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Translated by Myra Yael Ecker
Edited by Karen Leon
[Pages 639-640]
Chapter 9. Despite everything - First deportation from Lwów
Despite all their sufferings, the Jews in Lwów did not lose heart. They had confidence, and they adopted an optimistic philosophy that looked forward to a better future despite everything. They formed their views on the assumptions that the Germans had already engaged most of the Jews in hard physical work, and that Lwów's trade and industry, which depended on Jewish labour and professionals, was vital for the army at the front. Consequently, they believed, the Germans would not want to unsettle these important economic foundations and eliminate the Jews. Although they understood that in future they would still face a great deal of personal violation and wild persecutions, they hoped that eventually Germany would be defeated, which would end their sufferings.
These calculations, based on normal human rationale, did not match the policies of the centralised German authorities. From records and documents in our possession today, we now know that the Jews under the Nazi regime were unaware that the policy to annihilate the entire European Jewry had been decided in Berlin by the end of 1941. At the end of 1941 and at the beginning of 1942, the Germans launched the great extermination (liquidierung) Aktionen in the parts of Poland annexed to Germany (the provinces of Poznań, Śląsk [Silesia], Łódż). On 20th January 1942, a big committee of significant Nazis in the German government and of the Berlin Nazi party convened, and confirmed the programme to annihilate Europe's Jewry. In March 1942, Mielec [Mieletz] was the first town in western Galicia to experience the great deportation [disgorging a town of all its Jews]. It was followed by similar deportations from other towns of Poland, Brzesko, Rzeszów [Resche], Nowy Sącz [Neu-Sandez], Kielce [Kjelzy], Zamość. The great Aktion at Lublin took place from 17th March till 20th April, etc. In March, 1942, it was Lwów's turn.
The Nazis deployed the same strategies of subterfuge they had used everywhere else, and on every occasion, throughout their rule. They informed the Jewish Council that they wanted to move some of the Jews to other locations as the overcrowding in the town adversely affected supplies and health. Indeed, to spare the Council the unbearably heavy burden of social assistance, they proposed to remove the antisocial elements, in particular, such as prostitutes, beggars, and criminals listed by the secret police, and all those subsisting on social assistance. To further increase the illusion that it was not a question of an evacuation (Aussiedlung), but rather a move from one residence to another, they issued a very detailed decree listing the items that every emigrant was permitted to take with them. 200 Gulden in cash, provision for the trip, clothes, pillows and blankets up to 25 kg. The Germans also wanted to induce the Jewish Council to execute the execution of the evictions. They demanded that organised groups of community officials and the Jewish police use pre-prepared lists to expel people from their homes
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Gravestones of Lwów's cemetery |
and bring them to the assembly-point. To impart an impression that the evacuation would be conducted honestly and judiciously, they appointed a scrutinising-committee at the main assembling-point (the school on Zamarstynowska Street, named after Sobieski), in the presence of representatives from the secret police (head of the Schupo [Schutzpolizei; normal police] Dr. Ulrich), Work dept. (head of dept., Weber), representatives from the town's economic department, representatives from the SS and the Gestapo, and lastly also administrators of the Jewish Council (intermittently representing the committee were: Dr. Jaffe, Hader, Seidenfrau, Natan Buchsbaum, Szmuel Pacanowski and others). The Jewish administrators on the committee were in a difficult situation. The decisions were purely in the hands of representatives from the German departments, who treated with contempt the Jewish administrators who tried to save at least a few individuals with contempt.
Even before the deportation Aktion,
[Pages 641-642]
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[Pages 643-644]
the Jews held different opinions about the question of participating in this act. It seems that several unions and parties were against the community's participation, and they informed the Jewish Council of their opposing stance. We do not have actual knowledge about the debates and meetings that took place, apart from one intervention which was probably one of many. Rabbi Dawid Kahane (who after Poland's liberation became Chief Rabbi of the Polish army), recounts that before the deportation, a delegation made up of the rabbis Israel Leib Wolfberg, Mojzesz-Elchanan Alter, Dr. Kalman Chamiedes and Dr. Dawid Kahane, went to Dr. Landesberg, the leader of the Jewish Council, to warn him not to agree to involve the Jewish officials in the deportation project. Dr. Kahane related that they did not receive a clear answer from Dr. Landesberg. He only complained that the Jewish Council was not free to choose, as its acts and functions were wholly dependent on the German authorities. It appears that the community leaders hoped to moderate the evil predicament by involving the officials and the police, to save as many as they could from deportation. A few days later they realised, however, that the Germans wanted the Jews to undertake the entire operation, and that they did not select only the antisocial elements, but also took anyone unemployed, old, children, sick and disabled, and those whose occupations were unproductive, such as pimps, touts, etc. On occasion even work-permits were of no use. In the words of one of the high ranking German officials to his Jewish acquaintance: A decent hiding-place is the best certificate.
Jewish officials who were tasked with the deportation project were not anxious to carry out the job. Jewish scouting groups found only a few individuals to start with, so after three days the Germans gave up on Jewish assistance and took over the entire operation. The Aktion took about three weeks. At times the German strategy was one of a Blockade of certain neighbourhoods, which they then thoroughly searched. At daybreak of 4th Nissan (1st April 1942), the Aktion came to an end. On the eve of Passover, the last victims were removed.
The destruction of Lwów's Jewry was considerable. Over 15,000 souls were transferred to an unknown destination. Rumours first hinted that the Jews were settled in provincial towns. Only some months later, following the earliest information they received, was it clear that they had been sent to the Bełżec extermination camp, close to Rawa-Ruska, where they were murdered by electric current or in gas-chambers. Jewish Lwów sank into mourning and a deathly silence. There was hardly a Jewish family that did not weep over its devoured sons. Even children stopped their laughter and games, and at the sight of an Ukrainian or German policeman, they fled in fear of their lives.
The people began to explore new schemes to save themselves from the danger of extermination that hovered over them.
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Notes:
All notes in square brackets [ ] were made by the translator.
Notes framed in the brackets { } contain comments provided by the author.
The spelling of most individuals' names were taken from a local directory of Lwów from 1935/6.
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