[Page 129]

In January 1921 I was delegated to travel to Lutsk by the Washington division of the Lutsker Landsmanschaft [organization of people from the same city or town] for Relief Work in Lutsk and its surroundings. As a result, after an absence of 14 years, I was given [the opportunity] to visit my birth city where my parents, Yankl Grober and Chana Slawa, lived, along with my brother Shmuel Papir and his wife and children, my sister and her family and many uncles and aunts and their many branched families. I lived in deep longing for the beautiful landscape of Lutsk and its surroundings where I had spent many happy satisfied years, despite everything during the time of my 14-year separation from my old and dear home. Baked deeply in my heart were the Lutsk rivers and forests where, in summer, I swam and spent much time on various excursions in the area; and in winter – I skated on the ice, for which I was given slaps and warning by my father, of blessed memory, that I should not do what Hasidic boys were not permitted to do.

On the way to Lutsk, I spent several weeks in Warsaw where I arranged the appropriate formalities that were connected with transferring money that American relatives had sent to their families in Lutsk. This matter was connected with the issue of money and the transfer of dollars into marks – in agreement with the existing financial laws in Poland. A great deal of money designated for the Lutsker victims to cover the transportation expenses for immigrating to America remained in the possession of the Joint [Distribution Committee]. The rest of the money in Polish currency was transferred to the remaining victims in Lutsk. All together, this made a round sum of around a hundred thousand dollars. Around 40,000 dollars were exchanged to Polish currency at 610 marks to the dollar. This money was packed into a large crate, which took up the entire area of the Joint auto. I had to sit on the crate and this drew attention to me from the Jews in the Warsaw streets on which we had to drive on the way to Lutsk. The Nalewker Jews particularly marveled at this picture of an American Jew sitting in an auto and his head reaching heaven. At the last minute I understood the comedy of the situation, exited the auto and traveled to Lutsk by train. Later, it appeared that I should goyml bentshn [a prayer of thanks said after completing a dangerous journey], because outside of Koval, the auto was shot at by bandits, who suspected that there surely had to be a large sum of money in the crate. If I had traveled with the auto, my head surely would have been a good target for the bandits' bullets.

I arrived in Lutsk around 12 o'clock at night. The night was very dark. At the train station I was taken by an izwoszczik [coachman] – a convert [to Christianity] who I knew from my childhood years. He also recognized me. We drove into the city and began looking for the house of my parents. However, the darkness was so great that this was not so easy for us. We drove around the same place many times and were completely unable to find the right place. With luck, my parents heard our voices and they ran out to welcome me. Understandably, the joy of our meeting was very great after such a long time of having not seen each other.

I spent many months in Lutsk, during which I had the opportunity to see the terrible post-war need of the majority of the Jewish population in Lutsk. It demanded an

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extraordinary strength of endurance and much human understanding for the suffering of the Jews in Lutsk.

On the second day, the vehicle with the chest of money also arrived. Because of the need for security, I did not bring the chest into my parents' home because this would have put them in danger of being attacked by bandits and looters, but I took it to the building of the kehile [organized Jewish community] where there was an iron safe. Two nightguards were placed there who watched the money to which the hundreds of Jewish families in Lutsk had turned with hope.

In the course of my three-week stay in Warsaw, the concerned families were informed about the money transfers that I had brought with me. On the first day of my arrival in Lutsk, my parents' house was besieged by hundreds of Jews. There also was great jostling at the kehile building. The payments of money took place under the rigorous supervision of the distinguished Jewish men of the city. Because of the great jostling around the table where the payouts at the kehile took place, the kehile-shamas [community caretaker] began to drive them out of the premises. However, I immediately intervened, calmed the crowd a little and asked them to behave in a way that the payouts could take place in an appropriate atmosphere. The payouts lasted several weeks. But, alas, many remained unsatisfied. As the American saying: “Try to satisfy everyone and you will surely satisfy no one.” Thus it was in this case. Each one of the institutions present in Lutsk claimed leadership and precedence. However, the monies were distributed with impartiality and this was the way the distribution had to take place. Everyone had to be satisfied.

The reason for the dissatisfaction lay in the instability of the Polish currency. Several Jews actually wanted us to distribute dollars, not believing that the Joint, according to the existing law, had exchanged the dollars for marks. Even now, several tens of years after my mission, I want to make use of the opportunity to again assert that I carried out my work perfectly. My conscience has remained clear to this day.

After finishing the payment came the second part of my mission: completing all formalities that were connected with the immigration to America of the Jews from Lutsk and the surrounding areas. All of the Jewish immigrants had to assemble from various small cities and shtetlekh [towns], with their families, of which many children had ringworm on their small heads and they had to be cured. They were sent to the hospital in Warsaw. Much effort and energy was used in preparing the trips and passport formalities in the Polish offices. No less effort was placed with the American consul, who after my profuse sweating in various Polish offices, began a new investigation. He suspected that the money [I brought] for emigration was from a somewhat unclean source and it was connected with a certain intrigue. With great effort, I worked to persuade him that I had been involved in a communal mission and with humanitarian help.

After spending seven months in Lutsk, I succeeded in gathering 50 children from various parents. I rented a special train car for them and transferred them to Warsaw. Their parents traveled on separate trains. Obtaining the visas and passports took a great deal of time and took place accompanied by many bizarre situations. The instructions of the American relatives were such that the monies were designated only for emigration. In a case when someone [decided not to go], the money had to be sent back. Older girls, whose relatives wanted to bring to America, saw it as a suitable opportunity to get married. Matches and weddings actually quickly took place to which I was invited more than once. This caused me great embarrassment.

* * *

A particularly interesting chapter of communal and cultural work took place then. In addition to private money, I had 9,000 dollars that I had to distribute among various institutions.

There then existed in Lutsk various institutions of a diverse character. There were Zionist, Hebraist and Yiddishist institutions that had their specific needs and problems. It really demanded great tact in order to find the correct balance in the appropriate distribution of the 9,000 dollars that were at my disposal. I held many conferences and consultations with the representatives of the interested institutions to analyze the labyrinth of their tasks and their practical needs. Each of the Lutsk institutions claimed authority and merit. However, the money was sent completely impartially and that is how the distribution had to take place. Everyone had to be satisfied.

This was just then erev [the eve of] Passover. The great need because of the war threatened that hundreds of Jewish families would remain without matzos and other requirements for Passover. They demanded that I distribute a certain sum for this purpose. At that time, there were a considerable number of newly rich war-wealthy men who did not excel in the good traits of the pre-war wealthy men. They kept their purses closed under lock and key

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and did not feel any responsibility to their fellow Jewish citizens who found themselves in need. Therefore, I demanded that these rich men should first tax themselves for this purpose and then I would contribute the same sum that they would collect. And thus the Jews were provided with the necessities for Passover.

The Jews who came to the Lutsk Jewish kehile for matzo for Passover made a frightful impression on me. I once knew them as good looking, rich and middleclass people. They were ruined by the war operations and had to stick out their hands for help. These scenes were etched so deep in my memory that I cannot forget them even today.

The city synagogue in Lutsk was found in very sad condition. Because of the war operations in that area, it was severely damaged. The back fence was completely ruined and open, because it actually served for an unclean purpose… I appropriated a certain sum – and the fence was erected, and other necessary repairs around the synagogue, were completed.

The two above-mentioned communal actions took a thousand dollars from me. The remaining 8,000 dollars were divided among the various institutions in Lutsk. Today, I cannot remember exactly how much each institution received. The Kultur-Lige [Culture League] was taken care of with two beautiful houses for its schools. A considerable sum also was distributed for the gymnazie [secular secondary school] and for the Tarbut [Zionist Hebrew language] schools. The pictures of these institutions were given to the museum in Bat Yam during my visit to Israel. I photographed all the Jewish institutions in Lutsk before departing from Lutsk. These pictures, which are found in the museum at Bat Yam, are a memorial of a once ebullient and lively Jewish community in Lutsk, where there is now only the mass grave of our dearest and nearest, annihilated by the Hitlerist beasts.

1959

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In 5684 [1923/24], a group organized in Lutsk to buy land for settlement in Eretz Israel. The group numbered thirty-seven members, a sum of one thousand and two hundred pound sterling was collected, a committee was elected and I was appointed secretary. Two of the group members (Benger and Einbinder) traveled to Eretz Israel to purchase the land. They merged with other groups from Bialystok and Grodno and together bought the village of Menashih, a settlement between Haifa and Acre - an area of thirteen thousand dunams at a price of three pounds per dunam^[1]. They paid nine thousand pounds on account, and the balance had to be paid at the time of receiving the title deed.

However, it turned out that the groups of buyers could not meet their obligations. At that period of time the Polish government, with Grabski^[2] at its leader, imposed a heavy burden on the Jews, oppressed them financially and extorted heavy taxes from them. On the other hand, many administrative difficulties piled up in the execution of the sale. The land owners could not transfer the land to the buyers because it previously belonged to the Turkish government. After the [First] World War the British government took possession of the land and sold it at auction to the French Consulate. Because of all the complications, it was impossible to get the title deed and all the money that was paid as deposit was lost. Indeed, the matter was handed over to the lawyer, Eliash, but he was unable to get the money back. He received five hundred pounds as a fee, and nothing came of it.

This is how the attempt of Lutsk Jews to acquire land in Eretz Israel ended…

Translator's footnotes:

1. A unit of land area, used especially in the State of Israel, equal to 1000 square meters or about ¼ acre Return
2. Władysław Dominik Grabski was a Polish National Democratic politician, economist and historian, and served as Prime Minister of Poland in 1920 and from 1923 to 1925. Return

According to certain historical sources, the Jewish kehile [organized Jewish community] in Lutsk arose in the 13^th century. However, given that the rights of the Jews in that era were strongly limited, there was no talk of any communal life. The Jews were forced to live in a nearby village that is still today called Zhydychyn [zhyd is Jew in Ukrainian]. In later years, the situation improved and the Jewish population organized into a legally recognized body – the kehile. Outwardly and inwardly the kehile was the representative of organized Jewish life. The large synagogue that was built in the 16th century, during the reign of Zygmunt the Third, is one of the historical signs of this development.

After Poland lost its independence and the Russian tsars ruled in Lutsk, the Jews were robbed of all rights. God forbid that there would be something to carry the name “Jewish kehile.” The interests of the Jewish population at this time were represented by “intercessors” who had connections to the “upper crust” and helped out during an emergency. There also were those who made use of their access to those then in power for personal use and dominated the Jewish population. The taxes and other sources of income were in their hands, which they would hold in lease jointly with the local Russian “functionaries.” The so-called korobka [community tax on kosher meat] that was designated to cover the needs of the Jewish kehile, profited from the income of the bale-takse [the person responsible for the government tax on kosher meat]. The money also succeeded in creating something of lasting value, as for example, the Jewish kehile building neighboring the old cemetery. This building had previously been designated as a trade school for Jewish children.

It was in 1912. No real Jewish representation existed then. There were

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a select few Jews, dedicated communal workers, who undertook this building task. One of them was Reb Avraham Gliklich. He approached bringing about this plan with stubbornness, having the double task of building the trade school for Jewish children and [making use of] the korobka money, although a portion [was] for the cemetery.

This did not happen easily. It led to a struggle internally and also externally. The tsarist regime was afraid of every step that could bring the country closer to the European west and, therefore, it was not in a hurry to issue razresheniye [permission]. This also was resisted internally, that the money should go to building a modern worldly school and, mainly, they were against the building on the area of the old cemetery. When they came across human bones during the digging of the foundation, there was a terrible outcry; they issued a decree ordering a community fast and tore their garments [in mourning]. However, the activists were not frightened and the work continued – and there arose the well-known kehile building, a beautiful monument of the terrible times.

However, the First World War broke out and everything was destroyed. The school had not even graduated its first artisans. In general, all of community life ceased.

After the crumbling of Tzarist Russia, Lutsk provisionally became a component of the Ukrainian independent land. On the basis of a law from the “Central Council of the Ukrainian Government,” the first democratic fivefold elections took place for the Jewish kehile in Lutsk. This was an election “with all of the flourishes.” The Jewish population was influenced by the democratic mood and went to vote en masse. Among others, the following episode confirms this:

There was a list of artisans among the large number of lists that were presented. So many votes went to this list that there were not enough candidates.

However, the democratically elected kehile did not appear to do anything. The organization of the voting was incomplete and the kehile managing committee did not know what its authority was. Therefore, the managing committee saw, first of all, a necessity to develop regulations and a program. But they were so occupied by the program that…a new upheaval arrived and the rights of the kehilus [organized Jewish communities] were limited. Nevertheless, the first managing committee emerged. Dr. Pemow was elected as chairman of the council and Dr. Avraham Lender as chairman of the managing committee. The meetings were carried out really democratically and in the Yiddish language.

Yiddish came into style and whoever could not speak the language well made Russian expressions more Yiddish sounding. It was said that once when only a few people came to a kehile meeting, the chairman turned to those assembled [and declared] with such a “Yiddish”: Gospoda tak the bolshenstvo [Gentleman, as the majority] of the city council otsutstvuyet [is absent], I am announcing the zasiedanye [sitting] is zakrite [shut].*

*[Translator's note: the “Yiddish” sentence was spoken using Russian, Ukrainian and Yiddish words. The Yiddish words have been translated into English and the Russian and Ukrainian words recorded with their translations in brackets.]

During the term of office of the same managing committee, the following curiosity took place: once, when the city was without a father, a certain colonel who had declared himself as Komendant Goroda [city commandant] appeared. This person, a strong money-grasping soul, informed the half-official kehile that he demanded a large sum of money and for it he would arm a certain number of Jews to keep order and protect the Jewish city.

Alas, we had to give money when the commandant demanded it, but the “gift” evoked a deep discussion: do or do not meet the demand. The end was that those saying yes won. The commandant kept his word and sent the kehile 60 rifles with which the group adorned itself and dared even to go out on the balcony.

At the same time, several Cossacks “fortuitously” rode through and, noticing the “armed ones,” went up to the kehile and not asking anything, they began to beat the “armed ones” with rifle butts. They took away the rifles. It was later said that the same commander had sent the Cossacks.

In 1919, when the Polish regime entered Lutsk, it did not recognize the kehile managing committee. On the other hand, the American aid organizations did recognize this body and through it distributed help and fulfilled other missions.

After the death of A. Lender (1921), his place was taken by Kheykl Wajc. Thanks to the fact that at that time Kh. Wajc knew the Polish language well, he was a mediator for the kehile and he appeared as the official representative of the Jewish population with regard to the Polish regime which, as mentioned, did not recognize the kehile as official.

At the beginning of 1927, the kehile received a letter from the Lutsk staroste [village elder] that the kehile committee was being dissolved. The representatives of the Polish regime designated

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a new provisional managing committee with the Rabbi, Reb Moshe Gliklich at the head. Simultaneously, the village elder decreed that its kehile election had to take place in June 1928. Boris Raszba was designated as chairman of the election committee.

The result of the voting (August 1928) was that elected to the council of the kehile were Kalman Friszberg – chairman of the council, Yosef Czitin, Y. Barzach, Moshe Bliak, F. Breyer, M. Libuber, Dovid Lender, Sh. Silkis, Sh. Poliszuk, M. Koziol, A. Klimburd, A. Y. Szapira, Sh. Sznajder and M. Waksman.

Boris Raszba

Both bodies, at first, set as their task to work jointly and reform Jewish communal life on a modern basis. They had many tasks for themselves. However, they faced no end of difficulties of a routine nature and the local relations disturbed the work.^[a]

The work of the new managing committee not only had light, but also shadows. During the term of office of Kh. Wajc, the kehile building was occupied by the Zionist organizations along with their branches. A large number of rooms were occupied by Beis Lekhem [organization providing bread for the needy], the artisans, the orphans home and kindergarten, as well as a Tarbut [secular Hebrew language] school. The new kehile managing committee began creating order and began to empty the premises. One beautiful morning, the Zionist library and the Palestine office were evicted. This caused a stir for a time in the relationships among the managing committee members.

A separate chapter involved the Polish regime, which decided to confiscate the building from the kehile because there was no evidence of a mortgage. However, this was not successful.

The kehile managing committee was very worried because of the financial situation. The law did not give the kehile the opportunity to earn income and, therefore, the kehile could not develop any widespread activity. Having the regime's assurance that the matter would soon be settled, the kehile took out loans until a solution was found – the community tax. A budget was then adopted in the amount of 231,000 zlotes based on an income from the community tax of 100,000 zlotes. At that time, it was decided, among other things, that the kehile would take over the ritual slaughter of cattle and of poultry. Much higher prices were designated for the slaughtering: 30 groshn for poultry; 60 groshn for a goose and one zlote for a turkey.

In 1929, they took the metrical duties from Rabbi Gliklich, which had been in his hands since the tzarist times.

During the same era, a struggle took place over the election of a kehile rabbi. Among others, Moshe Gliklich was a candidate for this post. There also were candidates from other cities and the application of the Rabbi Zalman Koroczkin, who had sat on the Lutsk rabbinical seat until the outbreak of the war, was accepted.

It is worth remembering what happened

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at that time: a certain German, a houseowner, left 1,500 zlotes in his will for poor Jewish children. The kehile managing committee dedicated several meetings to the question of memorializing the name of the German donor.

The kehile managing committee was the representative of the Jewish population. When the poet and Zionist leader, Leib Yaffe, visited Lutsk at the beginning of 1929, the kehile managing committee and the council participated in the magnificent welcome that was arranged in his honor by the population. Yaffe came to a special meeting of the management committee and Kalman Friszberg greeted him. At the same time, a welcome was arranged for Rabbi Z[alman] Sorotzkin on his arrival.

The same winter, the kehile managing committee carried out a wood and matzah campaign for the poor and hidden holy men. In the summer of 1929, Av 5689 [July-August], when the Jewish public all over the world was agitated because of the events in Eretz Yisroel [Land of Israel], the Lutsk kehile provided its strong opinion. At a meeting of the council and the managing committee dedicated to the memory of the martyrs of the events mentioned, the strong protest of the Lutsk kehile was heard and the resolution that was proposed by K. Friszberg was adopted unanimously.

Here is the text of the resolution:

“The council and managing committee of the Lutsk Jewish kehile, which took place on the 27^th of August 1929, expressed their deep sadness and outrage at the recent events in Eretz Yisroel where the Jewish blood of our brothers and children was spilled. The Lutsk Jewish kehile calls on the Warsaw kehile as the representative of the largest Jewish community in Poland to urge the Polish government to take steps at the League of Nations for the Palestine Mandate to be abided by appropriately. We bow our heads for our brothers who bravely defended Jewish honor in the historic Mandate.”

It was decided to form a committee to help the victims of the events. Later, when a meeting of all of the kehilus took place in Warsaw to protest against the English government, against permitting the pogrom in Eretz Yisroel, against closing the gates of the country to Jewish emigrants, the Lutsk kehile delegated its representative – Cukernik.

The kehile managing committee also had to endure a fight with city hall, which took a piece of land from the cemetery at Boleslewa Crobrego [Crown of Boleslaw] Street in order to build a protective wall against flooding. The city hall took 1,400 square meters [about 15,069 square feet]. This deed created bad blood in the relations between the kehile and city hall. After long negotiations, city hall promised to give the kehile the same area from the dried fields. However, the promise was never kept.

As has been said, the kehile managing committee was particularly involved with solving financial problems. In 1932, the kehile was finally able to put together a real budget. The managing committee estimated the community tax in the amount of 100,000 zlotes, while the debts reached more than 208,000 zlotes. The council came out against such a high community tax, pointing to the difficult economic situation of the Jewish population, which was so burdened by high taxes. The council's stand created resentment among a number of the members of the managing committee, which rejected the council's politics in connection with the impending new elections. The struggle sharpened and created discord among very close friends. The council won. The budget was reduced to 168,000 zlotes and the income from the community tax was lowered to 50,000 zlotes. A similar struggle was repeated in 1933, but then the council and the managing committee were dissolved.

On the 4^th of April 1933, elections took place for the second term of office of the council and managing committee. However, these elections were not crowned with any success. There was a lot of dissatisfaction with the outcome of the voting and there were protests from all sides to the supervisory regimes. Meanwhile, the council did its work: gathered and, according to Jewish law, chose a managing committee and the latter gathered and began to organize itself. However, there were great differences of opinion and, as a compromise, the Rabbi Z. Sorotzkin was chosen as chairman and Layzer Berger as his representative. The supervisory regime did not certify the election for the usual reasons and ordered new elections for chairman and vice [chairman]. Layzer Berger was then elected as chairman and Moshe Grafman as representative.

However, the managing committee still did not manage to do anything, so that one morning, the news arrived from the provisional regime, dated the 2^nd of March 1934 that the kehile elections had not taken place in an orderly manner and they had been invalidated. The regime simultaneously designated a provisional kehile managing committee with the following composition: Kalman Friszberg as chairman; Eliezer Berger as vice chairman and members: A.Y. Szapiro; V. Sznajder; M. Vaksman; Sh. Elbirt; A. Chicz; B. Lupin and M. Mandelbaum. The managing committee did not satisfy everyone. The elected managing committee submitted an appeal to the Interior Ministry and those who

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had earlier requested the invalidation of the voting also remained unsatisfied with the composition of the nominees. Especially dissatisfied were the Zionist organization and the Hitachdut [Zionist labor party], which had enjoined its members not to accept a mandate through the nominations.

However, on the 22^nd of March 1934, the nominated managing committee went to work. First of all, they tried to solve the financial problems. It was not an easy task. The normal expenses could not be reduced and the obligations did not permit them to breathe freely. The officials were not paid for months. In as much as the salaries were not small, the debt reached in the thousands. In addition, they were responsible for the sick fund and the tax office. Together, the debt reached the colossal sum of 20,000 zlotes. In addition, this was before Passover and they had to do something. First, they proceeded to rework the budget for the year 1934. This was done very carefully. They had to consider the general Jewish situation and everything for which the Jewish taxpayers were responsible.

First of all, they carried out a reduction in the salaries. Then they eliminated other positions that were less sensitive. The budget amounted to 120,000 zlotes, with an expected income from the community tax of only 40,000 zlotes. Efforts were made that year to stick to the budget and not increasing the deficit. In the winter of 1934, the kehile managing committee turned to the population to take part in the wood campaign with the promise that the money would be considered [as part of] the community tax.

In the beginning of 1935, the village elder carried out an examination of the kehile activities and found that everything was in the best of order. At that time, the position of the kehile began to stabilize. That the kehile had taken over the slaughter of poultry gave an impetus for purchases. Income from the community tax was seen as satisfactory at the beginning of 1935. It was later shown that 1935 was a difficult year. The kehile had assumed the budgets of a certain number of schools and had to pay 5,000 zlotes to cover the deficit of 11 schools. The budget for 1936 was decreased even more and came to 108,750 zlotes with 47,000 zlotes income from the community tax. For the first time, the kehile budget designated a sum of 500 zlotes to support emigrants. The sum was distributed among halutzim [pioneers] who emigrated to Eretz Yisroel [the Land of Israel]. In the same year, the kehile provided large sums for renovating the large synagogue. The renovations were done according to the requests and instructions of the provincial regime that also gave a large sum of money for this purpose.

The managing committee was not destined for any quiet work. At the end of 1936, the bill to ban ritual slaughtering had a strong influence on the work of the kehile. True, it was not a local question, but Lutsk had more to do with the question than others. Firstly, the provincial regime was located there and the surrounding kehilus turned to Lutsk for intervention with the regime against the local Polish officials who, in the isolated corners, usurped the mitzvah [ended ritual slaughter]. Secondly, the Lutsk Rabbi Z. Sorotzkin was very active in the fight against the edict and he would often travel to Warsaw.

At the beginning of 1937, the kehile began to erect two new slaughter houses for poultry. During the same year, the regime exerted pressure and the kehile had to pay tax debts. They were forced to create a supplementary budget of 12,000 zlotes.

The same year, the kehile managing committee carried out elections to a new council and managing committee. The decree to carry out elections was given out in the month of July. However, the kehile managing committee indicated that during the summer a large number of those entitled to vote were outside the city. The village elder accepted this statement and the election was postponed until after the Days of Awe [Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur].

At the beginning of the election campaign, several community activists began to try to create a bloc of all of the Jewish civic groups, except for the Bund. Meanwhile, four different voting lists were entered in the election. At the last moment, however, a united list [was created] with leaders from both blocs at the head: Kalman Friszberg and Dovid. It was designated which members were to enter the newly elected kehile organs. The list did succeed; the Bundist list was invalidated.

The result was that protests were activated against such a manner of carrying out elections. The village elder invalidated the kehile elections and again demanded new elections.

At the end of 1937, the kehile managing committee employed six rabbis headed by the Rabbi Z. Sorotzkin, 18 shoykhetim [ritual slaughterers], five grave diggers and 15 officials. The kehile managing committee through its budget supported the old age home, in which there were 28 old people. The kehile provided subsidies for the Beis Lekhem [bread for the poor], Linas haTzadek [society to care for the sick], TOZ [Towarzystwo Ochrony Zdrowia Ludności Żydowskiej – Society to Protect the Health of the Jews], the Hebrew Tarbut [secular Hebrew language] school, the Talmud Torah [free primary school for boys from poor families], the Beis Yakov yeshiva [religious secondary school] and the interest-free loan fund.

A sum of 5,000 zlotes for trade education was anticipated in the last budget. However, given that there was no institution in the city that could provide trade education for the Jewish youth, the amount was eliminated.

Original footnote:

1. Sh. Szlajfsztajn makes an error here: by suggesting after the Polish regime drove the Zionists from the kehile and staffed it with non-Zionist elements, it continued to cause difficulties for Jewish autonomy in its chartable and communal work. – the Editorial Board. Return

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Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Kalman Friszberg	Merchant	1885	Jagiellońska 15
2	Eliezer Dal	Apothecary	1881	Kordeckiego 9
3	Avraham-Yudl Szapria	Merchant	1880	Plocka 18
4	Avraham Chicz	Merchant	66	Zakopanska 12
5	Yosef Czitin	Merchant	1881	Bal. Chrobreno 66
6	Euzial Binder	Merchant	1883	Sienkiewicza 12
7	Chaim Eliezer Szifris	Merchant	1876	Czerwony Krzyż 18
8	Yakov Waldman	Merchant	65	Kosciuszko 17
9	Shmuel Ranc	Merchant	1883	Sienkiewicza 12
10	Zalman Shoykhet	Merchant	1882	Karaimska 5
11	Shmai Brodecki	Merchant	1884	Karaimska 27
12	Mordekhai Wajsman	Merchant	1888	Konopnicka 4
13	Eliyahu Langer	Merchant	1879	Rymarska 6
14	Avraham Warkowicki	Director (of school)	1867	Bal. Chrobreno 27
15	Mordekhai Dik	Merchant	1900	Skorupki 9
16	Avraham Marszalkowicz	Shipping clerk	1881	3rd of May 4
17	Chaim-Hersh Tikewicz	Merchant	1880	Wesola 3
18	Berl Barzach	Merchant	1882	Jagiellońska 21
19	Yeheil Einbinder	Merchant	1872	Sienkiewicza 10
20	Hersh Eizengard	Merchant	1859	Domba Gnidow 1
21	Yakov -Mordekhai Bresler	Broker	71	Orzeszkowa 6
22	Yehosha Gersztajn	Merchant	1901	Gnidowa 5
23	Yisroel-Moshe Goldberg	Merchant	1884	Krziczowa 13
24	Moshe-Leib Garin	Mill owner	1897	Gnidowa 16
25	Borukh Kit	Merchant	61	Przechodnia 3
26	Ahron Komer	Merchant	1894	Gnidowa 20
27	Lipa Goldberg	Merchant	1894	Krziczowa 52
28	Avraham Kliepacz	Merchant	1892	Bazyliańska 4
29	Avraham Zilberman	Merchant	1889	Gnidowka 12
30	Avraham Werbe	Merchant	1891	Jagiellońska 41

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Yitzhak Daw	Merchant	1889	Bal. Chrobreno 9
2	Shmuel Sznajder	Merchant	1892	Wesola 7
3	Shimeon Elbirt	Merchant	1889	Strzeszewskiego 7
4	Yosef Sztajnsznajd	Merchant	1900	3rd of May 19
5	Hersh Tine	Merchant	1893	Krzyżowa 17
6	Yosef -Chaim Mandel	Merchant	1898	Koszciuszko 92
7	Lakric Pesakh	Merchant	1896	Strzeszewskiego 7
8	Volf Szulc	Merchant	1887	Miedrzana 6
9	Berger Eliezer	Merchant	1889	Gnidowska 12
10	Moshe-Hersh Kit	Merchant	1899	Chiebna 12
11	Hirsh Szectistrow	Merchant	1895	Skorupi 3
12	Fingerhut Avraham	Merchant	1890	Lonczna 4
13	Rozenfeld Shlomo	Merchant	1887	Pilsudskiego 9
14	Rotniawski Shmaye	Merchant	1888	Joselewicza 8
15	Geler Ben-Tzion	Merchant	1895	Koszciuszko 17
16	Fidel Moshe	Mechanical Workshop	1887	Karmelicka 10
17	Yisroel Wajsenberg	Mechanical Workshop	1873	Koszikowa 6
18	Fajnsztajn Yitzhak	Mechanical Workshop	1889	Joselewicza 24
19	Korsower Yakov	Mechanical Workshop	1896	Sienkiewicza 3
20	Gersztajn Kheikl	Mechanical Workshop	1902	Krzyżowa 11
21	Cimbal Avraham	Mechanical Workshop	34	Joselewicza 22
23	Dovid-Benyamin Dik	Mechanical Workshop	1893	Kopernika 33
24	Ezriel Fiszman	Mechanical Workshop	1895	Szabia 1
25	Leib Firer	Mechanical Workshop	1899	Krzywa 42
26	Fajersztajn Asher	Mechanical Workshop	1891	Pilsudskiego 113
27	Dovid-Volf Bajczman	Mechanical Workshop	1892	Strzeszewskiego 2
28	Majzlisz Eliezer	Mechanical Workshop	1889	Domikanska 26
29	Tajtlbaum Yosef	Mechanical Workshop	1871	Koszciuszko 16
22	Yisroel Mordekhai Dobrowodka	Mechanical Workshop	1889	Koszciuszko 7
30	Tenenbaum Dovid	Mechanical Workshop	1873	Konopnicka 44

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Yosef Czimau	Industrialist	50	Bal. Chrobreno 80
2	Meir Bak	Director [of a school]	45	Sienkiewicza 30
3	Yosef Zeltzer	Merchant	50	Sienkiewicza 12
4	Pinkhas Atlas	Merchant	50	Sienkiewicz 12
5	Pinkhas Fefer	Merchant	46	3rd of May 7
6	Yeshayhu-Leib Bar	Merchant	54	Bal. Chrobreno 91
7	Hersh Szajnman	Merchant	50	Bal. Chrobreno 93
8	Borukh Mindeles	Merchant	46	Czirawia 3
9	Yehuda-Volf Fajersztajn	Merchant	45	Pilsudskiego 47
10	Moshe Wajner	Tax collector	60	Niecala 3
11	Meir Ejznberg	Merchant	42	Bal. Chrobreno 79
12	Chaim-Yosef Feldenkrajz	Merchant	52	Svietlana 13
13	Moshe Kozial	Butcher	38	Jagiellońska 84
14	Avraham-Chaim Kuperman	Merchant	50	Miedszana 2
15	Hersh Fajfer	Merchant	56	Bal. Chrobreno 89
16	Yakov Ekber	Merchant	46	Konopnicka 8
17	Zalman Kliger	Merchant	42	Konopnicka 50
18	Mordekhai Baril	Broker	52	Bal. Chrobreno 82
19	Efroim Mindelis	Industrialist	60	Bal. Chrobreno 159
20	Shimeon Gergis	Merchant	58	Bal. Chrobreno 40
21	Ezrial Chamisz	Merchant	60	Kowalska 17
22	Leibish Libuber	Butcher	60	Bal. Chrobreno 113
23	Motl Fatiche	Teacher	52	Bal. Chrobreno 101
24	Avraham-Yudl Szapira	Merchant	1880	Plocka 18
25	Benyamin Blecher	Merchant	53	Gdanska 15
26	Yehiel Kaude	Cantor	52	Konopnicka 40
27	Ahron Feldman	Employee	1876	Miedszana 7
28	Avraham Lorber	Merchant	1901	Targowa 3
29	Yosef Langer	Merchant	1894	Rymarska 6
30	Arya Kac	Shipping clerk	1877	Jagiellońska 17

[Page 152]

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Eizenbinder Yehiel	Merchant	1872	Sienkiewicza 18
2	Eizenberg Ahron-Moshe	Merchant	1882	Krzyżowa 42
3	Perkal Zebulun	Merchant	50	Skorupki 17
4	Papir Shmuel-Mordekhai	Merchant	1880	Monczna 6
5	Berger Eliezer	Merchant	1889	Gnidowka 12
6	Friszberg Kalman	Merchant	1885	Jagiellońska 15
7	Braugal Yehosha	Merchant	1882	Szosa 2
8	Tine Hersh	Merchant	1893	Krzyżowa 17
9	Frajzinger Mordekhai	Merchant	1880	Kozia A/8
10	Jewelewicz Chaim-Dovid	Merchant	1879	Sienkiewicza 11
11	Szacman Yehiel	Merchant	1889	Konopnicka 4
12	Krasner Shmuel	Merchant	1880	Miedszana 6
13	Szajter Alter	Merchant	1870	Jabotinski 7
14	Winik Yosef	Merchant	53	Koszciuszko 40
15	Starec Yerakhmiel	Merchant	1871	Przechodnia 3
16	Kac Arya	Merchant	1879	Jagiellońska 17
17	Szapiro Asher	Merchant	69	Strzeszewskiego 2
18	Bulmasz Yitzhak	Merchant	1892	Bazyliańska 32
19	Bokowiecki Ben Tzion	Merchant	1882	Ngidowska 22
20	Birman Ayzyk	Merchant	1869	Ngidowska 17
21	Khumish Nakhum	Merchant	46	Sienkiewicza 2
22	Kornblit Leibish	Merchant	1870	Wesola 9
23	Bresler Yakov-Mordekhai	Merchant	71	Orzeszkowa 6
24	Wajsman Moshe	Merchant	1902	Skorupki 3
25	Goldberg Shimeon	Merchant	1890	Krzyżowa 15
26	Gercberg Moshe	Merchant	1871	Szeroka 7
27	Zajd Yakov	Merchant	1870	Tenczowa 4
28	Eizenberg Yehuda-Mikhl	Merchant	1882	Koszciuszko 38
29	Wajdman Yosef	Merchant	69	Karaimska 7
30	Widelgaz Yisroel-Yoal	Merchant	1879	Koszciuszko 19

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Waksman Motl-Hersh	Merchant	1881	Kr. Jadwigi 14
2	Mandelbaum Menakhem	Merchant	55	Bazyliańska 16
3	Goldberg Nakhemia	Merchant	1876	Koszciuszko 28
4	Szapiro Yisroel	Pharmacist	1894	Sienkiewicza 1
5	Nul Eidl	Merchant	1870	Koszciuszko 23
6	Gutman Arya-Leib	Merchant	1871	Bal. Chrobreno 18
7	Cwitman Ahron	Merchant	35	Koszciuszko 21
8	Grausbird Moshe	Merchant	1893	Sienkiewicza 2
9	Rachmilczuk Yizroel	Merchant	1883	Jagiellońska 52
10	Swalb Ahron	Merchant	1884	Czackiego 10
11	Sode Yitzhak-Eliezer	Dyer	1885	Dominikanska 52
12	Grinszpan Mordekhai-Hersh	Merchant	1883	Czackiego 12
13	Marmor Volf	Merchant	61	Slowackiego 22
14	Eizenberg Yehuda-Mikhl	Bookkeeper	1882	Koszciuszko 38
15	Rozewski Yoal	Merchant	1875	Jagiellońska 51
16	Zoslowski Yakov	Merchant	1869	Koczikowa 1
17	Szpigel Borukh	Merchant	1874	Pilsudskiego 83
18	Brener Yosef	Merchant	1879	Bal. Chrobreno 115
19	Widelgaz Yisroel-Yoal	Merchant	1879	Koszciuszko 19
20	Frajzinger Yakov	Merchant	1854	Rymarska 2
21	Fefer Shimshon	Merchant	1883	Koszciuszko 9
22	Kit Ahron	Baker	1871	Koszciuszko 5
23	Egber Shmuel-Hersh	Merchant	1873	Wesola 1
24	Taplia Leib-Yehuda	Merchant	1874	Wanska 2
25	Traub Avraham	Merchant	70	Przecze 5
26	Rudman Yehosha	Merchant	1872	Orzeszkowa 7
27	Tsziczik Nakhman	Merchant	1861	Kardeckiego 9
28	Machlies Avraham-Eliezer	Seller of cooking oil	1872	Gnidowka 15
29	Graupn known as Afen Yakov	without occupation	1880	Bal. Chrobreno 7
30	Rajn Moshe	Teacher	1891	Koszciuszko 57

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Bajaner Ruwin-Ber	Confectioner	1884	Sienkiewicza 40
2	Lupin Berl	Tailor	1889	Jagiellońska 56
3	Kapit Ahron-Shlomo	Hairdresser	1894	Szeroka 2
4	Krajmer Moshe	Tinsmith	1897	Konopnicka 43
5	Bliak Moshe	Baker	1890	3rd of May 9
6	Goldenberg Shimeon	Merchant	1872	Koczikowa 1
7	Ronciker Yosef	Merchant	1871	Skorupki 4
8	Basiuk Sholem	Office	41	Jagiellońska 42
9	Ejnbinder Moshe	Mason	41	Biala 2
10	Bronfn Hersh-Leib	Office	1862	Plocka 8
11	Majzner Noakh	Porter	1889	Monczna 10
12	Tajtlbaum Yona-Mordekhai	Baker	1877	3rd of May 25
13	Milman Hersh-Yosef	Brushmaker	1885	Niecala 17
14	Feldman Avraham	Mason	1896	Przechodnia 3
15	Dichter Sholem	Housepainter	1870	Sienkiewicza 26
16	Milman Zorekh	Employee	1897	Kopernika 1
17	Zander Moshe	Confectioner	1895	Bal. Chrobreno 31
18	Melimewker Leib-Volf	Mason	1889	Pilsudskiego 54
19	Bas Shmuel	Teacher	1858	Szopena 9
20	Royter Yisroel	Housepainter	1869	Sienkiewicza 6
21	Ajzen Ahron	Bookkeeper	1896	Jagiellońska 57
22	Cinker Hersh	Tailor	62	Jagiellońska 61
23	Sztilman Yitzhak	Mason	38	Pilsudskiego 54
24	Kerzner Yakov	Merchant	1888	Jagiellońska 49
25	Szczerbate Dovid	Broker	1889	Policeina 9
26	Kafe Khona-Yosef	Hairdresser	1886	Pilsudskiego 3
27	Goldfarb Tsal	Merchant	64	Trauguta 12
28	Berger Meir	Merchant	1886	Trauguta 11
29	Gitelman Mikhl	Mason	1897	Pilsudskiego 54
30	Pausak Moshe	Tailor	1880	Jagiellońska 57

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Brajer Pesakh	Baker	1892	Bal. Chrobreno 25
2	Koziol Mendl	Tailor	42	Wesola 4
3	Abramowicz Efroim	Butcher	1891	Gnidowka 12
4	Melimewker Leib-Volf	Mason	1889	Pilsudskiego 54
5	Melamer Dovid	Carpenter	34	Towarowa
6	Gelman Borukh-Yakov	Mason	1892	Czerwoni Kczicz 14

[Page 153]

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
7	Leibowicz Moshe-Ahron	Housepainter	1888	Bal. Chrobreno 119
8	Rafel Yakov	Tinsmith	1878	B. Joselewicza 23
9	Brik Ezra	Hatmaker	38	Jagiellońska 13
10	Nugler Gdalye	Carpenter	1896	Kodreckiego 5
11	Sznajder Khona-Yakov	Tailor	1879	Wolnoszcz 6
12	Kuszniecz Yitzhak	Tailor	1876	Chliebna 12
13	Alserman Berl	Tinsmith	55	Monczna 12
14	Say Hersh-Ber	Blacksmith	1872	Bal. Chrobreno 7
15	Sigal Chaim-Yakov	Carpenter	1891	Rolna 26
16	Ranc Velvl	Tailor	1890	Jagiellońska 54
17	Korczak Moshe-Volf	Worker	1885	Monczna 3
18	Gurman Eidl	Tailor	1880	B. Joselewicza 38
19	Kos Mordekhai	Shoemaker	1896	Jagiellońska 47
20	Soyfer Nakhum	Hairdresser	1888	Pobrezne 1
21	Sztilerman Herc	Carpenter	1888	Wolnoszcz 5
22	Rimarczik Avraham	Stamp Maker	1899	Anskiego 3
23	Kifer Asher	Tinsmith	1874	Kowalska 3
24	Szampanier Avraham	Saddlemaker	1889	Towarowa 39
25	Morgel Avraham	Tailor	1878	Krulowei Jadwigi 21
26	Wajnsztajn Yitzhak-Yakov	Tailor	1892	Sloneczna 19
27	Nutin Moshe	Carpenter	1877	Kopernika 39
28	Cwitbaum Berl	Tailor	38	Lonkowa 4
29	Golajde Shmuel	Tailor	1873	Domigikanska 29
30	Szwarc Yakov	Locksmith	1888	Bal. Chrobreno 27

Line Number	Name and Family [Name]	Occupation	Age (date of birth)	Address
1	Yona Fridman	Miller	1894	Kopernika 34
2	Kamieniecki Mark	Dentist	1892	Tarnowa 1
3	Gartibel Naftali	Merchant	1901	Szopena 5
4	Dovid Lerner	Merchant	1880	Jabotinski 1
5	Shmuel Moshe Gecht	Merchant	1888	Slowacki 7
6	Wajntraub Shmai-Heshl	Merchant	1895	Domigikanska 15
7	Goldberg Avigdor Benzion	Merchant	1892	Karaimska 7
8	Blumenkranc Yehuda	Merchant	1874	Trauguta 13
9	Libhaber Mordekhai	Miller	1876	Jagiellońska 2
10	Kohos Kercman	Miller	1898	Bal. Chrobreno 5
11	Klajnburd Chaim	Miller	1880	Domigikanska 18
12	Grajnic Yakov-Mordekhai	Miller	1879	Zakopianska 16
13	Mechlis Shlomo	Watchmaker	1896	Bal. Chrobreno 88
14	Goldfeder Berish	Insurance Agent	1883	3rd of May 15
15	Najter Perec	Merchant	1893	Karaimska 5
16	Szuster Yehuda-Ber	Teacher	1879	Anskiego 3
17	Braunsztajn Hersh-Leib	Merchant	1895	Karaimska 37
18	Glajzer Avraham	Baker	1889	Jagiellońska 45
19	Gitelman Leib	Shoemaker	1893	Kopernika 5
20	Gordon Avraham	Merchant	1882	Trauguta 19
21	Starec Yehezkiel	Merchant	1898	Karaimska 29
22	Paltorak Yosef	Dentist	1889	Jagiellońska 15
23	Nul Yekutiel	Merchant	1873	Domigikanska 13
24	Wajner Eli	Merchant	1894	Pilsudskiego 41
25	Szpigel Shimeon-Leib	Merchant	1896	Aczeszkowa 7
26	Sztilman Yitzhak	Mason	1891	Pilsudskiego 44
27	Fridbaum Ahron	Merchant	1902	Slowackiego 12
28	Slajf Shmai	Merchant	1893	Krulowei Jadwigi 35
29	Braunsztajn Hersh	Office worker	1885	Fabriczna 8
30	Cwitman Sholem	Office worker	1902	Koszciuszko 29

Translator's footnote:

1. There are no lists numbered 9 and 10 Return

1. The list number 1 with the lists number 3, 4, and 5.
2. The list number 2 with the lists number 7 and 8.

Lutsk, the 30^{th of March 1933}

Election committee of the Lutsk religious kehile [organized Jewish community] at the elections for a council and managing committee.

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