
| 1083 | Dick de Mildt in private correspondence with the author, 30 May 2008. Return |
| 1084 | Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York: Penguin Books, 1977), p.294. Return |
| 1085 | Ibid., p.298. Return |
| Chapter 13. Conclusion | |
| 1086 | Perry, Michael W (ed), G K Chesterton - Eugenics and Other Evils: An Argument Against the Scientifically Organised State (Seattle: Inkling Books, 2001), p.183. Return |
| 1087 | Zimbardo, Philip, The Lucifer Effect: How Good People Turn Evil (London: Rider Books, 2007), p.273. Return |
| 1088 | Richard Alan Krieger, Civilization's Quotations: Life's Ideal (New York: Algora Publishing, 2002), p.322. Return |
| 1089 | Shai Lavi, “The Jews are Coming": Vengeance and Revenge in post- Nazi Europe (Law, Culture and the Humanities, No.1, 2005), p.282 Return |
| 1090 | Michael Burleigh, and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.3. Return |
| 1091 | Ibid., p.306. Return |
| 1092 | Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945, p.4. Return |
| 1093 | I am grateful to Dr Herwig Czech for his permission to access and quote his privately obtained unpublished paper “Medical Crimes, Eugenics, and the Limits of the `Racial State' Paradigm in the Third Reich” as the source of much of the material in the first part of this chapter. Return |
| 1094 | Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), p.23. Return |
| 1095 | Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J Peck (eds.), The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed, and the Reexamined (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), p.59. Return |
| 1096 | http://tinyurl.com/3y99suz (Accessed 19 September 2009.) Return |
| 1097 | Friedlander, Henry, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp XI-XII. Return |
| 1098 | Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 2000), p.255. Return |
| 1099 | David Cesarani (ed), The Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies, Volume 2 (London: Routledge, 2004), p.215. Return |
| 1100 | Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl, (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p.74. Emphasis added. Return |
| 1101 | Ervin Staub, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p.187; p.309, note 64. Return |
| 1102 | Berenbaum and Peck, The Holocaust and History, p.171. Return |
| 1103 | Christopher R Browning, Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German Killers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp.4-7; Israel Gutman (ed), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1990), pp.1062-1065. Return |
| 1104 | Grawitz had been appointed President of the German Red Cross in January 1937, an appointment comparable in cynicism with that of Reinhard Heydrich as head of Interpol in 1940. (Ulf,Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.81) Return |
| 1105 | Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.932. Return |
| 1106 | The most recent conservative estimates of the number of Jews killed in the major extermination camps are: Belzec 430,000, Treblinka 700,000, Sobibor 170,000, Chelmno 150,000, Auschwitz-Birkenau 950,000, a total of approximately 2.4 million, the overwhelming majority of whom were gassed. To this number must be added Jews killed in camps such as Majdanek, Janowska , Maly Trostinec, and many others . Although there were gas chambers or gas vans operating in some of these camps, gassing was usually not the principle killing method employed. Return |
| 1107 | Hilberg, The Destruction of European Jews, p.1320. Return |
| 1108 | 450 individuals were assigned to Aktion Reinhard. At any one time 20- 35 SS-men were stationed in each of the death camps. [Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), pp 17-19]. Many men served in more than one camp, some in all three. There were also 90- 130 guards of mainly Ukrainian nationality at each camp. (Ibid, p.22). Compare this to the 3,000 members of the Einsatzgruppen, who were aided in their killing Aktionen by several thousand foreign acolytes [Hilfswillige (Auxiliaries) or “Hiwis”], as well as by the many thousands of men of the Police Battalions. Return |
| 1109 | http://tinyurl.com/3y2wlk3 (Accessed 22 August 2009). Return |
| 1110 | Joshua Rubenstein, Ilya Altman, The Unknown Black Book: The Holocaust in the German-Occupied Soviet Territories (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008), pp.277-278. Return |
| 1111 | Tomasz Kranz, Extermination of Jews at the Majdanek Concentration Camp (Lublin: Panstwowe Muzeum na Majdanku, 2007), p.70. Return |
| 1112 | Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945 (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), p.197. Return |
| 1113 | Ibid., p. 262. Return |
| 1114 | Ibid., p.267. Return |
| 1115 | Jeckeln, the HSSPF Ostland, was instructed by Himmler on 12 November to kill the Jews of the Riga ghetto. The killings began on 30 November. (Friedländer, The Years of Extermination, p.261). Return |
| 1116 | Glass, James M, “Life Unworthy of Life” – Racial Phobia and Mass Murder in Hitler's Germany, (New York: Basic Books, 1997), p.xvi. Return |
| 1117 | Yisrael Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw 1939-1943 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), pp.63-65. Return |
| 1118 | Donald Bloxham, The Final Solution: A Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p.251. Return |
| 1119 | Christian Wirth, Gottlieb Hering, Franz Stangle, and Franz Reichleitner. Return |
| 1120 | Allers mentions a total of four hundred T4 personnel being sent to Russia, a figure which would have included the majority of those employed at the killing centres. (Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness – From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (London: Pimlico, 1995), p.84). Return |
| 1121 | Leo Alexander, Medical Science Under Dictatorship (The New England Journal of Medicine 241, 1949), p.41. Return |
| 1122 | There is another source suggesting that “euthanasia” was also practised on mentally disturbed members of the Wehrmacht within the Reich itself. In February 1943, Siegfried Handloser, head of the military medical service, ordered that “war hysterics who cannot be cured of their symptoms through treatment are to be committed to the hospital sections of mental institutions.” (Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 89). It is not difficult to imagine what the result of such confinement would have been. Return |
| 1123 | Alexander, Medical Science Under Dictatorship, p.42. Return |
| 1124 | Christopher R Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: HarperCollins, 1993), p.163. Return |
| 1125 | Robin O'Neil, Belzec: Stepping Stone to Genocide (New York: JewishGen Inc, 2008), pp.92-93. Return |
| 1126 | Ibid., pp. 326-329. Return |
| 1127 | http://tinyurl.com/3yuo3vm (accessed 18 November 2008). Return |
| 1128 | Himmler allegedly told the Aktion Reinhard personnel that what he expected of them was “superhuman-inhuman”. (Hilberg, Destruction of the European Jews, p.961). Return |
| 1129 | Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.171. This sounds plausible. Other testimony by Bleich should be treated with caution. Return |
| 1130 | Barbl was interrogated several times by the Austrian police, but apparently never put on trial (Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.394, note39). Return |
| 1131 | David Cesarani (ed), The Final Solution: Origins and Implementation (London: Routledge, 1996) p.55. Return |
| 1132 | Peter Longerich, The Unwritten Order: Hitler's Role in the Final Solution (Stroud: Tempus Publishing Limited, 2003), p.81. Return |
| 1133 | Ibid., p.82. Return |
| 1134 | Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.xii. Return |
| 1135 | Dan Stone (ed), The Historiography of Genocide (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p.9. Lemkin refined the term further, defining killing and abortion as “ktonotechnics” and sterilisation and castration as “sterotechnics”, both derived from the Greek - `ktonos' = murder, `steirosis' = infertility . Neither term has entered common usage, any more than “ktonology” as a definition of medicalised killing, although the expression “thanatology” to describe a delight in death has. [Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials - From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp.284-285]. These definitions were all coined as the nature and extent of Nazi crimes were revealed; contemporary language was deemed inadequate to describe such atrocities. Return |
| 1136 | Stone, The Historiography of Genocide, p.89. Return |
| 1137 | Josephine Bacon, The Illustrated Atlas of Jewish Civilization: 4,000 Years of Jewish History (Royston: Eagle Editions, 1998), p.136. Return |
| 1138 | Richard S Levy (ed), Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO Ltd, 2005), pp.116-117. Return |
| 1139 | Stone, The Historiography of Genocide, p.73. Return |
| 1140 | Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), p.101. At the time these remarks were made (August 1942), victims were still being buried at the three principal Aktion Reinhard camps. Exhumation and cremation of corpses and the immediate cremation of new victims only began in Sobibor in autumn 1942, and later still at Belzec and Treblinka. (Ibid.,pp.170-178). Return |
| 1141 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.46. Return |
| 1142 | Ibid. Emphasis added Return |
| 1143 | Ibid., p.179-180. Return |
| 1144 | Michael Burleigh, Ethics and extermination: Reflections on Nazi genocide, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp.128-129. Return |
| 1145 | Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp.229-230. Return |
| 1146 | Stone, The Historiography of Genocide, pp 156-193. Return |
| 1147 | Anthony Giddens, and Christopher Pierson, Conversations with Anthony Giddens: Making Sense of Modernity, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).p.94. Return |
| 1148 | Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, pp.39. Return |
| 1149 | Ibid., pp.1-22. Return |
| 1150 | Friedländer, Saul, The Years of Persecution: Nazi Germany and the Jews 1933-39 (London: Phoenix, 2007), p.212. Return |
| 1151 | Marius Turda and Paul J Weindling, (eds.), “Blood and Homeland”. Eugenics and Racial Nationalism in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900-1940, (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2007), p.355. Return |
| 1152 | Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, pp.304-307. Return |
| 1153 | An attempt to determine whether the long standing question, “who is a Jew?” is a matter of race or religion (if either) surfaced in, of all places, an English courtroom in 2008. The case was concerned with deciding if the policy of a Jewish school contravened the 1976 Race Relations Act in prioritising the admission of children only recognized as being Jewish in accordance with a ruling of the Orthodox “Office of the Chief Rabbi”. Essentially, the matter to be determined was whether the child of a woman who had converted to Judaism in a manner not approved by the aforementioned “Office of the Chief Rabbi” was Halachically, that is matrilineally, Jewish. If such a child was refused admission to the school on religious grounds, that was perfectly legal; if, on the other hand, refusal had been on the grounds of ethnicity, the Act had been contravened. Judgement was reached that this was a question of religious practice rather than ethnic or racial origin, a decision that was surprisingly overturned on appeal. In fact, the Appeal Court concluded: “the requirement that if a pupil is to qualify for admission his mother must be Jewish, whether by descent or by conversion, is a test of ethnicity which contravenes the Race Relations Act 1976,” a decision which undermined one of the fundamental principles of Judaism. [http://tinyurl.com/2wmmke2; and http://tinyurl.com/mrhfba (Accessed 9 July 2009)].
By a narrow margin the Supreme Court confirmed the Appeal Court's decision. This gallimaufry will inevitably result in either an amendment to the Race Relations Act permitting the school's long-standing policy to be reinstituted, or alternatively in a complete reassessment of the principle of faith schools. If nothing else, this case has provided evidence of the pitfalls inherent in framing anti-discriminatory legislation. [http://tinyurl.com/yfhcuu9 (Accessed 16 December 2009)]. Return |
| 1154 | Turda and Weindling, “Blood and Homeland”, p.288. Return |
| 1155 | Ibid., pp 283-297. It might be more accurate to ascribe the dubious honour of fatherhood in this matter to Abraham: “Abraham's servant, Eliezer, so the Midrash states, desired to offer his own daughter to Isaac, but his master sternly rebuked him, saying: `Thou art cursed, and my son is blessed, and it does not behoove the cursed to mate with the blessed, and thus deteriorate the quality of the race.'” This quotation is taken from an essay published in 1916 by Rabbi Max Reichler, in which he enthusiastically endorsed eugenic practice. The ethicist, Dr. Stanton Coit, is approvingly cited: “The Jews, ancient and modern have always understood the science of eugenics, and have governed themselves in accordance with it; hence the preservation of the Jewish race.” Furthermore, questions of heredity could be viewed in both religious and eugenic terms: Rabbi Akiba…claims that “a father bequeaths to his child beauty, health, wealth, wisdom and longevity.” Similarly, ugliness, sickness, poverty, stupidity and the tendency to premature death, are transmitted from father to offspring. Hence we are told that when Moses desired to know why some of the righteous suffer in health and material prosperity, while others prosper and reap success; and again, why some of the wicked suffer, while others enjoy success and material well-being; God explained that the righteous and wicked who thrive and flourish, are usually the descendants of righteous parents, while those who suffer and fail materially are the descendants of wicked parents.
Rabbi Reichler's championing of eugenics was in keeping with the Zeitgeist. [Rabbi Max Reichler, Rabbi Joel Blau, Rev. Dr. D.de Sola Pool, Jewish Eugenics and Other Essays: Three Papers Read Before The New York Board of Jewish Ministers 1915 (New York: Bloch Publishing Company, 1916) pp.7-23]. Return |
| 1156 | In his Nuremberg cell, for rather obvious reasons Alfred Rosenberg attempted to rationalise the murder of millions by pointing out to G.M.Gilbert, the prison psychologist, the ostensible similarities between Jewish and Nazi eugenic practice: “National Socialism wasn't based on racial prejudice”, Rosenberg brazenly declared. “We just wanted to maintain our own racial and national solidarity…The Jews wanted to maintain their identity as a people, and I say more power to them, but so do we…It is only natural for the members of a group to feel a common bond and protect themselves and their identity.” [G. M. Gilbert, Nuremberg Diary (New York: Da Capo Press, 1995, p.120]. Return |
| 1157 | Richard A Soloway, Demography and Degeneration: Eugenics and the Declining Birthrate in Twentieth-Century Britain (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), p.350. Founded in 1908 as the Eugenics Education Society, so disreputable had the very word “eugenics” become, that in 1989 the Society's name was changed to the Galton Institute. Return |
| 1158 | Rachel Iredale, Eugenics and its Relevance to Contemporary Health Care, (Nursing Ethics, 7 (3), 2000), p.209. Return |
| 1159 | Dennis Sewell, The Political Gene – How Darwin's Ideas Changed Politics (London: Picador, 2009), passim, especially pp.213-234. Return |
| 1160 | Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.245. Emphasis added. Return |
| 1161 | Michael Molan, Sourcebook on Criminal Law, (London: Cavendish Publishing Limited, 2001), p.245. Return |
| 1162 | http://tinyurl.com/36h48sq (Accessed 23 April 2008). Return |
| 1163 | Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York: Penguin Books, 1977), p.295. Return |
| 1164 | Ibid., p.291. Return |
| 1165 | Ibid., pp.291-292. Return |
| 1166 | Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen, Volker Riess (eds.), The Good Old Days – The Holocaust as Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders (New York: Konecky & Konecky, 1991), pp.75-86. Return |
| 1167 | James Waller, Becoming Evil. How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 102-106; Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect, pp.266-276. Return |
| 1168 | Waller, Becoming Evil, p.107. Return |
| 1169 | Ibid., p.108. Return |
| 1170 | William Peters, A Class Divided, Then and Now (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), passim. Return |
| 1171 | Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect, pp. 23-257; http://tinyurl.com/2pohp (Accessed 12 April 2009). Return |
| 1172 | Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect, p.277. Return |
| 1173 | Browning, Ordinary Men, pp. 191-192. Return |
| 1174 | Ibid., p.189. Return |
| 1175 | Alexander, Medical Science Under Dictatorship, p.44. Return |
| 1176 | Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), p.62. Return |
| 1177 | Sereny, Into That Darkness, p.83. Return |
| 1178 | Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem, p.106. Return |
| 1179 | Michael Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation – The Nazi Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), pp.262-263. Return |
| 1180 | Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.223. Return |
| 1181 | “A distinction, however, should be made between the ordinary psychopath (who acts antisocially, is frequently impulsive, and whose crimes are characterized by an affective reaction, consciously related to actively pursuing material gains) and the malignant type of psychopath (a clearly predatory, violent individual whose goal is the gratification of vengeful or sexual sadistic fantasies).” [Richard N Kocsis (ed), Serial Murder and the Psychology of Violent Crimes: An International Perspective (Totowa: Humana Press, 2007), p.86]. Both types were present in the “euthanasia” killing centres and the extermination camps. Return |
| 1182 | Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved (London: Abacus Books, 2002), pp.169-170. Return |
| 1183 | Tzvetan Todorov, Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps (London: Phoenix, 1996), p.122. Return |
| 1184 | Isabel V Hull, Absolute Destruction – Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Germany (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), passim. Return |
| 1185 | Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation, p.10. Return |
| 1186 | Ibid., p.440. Return |
| 1187 | Ibid., pp. 76-80. Return |
| 1188 | Enzo Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence (New York: The New Press, 2003), p.43. Return |
| 1189 | Bloxham, The Final Solution, p.297. Return |
| 1190 | David Kynaston, Austerity Britain 1945-51 (London: Bloomsbury, 2008), p.38. Return |
| 1191 | Ibid., p.130. Return |
| 1192 | Peter Hennessy, Never Again: Britain 1945-51 (London: Jonathan Cape, 1992), p.144. Return |
| 1193 | http://tinyurl.com/33bctz6 (Accessed 24 August 2009). Return |
| 1194 | Dan Stone, Breeding Superman: Nietzsche, Race and Eugenics in Edwardian and Interwar Britain (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002), p.133. Return |
| 1195 | Kjersti Ericsson and Eva Simonsen, On the Border: The contested children of the Second World War (Childhood, Vol. 15, No.3, 2008), pp. 407-409. Return |
| 1196 | Ericsson and Simonsen, On the Border, pp. 410-411 . Return |
| 1197 | http://tinyurl.com/37nwefk (Accessed 18 April 2009). Return |
| 1198 | Jonathan Peter Spiro, Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant, (Burlington: University of Vermont Press, 2008), p.122 Return |
| 1199 | Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence, p.60. Return |
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