[Page 64]

The Community of Minsk
Under the Rule of the Last Czars

Translated by Jerrold Landau

The Russian era – a quick survey. The ousting of Jewish tavern keepers and the expulsion of Jews from the towns under the pretext that they cause drunkenness among farmers. The ruin of the Jews of Minsk after the wars of Napoleon. Evil decrees and persecution under the government of Nicholas I ^[*1] – the Cantonists. The significant growth of the Jewish population in the latter half of the 19^th century. The prohibition of Jewish garb. Alexander II and his liberal era. The liberation of the tenant farmers and the practical influence this had on the livelihood of Jews of Minsk and the region. Jewish emigration. The construction of the railway line and its influence on Jewish livelihood. The transition from a feudal economy to a manufacturing economy. Jews of Minsk for the majority of the population of the city. The civic rights of the Jews of Minsk and their restriction during the time of Alexander III. Summary.

The edict of the Pale of Settlement that was issued in 1804 remained in force until close to the period of the revolution. Throughout the era of Czarist rule that lasted for approximately 120 years, powerful changes took place in the state: The freedom of the tenant farmers in 1866, manufacturing, the building of a railway network, attempts to change the style of absolute rule, and other such things, however the Pale of Settlement remained in full force. The region of the Pale of Settlement included twelve districts of Russia and ten in Poland, and the Jewish population therein reached 5,000,000 by the end of the 19^th century. Throughout this large ghetto that was known as the Pale of Settlement, there were also cities that were considered “outside the boundaries beyond the Pale”, in which Jewish settlement was forbidden. In 1858, the Jews were forbidden to settle in a 50 parasang^[*2] strip of land along the western border. Jews were also forbidden to settle permanently in the city of Kiev, even though Kiev was within the Pale of Settlement. The port cities of Nikolaev, Sevastopol and Yalta, where the Czars resided in the summer, were also forbidden to the Jews.

The ups and downs of the relationship of the Czars to the Jews began immediately after the annexation of the regions of Poland-Lithuania to Russia at the end of the 18^th Century. Ekaterina the Great who annexed Minsk to Russia during the period of her rule (1762-1796), was imbued with the spirit of liberalism that pervaded in her native country of Germany. However, after some time, she began to take the feelings of the Pravoslavic clergy and their negative view of Jews into account. Nevertheless, she permitted Jewish merchants to settle in Riga and other areas in the northwest of Russia which were annexed to the Russian empire. In her edict^[4], she promised religious freedom to all of her subjects, especially including the Jews. She stressed that as long as the Jews dedicated themselves to commerce and labor, she would not permit any malevolent attack on them. However as was the custom in Russia, this edict was one thing, and its actualization by the local authorities was quite another thing. The Jews of Byelorussia who were the first to be subject to the whims of the Russian governor suffered greatly from a denial of their rights. The oppression by the local authorities reached to such a level that in 1784, the Jews of Byelorussia issued a petition to Czarina Ekaterina the Empress Catherine in which they stressed that they had lived in the villages and estates of the nobility for many generations, that they had establishes enterprises such as liquor stills and had always worked as lessees, whereas now the ruler of the district of Byelorussia forbade the lease arrangements, so that the Jews were on the verge of impoverishment. The Jews of Byelorussia complained that in opposition to the edict of Ekaterina Catherine, the city councils do not permit Jews to be elected to municipal bodies. The Jews also requested that the authorities stop mixing into the internal matters of the communities, and leave the authorization of courts of justice into their own hands, as had been the case in the past. In the petition, they also mention cases of confiscation of Jewish property and raising of lease fees without prior warning for the lots upon which the Jews built their houses.

The Russian senate dealt with the petition of the Jews of Byelorussia, and on May 7, 1786 issued an edict (“Ukaz") permitting the estate owners to once again lease out the inns, liquor stills, and the like to Jews. The senate also decreed that the Jews were permitted to be elected to judicial positions, to the merchant guilds, and to the city councils. The Jewish courts would only be able to deal with religious matters. The complaint about the confiscation of houses and the raising of lease fees was given over to adjudication by local authorities.

Czar Pavel (1796-1801) continued with the liberal attitude toward the Jews and tried unsuccessfully to cancel the double taxation that was imposed upon the Jews. During the time of his rule, a blood libel took place in the district of Byelorussia, and the senate appointed one of its members, the anti-Semitic poet Derzhavin, to look into the situation. Derzhavin advised the Czar to disqualify the Jews as witnesses, but the Czar ignored his advice. Pavel also prevented the expulsion of the Jews of Kovno, Kamenetz and Kiev.

During the first liberal era of Alexander I (1801-1825) his relationship with the Jews was friendly^[5]. However his good intentions to improve their economic status failed and were not carried out due to the inimical relationship of the local officials. The darkest era in the annals of the Jews of Czarist Russia was during the time of the rule of Czar Nicholas I (1825-1855). Throughout the 30 years of his rule, more than 600 laws and edicts were issued regarding the Jews, whose purpose was to further restrict the steps of the Jews and to absorb them into the general population by changing their religion. Nicholas I regarded the Jews as a fanatical, criminal group who find support for their evil deeds in their religion. His declared policy was to reduce the number of Jews in his kingdom by re-education, so as to take away their character and to prevent their bad economic and moral influence upon the general population. In order to encourage the Christianization of the Jews, he granted special rights to apostates, such as freeing them from taxes for three years, granting them rights of settlements in the interior of Russia, and other such rights. The climax of the edicts of Czar Nicholas I was the requirement of military service for Jews. Until 1827, Jews were exempt from army service in return for the payment of a special tax, as was the case with the merchant class in general. The gloomy era of abductions (the “cantonists”) that caused the destruction of the internal life of the communities is well known. An additional plan to merge the Jews with the Russian nation (i.e. through apostasy) was the educational reform which was directed against Jewish tradition and in particular against the study of Talmud. The decrees against Jewish garb were also a part of that plot, as was the expulsion of Jews from the 50 parasang strip along the western border in 1843 and the annulment of the community structure in 1844.

During the days of Czar Alexander II (1855-1881) the persecution of the Jews eased. He conducted a general reform, which included an easing of the situation for the Jews. However his heir, Alexander III (1881-1894) once again conducted a rule of oppression. He relied to a large degree upon his adviser Pobidonoschev, the Procurator of the Holy Synod, who introduced the following formula for the solution of the Jewish problem in Russia: one third should convert to Christianity, one third should emigrate, and one third should die of hunger.

In 1882, Minister Ignatief introduced the “May Laws” that are known for their notoriety against the Jews. Whereas the intention of Nicholas I was to incorporate the Jews into the general educational network of the state, the May Laws restricted the number of Jews in the gymnasiums and universities. The economic decrees that were included in these “temporal” laws prevented the Jews from working on the railways and ships. They were expelled form villages and from towns that were declared to be villages. They were removed from the civic councils. In 1891 they were expelled from Moscow, as well as from Petersburg, Rostov, Riga, Yalta, etc. The unfortunate refugees crowded into the Pale of Settlement under frightful conditions. According to the May Laws, it was forbidden for a Jew to move from place to place even within the Pale of Settlement. The local officials interpreted this law literally and prevented Jews from even remaining over one night outside of their set places of residences. The May Laws forbade the Jews from obtaining mortgages, leasing lots for the building of houses, opening shops on Sundays and Christian holidays, purchasing shares, etc. The official reason given for these decrees was that after the disturbances of 1881, the government desired to organize the relationship between Christians and Jews in an orderly fashion and to lessen the dependence of the Christians on the economic activities of the Jews.

One of the principal reasons given for the persecution of the Jews in Czarist Russia was the complaint that the Jewish tavern keepers took advantage of their farmers, causing their drunkenness and vulnerable situation. Even before the rule of Czar Pavel at the end of the 18^th century, the investigatory committee headed by Derzhavin advised the removal of Jews from this branch of the economy and the transfer of the Propinacza (tavern leasing) to the land owners. This decree served as a pretext for the supervisors to expel the Jews from the villages^[1] . However, the acts of expulsion were terminated temporarily at the beginning of the rule of Czar Aleksander I, who prevented a different investigative committee from dealing with the Jewish problem in November 1802. The Council of the Community of Minsk decided to send a delegation to Petersburg in order to act for the protection of the rights of the Jews. In order to cover the expenses of this delegation, a special tax was imposed upon the members of the community of Minsk and a three day fast was decreed in order to aid the efforts of the delegates. Three delegates were sent from Minsk, headed by Reb Yisrael Segal. Apparently, the delegates did not succeed in their efforts, and in August 1803, another intercessor was sent from Minsk, Reb Yaakov, who received a sum of 50 rubles from the community to cover his travel expenses and to purchase new clothing. These attempts to nullify the decrees of expulsion from the villages and the removal of the rights of tavern-keeping from the Jews were to no avail. In a statement of the government investigative committee in 1804, it was stated that by 1808, all Jewish residents of villages must leave their dwellings, and that it was forbidden for all Jews to own inns or to do business in liquor. This decree was carried out especially stringently in the district of Minsk and the rest of the districts of Byelorussia. All attempts to cancel it were to no avail. The expulsion from the villages was stopped temporarily only in 1808.

During the years of the Napoleonic Wars, the Jews of Minsk suffered terribly and were accused of spying on behalf of France and its satellites^[2] . We can see the degree of impoverishment of the community of Minsk from the fact that in the year 1816, a convention of important communities of Byelorussia and Lithuania took place in Minsk, where it was decided to send a delegate to Petersburg, but it was impossible to gather the needed funds for the journey. As time went on, two army providers, Zundel Rosenberg of Grodno and Eliezer Dilon of Nyasvizh, took upon themselves the task of intercession on behalf of the Jews of the district. Following them in this role came the wealthy man and head of the community of Minsk Yekutiel Zissel Rappaport^[3].

The darkest period in the annals of the Jews of Russia came with the ascension to the throne of Czar Nicholas I in 1825. The tax burden increased further, and the head tax on the Jews was set at a rate of five rubles per person, whereas the rate for the Christians was only half of that. The Council of the Community of Minsk was obligated to pay the entire amount of the tax on a global basis for all of the Jews of the city. In addition, army service was incumbent upon the Jews whereas they had been free from that until that time. When the term of army service in Russia was raised to 25 years, this decree became particularly difficult, especially because of the quota of Jewish recruits was double that of the Christians^[4].

We have in our hands exact numbers about the economic and social composition of the community of Minsk in the year 1835: the number of completely impoverished families who were unable to pay any tax reached 523. These families lacked a set livelihood. There were 287 families who earned their livelihood from various trades but lacked any property. Only 319 families worked in recognized trades or were merchants. During that time, there were only four Jewish class A merchants in Minsk. Most of the Jews of the city lived in rented houses, and only approximately 300 Jewish families lived in their own houses^[5].

According to this census which was carried out for the purposes of collecting the head tax, the number of Jewish families in 1835 was less than 1,500. As a result of the economic recession, the communal debt for government taxes that were never fully paid grew continuously. During that time, the Jews lived in a small area of the city, particularly on Shkolnaya, Zamkovaya, Avilichkaya and Troyachka-Gora streets.

One of the most wondrous phenomena of annals of Russian Jewry during the 19^th century was the sharp rise in population despite the persecution, decrees and impoverishment. Some people attribute this to the general improvement in medical science and hygiene, and the reduction of the death rate, while others see the prime factor as the large growth in European population in general, and the industrial revolution which succeeded in forging living condition, food supply and services to levels that had never been seen previously. From the list of Jewish taxpayers in Minsk in 1859, less than one generation after the tax census of 1835 that showed that less than 1,500 Jewish families lived in Minsk, we find that there were 4,600 taxpayers in Minsk and another 3,500 who were not able to pay taxes – that is a total of more than 8,000 adult males. We also learn that at that time, there were more than 1,700 houses and lots owned by the Jews of Minsk. We cannot understand this growth unless we surmise that the previous census of 1835 was not exact at all, and that it is possible that the Jews intentionally reported lower numbers in order to avoid paying high taxes. In general, we cannot place great faith in the censuses of Czarist Russia during the 18^th century, for one the one hand, the officials were lazy and backward, and on the other hand, the Jews were easily able to bribe the guards and officials.

As has been stated, the era of the rule of Czar Nicholas I was an era of decrees and persecutions, the most severe of which was the decree of the “cantonists” that was issued on August 26, 1827^[6]. The decree applied to males between the ages of 12 and 25. Since the actual army service only began at age 18, the Jews had to support the youths on their own account from the age of abduction, which was at times even younger than age 12. In order to cover the costs of maintenance, the community of Minsk imposed a special tax on the members of the community. Those exempt from service were the children of the class A merchants, the artisans, the laborers, the few students of the gymnasiums, and the children of the rabbis and farmers. Three months after the issuing of the edict, the community of Minsk presented a list of youths between the ages of 12-25; numbering 4,300 (this included the suburb of Komarovka). The quota of the recruits was one for each 250 youths, that is 17 recruits each year^[7]. In order to provide the quota, the community chose the children of the poor people who did not pay taxes, orphan youths or youths from outside the city without documents who came to Minsk in their wanderings. At first the children attempted to hide, but the communal officials used force in order to give over the chosen quota to the authorities. The case of the two brothers Shmuel and Yaakov Kagedan, who fled to the estate of the poretz Dzichki, is famous. When the kidnappers of the community of Minsk came to the poretz and demanded that he turn over the youths to their hands, the poretz commanded them to beat them and expel them. The community complained about the poretz to the authorities, and they brought him to justice after the children fled.

The edict of the cantonists was the cause of a rule of threats in the community leadership and social destruction within the Jewish community that was already quite split without this, but benefited from a large degree of solidarity at least toward the external authorities, especially during times of trouble and tribulation. The edict of “rekrutshina” imposed division and mistrust between people, and caused a large degree of cruelty toward the poor and orphans, who in accordance with the traditions of earlier generations had always benefited from the protection of the community and the feelings of mercy that were planted in the heart of every Jew. This time the heads of the community, their officials and employees were forced to do the “dirty work” and to forcefully kidnap the unfortunate youths who were lacking any family protection, and to collaborate with the hated police. The discrimination toward the poor people turned into the most destructive force within the Jewish community, and damaged the Israelite unity and soul more than the edict itself. The young Jew who accepted as self-explanatory the command of army service to protect the homeland was astonished at the strength of the reaction of the Jews of Minsk toward the draft of such a small percentage of the youths to the Czarist army for a period of service that would last 25 years. In those days that was a literal tragedy, and the unfortunate youth into whose lot this service fell at times preferred death, for the situation entailed the eating of non-kosher food, the lack of opportunity to fulfill the commandments, education toward bloodshed, and above all, the suspicion of forced apostasy and Christianization. Therefore, heartrending scenes took place in Minsk. A wretched widow broke into synagogue on the Sabbath, interrupted the service with her cries, and begged for mercy before the communal leaders for her son who was drafted for army service. There were cases of sale of humans, when “replacements” were bought by shameful tactics.

The cantonist decree, which was primarily based upon the abduction of the desperately poor who were unable to pay their taxes, was finally annulled in 1855, with the ascension of Czar Alexander II to the throne. However, the kidnapping for filling the military quota continued in the communities until 1874, when general army service was instituted.

The attack by the Czarist Russian authorities against the unique way of life of the Jewish community, which continued almost without break from the time of the annexation of the regions of Poland and Lithuania, and the spirit of the Jews who stood firm in their commitment to their religion, tradition, culture and customs – forms a bright period in the annals of Jewish history filled with suffering, strength of heart, and zealous dedication to the sublime values of national and traditional Judaism. At times, The Czar's henchmen reached the point of absurdity in their efforts to erase the character of the Jewish people living in the Russian Diaspora. In 1844, during the rule of Nicholas I, a new tax was added to the row series of special taxes imposed upon the Jews – the tax on long Jewish garb. The writer Yehuda Leib Levanda tells about a tragic-comical incident that took place that year in Minsk: The governor of the district set a date by which all of the Jews of Minsk had to exchange their long garb for short European clothing. After the date passed, the police went out with scissors in their hands. A commander led them, giving orders for an important operation. The firefighter brigade of the city was also enlisted to assist the police. Jewish stores were closed and Jewish streets were empty of people. The police advanced in procession toward the Jewish “fortress”, the synagogue courtyard, where they found all of the members of the community. The army action about the decree of the “kapotes” (long frocks) lasted from morning until noon, with screaming and beatings. However, this was a temporary victory, for the Jews won the war of the Czars against Jewish tradition which lasted for about 150 years, as is stated by Professor Shalom (Salo) Baron in his book about Russian Jewry^[8].

However, “To the extent that one persecuted them, they multiplied and spread out” ^[9]. During the 1860s, the Jewish settlement in Minsk developed to such a degree that almost all of the merchants in the city were Jews (2,627 Jewish merchants in comparison to 319 Christians). Almost all of the stores were owned by Jews (1,626 Jewish stores in comparison to 94 Christian stores)^[10]. The Jews also formed the vast majority in specific trades, such as tailoring, making of furs, glassblowing, wool dyeing, barbering, etc. The economic development of the Jews of Minsk in the middle of the 19^th century can be traced primarily to the fact that Minsk was situated on the mail line of the Warsaw-Moscow-Riga railway line, which turned it into an important economic center^[11]. During that era, Jewish wholesalers appeared in Minsk who occupied themselves with import and export, and established manufacturing enterprises and large warehouses for marketing their merchandise. The most famous of the Jewish firms was that of the Luria, Lacovichki, Eisenstat, Gurwitz, Belostotzki families, among others.

During the times of the enlightened Czar Alexander II (1855-1881) a significant event took place in Russia which left its mark upon the social structure of Russia in general and on the economic status of the Jewish communities in particular. In 1861, the tenant farmers were freed from their work and permitted to move about from place to place and to possess land of their own. Many streamed into the cities, for they did not have the means to obtain land. Therefore, a civic proletariat was formed almost overnight, while the number of manufacturing enterprises that were able to absorb the masses was still small. The estates of the noblemen shrunk, and one of the bases of the livelihood of the Jewish tenants and officials who were occupied to this time in managing the estates of the poretzes was removed^[12]. During that time, a significant immigration of Ukrainian and Byelorussian farmers to lands abroad took place. Those Jews of Minsk whose livelihood was based upon the provision of goods and services to the farmers suddenly suffered from a dearth of customers. The stream of Jewish emigration to Western Europe and lands overseas grew to the point where it became a torrent during the 1880s and 1890s. Those farmers who remained in the villages after they received loans to purchase land, and support from the government or credit unions were immersed in debt and were not able to purchase anything for their personal use. The second event which had a negative influence upon the livelihood of the Jews of Minsk was the construction of the railway line that took place during the 1860s and 1870s. The livelihood of the Jewish porters and wagon drivers suddenly disappeared. Even the many Jewish inns became superfluous. Indeed, there were small numbers of Jews who invested their money in the building of the railway lines and the establishment of factories, but the masses whose livelihoods were earned from the farmers in some fashion or another lost their source of livelihood. The Jews did not succeed in accommodating to the sudden changes that took place in the agrarian economy, so they quickly became impoverished. Those that did not succeed in moving to new branches of livelihood were forced to emigrate overseas. Thus, the critical evens such as the liberation of the tenant farmers and the construction of the railway line left their negative mark on the Jewish communities of Byelorussia in general, and on Minsk in particular.

Along with this, during the early part of the rule of Alexander II, several critical events took place in Jewish life. The Pale of Settlement, which until this time was bounded by the areas that were conquered from Poland and Lithuania by Russia, was expanded slightly, and certain types of Jewish professionals were permitted to settle in the regions of Nikolaev and Sevastopol. Jewish farmers were permitted to possess land, and the Jewish population of Kiev grew. Jewish class A merchants and their families were permitted to settle in the interior of Russia. Physicians and other free professionals as well as very qualified tradesmen received permission to settle in various Russian cities. Several Jews of Minsk took these opportunities and moved to large cities. In 1865, permission was given to Jewish students to study in many institutions in Russia, and a significant number of youths of Minsk were accepted to higher study. Jews with “useful” trades, such as class A merchants, tradesmen, craftsmen and farmers were even permitted to participate in elections to the district and civic councils. After the murder of Alexander II, as is known, a wave of pogroms passed through the Jewish communities of Russia. However Jewish Minsk was barely affected because of he numerical strength of the Jews of the city, and because the Jews organized a strong defense.

In the second half of the 19^th century, the Jewish population of Minsk grew to over 50,000 people at the end of the century, forming slightly more than 50% of the general population of the city. During the 1905 revolution, Jewish Minsk suffered from difficulties, and the number of Jews noticeably declined, especially due to the emigration to Western Europe and America. At the eve of the outbreak of the First World War, Minsk had only 45,000 Jews, whereas the number of Christians reached 60,000.

At the end of the 19^th and the beginning of the 20^th century, recognizable changes began in the economic structure of Minsk Jewry^[13]. The manufacturing enterprises grew and multiplied, especially for the manufacture of wood products, textiles, food, tobacco, clothing, and shoes. The first modern census in Czarist Russia that took place in 1897 showed that there were 17,000 Jewish livelihood earners in Minsk, including approximately 5,000 women. Jews made up more than 70% of the workers, and 88% of the workers in commerce and credit institutions. We find that 2/3 of the Jewish population in Minsk earned their livelihood from productive trades, whereas the rest were merchants, teachers of young children, and workers at various services. A small but important class of Jewish professional intelligentsia also developed, consisting of 250 people – including doctors, dentists, pharmacists, engineers, writers, and teachers. In summary, the Jewish economy which was based on the feudal and village setup until the 1860s, suffered from strong upheavals after the liberations of the tenant farmers, but the vast majority of the Jewish population of Minsk became accustomed to the new conditions and moved to a new type of manufacturing, trades, and the free professions.

Many changes also took place in the civic rights of the Jews during the second half of the 19^th century. During the first liberal era of Alexander II, the Jews of Minsk were given the rights to participate in the leadership of civic matters and to be represented in the civic courts, even though it was forbidden for Jews to serve as judges. When the reaction came, especially with the ascension of Czar Alexander III to the throne, these rights were again restricted, and it was forbidden for Jews to participate in elections for the city council. Nevertheless, Jews were appointed to the city council of Minsk, even though they did not have any official authority. The following were their names: A. Wengrof, T. Rappoport, Ch. Luria, Z. Yolles, M. Braude, M. Luncz, and B. Fein. In addition, there were several Jews on the advisory body of the city council, and there were four sworn judges in the civic court.

Thus was the image of Jewish Minsk at the eve of the outbreak of the First World War. It was the capital of Byelorussia, and an important Jewish city after 120 years of Russian rule. The pattern of Jewish tradition was still strong, even though here and there breaches opened due to the pressure of assimilation to the inviting Russian culture from one side, and due to the influence of the various Socialist groups which made great inroads among the Jewish youth in Minsk on the other zixs axis. The Haskala movement which was at first an intermixture of Jewish tradition with modern ideas that penetrated from Western Europe quickly found its place in the various factions of the Zionist movement that developed in Minsk in giant steps, especially after the establishing of the all-Russian Zionist council in Minsk in 1902 with the participation of Ahad Ha'am, Sokolov, and Usishkin. The Hassidic movement in Minsk never reached the level of influence that it did in Galicia and Poland, even though the Chabad movement was noticeable within the community. The rabbis of Minsk, the most famous of whom were Rabbi Yerucham Perlman who was known as “The Great One of Minsk”, and the rabbis of the Maskil-Le'eitan dynasty, as well as the preachers and orators of the city became famous within the Pale of Settlement. The 40 synagogues and houses of worship in the city continued to serve the traditional Jewish strongholds.

{Photo page 73: A view of the city and the Svisloch River from the side of the Troyachki Hill.}

Text Footnotes:

1. Two Russian scholars, Gimpelson and Mish, collected these laws in a 100 page book: Instruction about Russian Jewish Law. Return


2. Compare: Professor Shalom Baron, the Jews Under Czarist and Soviet Rule, New York, 1964 (English). Return


3. From the introduction to the book: The Legal Sufferings of the Jews in Russia, A. V. Dicay, London, 1912. Return


4. Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol X, p. 520-522. Return


5. Compare: Israel Friedlander, Jews of Russia and Poland, New York, 1915 (English). Return

1. Simon Dubnow – History of the Jews of Russian and Poland (English), Philadelphia, 1916, Volume I, pages 321-334. Return


2. Saul Ginzburg – Historical Work, Volume I, New York, 1938, page 190. Return


3. Zeitschrift, Volume I, Minsk, 1926. Pages 239-246.
   Compare: Jewish Encyclopedia X, Pages 520-522. Return
4. YIVO, Archives of Vilna, Minsk documents, files A and B. Return


5. Saul Ginzburg: The Rise of the Jewish Draft. Zeitschrift, volumes 2-3, pages 99-106. Return


6. The general quota that was imposed on the Jews of Russia was higher than that imposed upon the Christians: Ten Jewish recruits for each 1,000 residents, in contrast to seven for the Christians (Mark Aldanov in his book “Russian Jewry”, published by T. Yoselov, New York, 1966. English. Return


7. Salo. W. Baron, The Russian Jew under the Tsars and Soviets (Introduction), New York, 1965. Return


8. Exodus, I, 12. Return


9. Compare Rafael Mahler: Jews in Former Poland in the Light of Numbers, 1958. (Index). Return


10. Zeitschrift, Volume IV, page 71, as well as in volume I of the research of Sh. Rombach – Jewish Tradesmen in Russia during the First Half of the 19^th Century. Return


11. Compare: Bernard Dov Weinrib, “Jews of Eastern Europe”. In the book “The Jews” edited by Professor Finkelstein, New York, 1964. Return


12. Compare P. Aleksandrov – the Jewish Population of Minsk According to the Census of 1897 – Zeitschrift IV, Minsk 1932. Return


13. Compare the article of Minsk in the large Polish Geographic Dictionary of 1882. Return

Translator's Footnotes:

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