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Inarguably, Beltsi was a Zionist town. In the province of Bessarabia, after the capital Kishinev, which functioned as the center for the Zionist movement and whose institutions encompassed the entire region, Beltsi was second in terms of the size of its Jewish population, as well as its importance to the Zionist movement. And although it had not been blessed with Jewish journalist press, Beltsi stood out thanks to its Jewish educational institutions, run entirely with Zionism as a backbone, and these are the Hebrew schools, both elementary and the Jewish–Zionist Hebrew Gymnasium.

The Zionist movement in Beltsi left its mark on the Jewish educational institutions: Beltsi attracted Zionist leaders and delegates of the Zionist movement and Zionist funds, and this was due to the great response by the Jews of Beltsi to the Zionist idea, and its financial support of the Zionist funds.

Moreover, Beltsi was the only town within which operated a Heḥalutz preparatory farm, which functioned most efficiently and was a source of pride for the entire Zionist movement.

However, it is also true that Beltsi Jewry was not organized and established within the Zionist organizations and parties. This explains the fact that there is no record of Beltsi delegates to the early conferences of Russian Zionists and the Zionist Congresses.^[a]

The development of Zionism in Beltsi begins with Ḥibbat Tzion.

Discovered in The Zionist Archives in Jerusalem is a correspondence between the Ḥovevevi Tzion Association in Beltsi, established in the 1890's, and the center in Warsaw, as well as additional letters discussing the subject of settling the Land of Israel, a subject of interest to the Jews of Beltsi and the neighboring towns, Falesti and Orhei, which indicate a great interest in purchasing “estates” in the Land of Israel–or, as they were otherwise known, the “colonies”, or moshavot, established by the Baron de Rothschild.

The people of Beltsi showed a particular interest in the winegrowing colonies, as this was a trade that was familiar to the Jews of Bessarabia, especially those originating in the Jewish colonies of northern Bessarabia, established in the 1840's.

The letters written by Ḥovevevi Tzion of Beltsi echo the argument, whether to pursue agriculture or establish industry in the Land

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of Israel. Interestingly, it was the Jews of Beltsi who demanded a decisive unequivocal resolution that preference be given to agriculture, in order to create a new type of Jew in the Land of Israel, who would first and foremost be a farmer, a cultivator of the land. Most of the information on this subject is derived from the study by Dr. Israel Klausner, “The Zionist movement in Bessarabia During the Ḥibbat Tzion Era”, in Encyclopedia of Diasporas–Bessarabian Jewry (in heb. Entsiclopedia shel Galuyot–Yahadut Bessarabia), p. 492. An active interest in the Land of Israel by Jews in Beltsi was recorded as early as 1883. It was a group of Beltsians who called themselves “Land of Israel Settlement Lovers” who, in 1883, collected 15.50 Rubles to support the needy settlers in the Land of Israel. They passed the donation on to the editor of the Hebrew newspaper Hamagid, along with a letter dated the 24^th of Iyar, 5643 (May 31, 1883).

As stated, this was a pre–Zionist association, since as yet there was no official Ḥovevevi Tzion association; one was only founded in 1884.

In October of 1884, the Ḥovevevi Tzion Association of Beltsi, was founded.

Pretty soon, its membership reached 120. The makeup of its membership is interesting. By affiliation, there were Hassidim, i.e., devout religious Jews, as well as Jews from among the “Jewish Enlightenment”, also known as the Intelligentsia. Zionists had not yet separated into factions and parties, and their common goal was: to offer financial assistance to those making Aliyah and settling the Land of Israel.

Within a short while, they managed to collect a respectable sum of money from membership dues, as reported by the Voskhod correspondent (a Mr. Sidikman). The German Zionist newspaper Selbst–Emancipation reported it as well.

The members of the association were able to save, over the course of six months, about 200 Rubles, a lofty sum for the times. The chief functionaries of the society were the secretary, Zalman Epstein, and the chairman, E. Zipris.

Zalman Epstein was a very interesting character; a man of Jewish culture, and as fluent in Hebrew as though it were his mother tongue. His letters, to this day, make for very pleasurable reading, with only a small number of archaic words. He came to Beltsi from Odessa, and returned there after a number of years, and from there he later made Aliyah.

He published his memoirs, but for some reason his time in Beltsi is not recounted there.

Epstein was a bold advocate for the idea of settling the Land of Israel, and would publish his opinions in his articles in Hammelitz. See his articles “The Idea of Settling the Land of Israel As It Relates to the People”, in Hammelitz, 1880, № 2–5, and “Ḥovevevi Tzion and Their Views on the Matter of the Jews in Our Land”, in Hammelitz, № 16–17.

Regarding the establishment of Ḥovevevi Tzion in Beltsi, there is a letter in the Zionist Archives, the SPR (Shaul Pinchas Rabinowitz) Archive, Vol. 33, dated the 5^th of Av, 5645 (July 17^th, 1885), and in the header is the Hebrew seal “Ḥovevevi Tzion Belz Bessarabia”. Interestingly, they spelled the name of our town similarly to the spelling used for the Polish town Belz, rather than the way we had always spelled it.

And so, as already seen in the letter about the establishment of the society, the secretary touched upon the fundamental and cardinal problems that were the matters of the utmost importance to the Zionist and pre–Zionist idea of settling the Land of Israel: whether or not to prioritize agriculture over industry. And on this matter the Beltsians were adamant, according to the opinion of the majority of its members, that the cultivation of the land, and the return to the land, must be primary. Secondary, and later, industry can follow, as a means to absorb massive immigration.

After a hundred years of the Zionist enterprise, this question is still of the utmost importance. Today the question is whether we have exhausted every resource and opportunity in the agricultural sector, and should, in order to increase the standard of living, pursue financial growth through investments in industry, i.e., high tech industry.

In the early days of Zionism, no doubt, the aspect of returning to the land, as opposed to just returning to the homeland, was not a mere cliché but, rather, the essence of Zionism.

Indeed, it has been proven that without settling the land itself, in all parts of the Land of Israel (and at that time this included

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Transjordan), there would be no validity to the claim of the Jewish people to the Land of Israel in its historical borders.

The second, more prosaic, argument was the organizational argument: establish a separate association, or join a central organization such as in Warsaw?

Also apparent from the letter is the fact that the Jews in Beltsi possessed the financial material means to settle in the Land of Israel and to purchase “estates” at a premium.

The people of Beltsi were practical, it appears, and wished to prove to everyone–specifically, the “average Joe”, more than the Intelligentsia, since it was only among the average people that one would find natural candidates for Aliyah, as many of them had originated in the villages and the Jewish colonies of northern Bessarabia, and agriculture was close to their heart and spirit–that the central association was going to facilitate, in practice, the settlement in the Land of Israel, of a number of settler candidates from amongst the people of Beltsi, even if it came down to a mere two families. A modest request, inarguably.

For only by seeing it with their own eyes, could the masses be persuaded that Ḥovevevi Tzion doesn't just talk the talk, but also walks the walk.

I believe that, as is evident in later correspondence, disappointment was the lot of the Beltsian settlers. Absorption difficulties that stemmed from the difficulties mounted by the Baron's bureaucrats upon the settlers in the southern colonies, Beltsians among them, caused many to return to their country of origin. Only a few withstood the hardships and were absorbed within the new settlements, mainly in the area of Kastina, in Be'er Tuvia.

The deliberations, whether to maintain an independent association or join the center, were ultimately ruled in favor of joining the central association in Warsaw. At the general assembly on the 8^th of Marcheshvan, 5646 [Translator's note: there is a typographical error in the Hebrew. The last character in the year number cannot in any way be a ר. So, it is either meant as a ד or as a ו. I have assumed ו since the timeline would not work if that were a ד.] (October 17, 1885) a resolution was passed to join the Mazkeret Moshe association, as a branch. The association even sent in 25 Rubles to be put in the common fund.

Further proof that Beltsians took seriously the idea of settling the Land of Israel: they were prepared to purchase land and make Aliyah.

For some reason, and it is difficult to ascertain exactly why, this willingness was not seized upon by the settlement agencies. The enthusiasm that had engulfed the Jews of Beltsi to join Ḥovevevi Tzion eventually subsided [Translator's note: there is a typographical error in the Hebrew–שכחה instead of שככה.]

Attesting to the activities of the Beltsi association in Orhei and Pirlitz are the collections–20 Rubles in Orhei, 19 Rubles at the railroad station in Pirlitz–funds that were then forwarded to the central association in Warsaw.

The association in Beltsi urged the center to establish a branch in Orhei, many of whose Jewish residents were affiliated with the Ḥibbat Tzion movement.

However, this intense activity only lasted for five years.

In 1888 we find an item in Voskhod, № 4, reporting that the association in Beltsi had shut down. Possibly the cause of this was Epstein leaving Beltsi to return to Odessa, and from there to the Land of Israel.

The Ḥovevevi Tzion association may have fallen silent, but this was not the end of Zionism.

The economic situation, which had deteriorated due to government directives, motivated many Jews to emigrate. The establishment of the Baron's colonies in the Land of Israel was especially interesting to the Jewish farmers in existing colonies in Bessarabia, who hung their hopes on the possibility of joining them, or establishing similar colonies strictly on the basis of Jewish farmers from Bessarabia, or those who considered themselves capable of agricultural work. Aliyah by individuals had always existed, but now we were talking about organized groups.

Early in the summer of 1887, in Falesti, in the Beltsi County, an association of fifteen families formed for the purpose of establishing a colony in the Land of Israel. Among them were several wealthy families, and the others as well were of some means.

In the town of Beltsi, as well, about forty families were organizing for Aliyah.

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People from Beltsi, from Jadinitz (Edinet), and from Dumbreven joined the Falestian association, which numbered fifty–three families who had decided to make Aliyah and work in agriculture.

They wished to establish a colony near Kastina, and were going to name it Sha'ar Bat Rabbim–which, pronounced in the Ashkenazic pronunciation was a wordplay on the name Bessarabia–and this is echoed in items in Hammelitz, 1888, № 183, as well as in Kol Mevasser (National Library, Archive 154–f, Brief C). The last straw was a demand by the Baron's bureaucracy that the settlers sign an affidavit stating that all that is given to them is the property of the Baron, and that they are employed by him as daytime laborers. This demand completely shocked the settlers. They had invested their own money and they had an agreement with the Baron, and now this demand reneged on the deal and put upon them the threat of displacement and servitude.

The Bessarabian immigrants refused to sign these terms and most of them returned whence they had come. Only five of the families accepted these terms and signed.

Regarding the hardships that befell those who returned, we are again informed by items in Hammelitz, 1889 and 1891, and in Voskhod, as well as the Achiasaf almanac of 1894.

We witness a Zionist reawakening in Beltsi after several years.

In 1891, the Ḥovevevi Tzion association renewed its activities and set out to establish a Land of Israel settlement association, following the example of the Menuḥa Ve–naḥala association in Warsaw.

To this end, they turn to the Odessa Committee, who sends them to the General Council in Jaffa. The people of Beltsi present their questions to the council in Jaffa: How much will labor cost per disiatinia (1 disiatinia = 1.092 hectares)? How many laborers would be needed to plant vineyards on land of this area? How long will it take them to become accustomed to the work in the field and learn the work methods?

Chairman of the association was Aaron Kalichman, and recording on behalf of the association was Alter Heikes (document in the Zionist Archives in Jerusalem, File 33, № 54).

Unfortunately, most of the Aliyah campaigns, and they were small in number of members, ended in failure. For the most part, those making Aliyah were destitute. The land was not prepared to receive them. They were unable to find jobs and housing, and they would return embittered, spreading an evil report of the land, which put an end to Aliyah to Jewish settlements geared at taking roots in agriculture, for the Jews of Bessarabia in general, and this included the Jews of Beltsi.

The reaction was an inclination towards emigration to Argentina, which was much more alluring, given the terms offered by Baron Hirsch, and the economic development of Argentina, who was opening its gates to immigrants in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century.

The First Zionist Congress breathed new life into Russian Zionists, and the Zionist activity in Bessarabia began anew.

We are informed that there is a Zionist association in Beltsi, which was established following the First Zionist Congress, and began fundraising. One of the regional conferences for Bessarabia, a conference held in Bendery, includes a representative from Beltsi, as does the preliminary conference for the Third Zionist Congress. The conference in Kishinev also has a representative from Beltsi, but there remain only a few delegates from Beltsi, and only Kishinev is represented at the Congress.

From the turn of the century, with the emergence of Herzl and the establishment of the Zionist movement, to his death in 1904, the Zionist leadership of Bessarabia was mainly concentrated in Kishinev, which was in turn directly subordinate to Odessa, and aligned itself with Russian Zionism, which was not always aligned with Herzl. Almost all of the early Congresses were attended by the Zionist leader, Bessarabian Dr. Bernstein–Cohen, and Leo Kogan is also mentioned by name.

The Zionists of Beltsi are rarely mentioned in the abovementioned period in the sources used to study the history of Zionism in Bessarabia.

Even the pogrom in Kishinev–in fact, both pogroms; that of 1903 and that of 1905–overshadowed any Zionist activity in the Jewish towns of Bessarabia.

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And then came World War I.

During this period, Russian Zionism was disconnected from the centers in Berlin and London. And although Bessarabia was not close to the frontline, nor did it suffer like Jewish centers on the frontier, such as Galicia, Zionist activity was still slowed down.

It was only with the arrival of the revolution that there was an awakening, with the declaration of emancipation for all minorities, including the Jews. This gave great hope for a renewal of Zionist and Jewish activity to all Jews in Russia and in Bessarabia.

Perhaps the most important news out of Beltsi during this period is the 1917 establishment of a Hebrew Gymnasium (secondary school).

World War I brought about a migration of tens of thousands of displaced Jews, from the frontier and frontline regions, and they became a burden on the Jewish population. Bessarabia served as a haven for thousands of Jewish refugees, who were welcomed with open arms. They were given the assistance of the Jews of Bessarabia, well known for their kind hearts.

For many, Bessarabia was merely a transit destination, but the temporary haven, so warm and welcoming, was forever etched in the memories of many Jews who would later become Zionist and non–Zionist leaders in the Land of Israel, in the United States, and in Argentina, writes David Vinitzky in The Jews in Bessarabia; Between the World Wars 1914–1940.

Bessarabia also benefitted from the guests, as many of them were Zionist academics of stature, who contributed their knowledge and experience to helping Bessarabia establish its cultural, Jewish, and Zionist life.

At the beginning of the war, all Zionist activity was prohibited by the Czarist regime. Many of the Zionist leaders of Bessarabia were arrested by the authorities, as part of their campaign to eradicate Zionism through detention and expulsion. Among the detainees there is mention of a Yaakov Massis, and possibly this is a relative of Beltsian Zionist leader, Mendel Massis.

The February 1917 revolution brought about a national revival in all nations in Russia, as it granted equal rights to all citizens.

The interim government, in a March 31, 1917 directive, repealed all religious, political, and national restrictions. Zionism felt the time had come to develop extensive Jewish and Zionist national activity, especially within the youth.

M. Osishkin headed the Zionist movement in the Ukraine at that time, at its center, the city of Odessa. The great dream, that with the obliteration of the Czarist tyrannical regime, salvation would reach the Jews as well, and the feeling that national liberty for Jews would be within reach, were reflected in a circular sent out by Osishkin on March 12, and it is noteworthy, especially when looking at things retrospectively:

Momentous events have taken place. Bright opportunities for liberty and happiness are opening to all the nations who dwell on the vast land of Russia. At long last, fortune has begun to show its face even to our long–suffering nation who, now liberated, will straighten its bent back and cease to be the tormented stepchild.

We have no doubt that, as do we, you will engage all of your abilities in the creative and constructive work of organizing the Jewish population of Russia towards economic and cultural progress.

We have attained the liberty of the individual; it is now upon us to achieve our national liberty, to establish an independent political center in the Land of Israel.

Let us all work together, shoulder to shoulder, towards the return, to the nation spread for two thousand years, of its historical homeland, its motherland, and its national political independence.

The Zionists espoused the establishment of autonomous independent communities on the basis of a general election by secret ballot, the establishment of comprehensive national schools, and the reorganization of public foundations and, primarily, the establishment of our national home in our homeland, the Land of Israel.

And indeed, this call to action was fruitful. In most cities and towns in Bessarabia, a Zionist majority was elected. The influence of the Zionists on the Jewish milieu increased. Following the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917, Zionist euphoria washed over the Jewish milieu

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in Bessarabia, and of course Beltsi was no exception. But alongside the increase in Zionist activity, came the counter reaction by the Bundists, who argued that with equal rights being extended to all peoples and nations in Russia, there is no longer any point in Palestine, and no longer any need for Zionism.

The Seventh Congress of Russian Zionists was held May 24–31, 1917 in Petrograd (St. Petersburg). Among the delegates for Bessarabia, we find no delegates from Beltsi.

The All–Russian Constituent Assembly, set for November 11–13, 1917, did not fulfil its mission–as it was interrupted midterm–included representatives of Bessarabia.

It only convened on January 6, 1918, and was dissolved on its second day. Here too, among the candidates from the various parties, we do not find a representative from Beltsi. Bessarabia, as an integral part of all of Russian Jewry, was at a turning point. The Zionists intended to seize upon the opportunities that became available to them with the end of the Czarist regime, the oppression, and the denial of human rights.

Extensive propaganda began throughout the Jewish population. But on January 16th, 1918, out of the blue, came the Romanian invasion of Bessarabia and, in conquering Kishinev, put an end to the longing dream; and perhaps it was but a false dream. David Vinitzky writes (ibid.), “Difficult struggles, contemplation, and deliberation had been experienced by this young Jewry, taking its first independent steps (after being severed from the Zionist center in Odessa), leading up to the consolidation of the national movement following the Balfour declaration, but it carried with vigor and with pride the torch passed on by its elder sister and, layer upon layer, it erected the central structure of the Zionist movement, and its various departments of education and culture, Hachshara, Aliyah, and collecting for the national funds, etc..”

And the pièce de résistance was in organizing for the first Zionist Congress in Bessarabia, in May of 1920 in Kishinev.

At this congress we see familiar personas such as Mendel Massis of Beltsi, a devoted Zionist and a public figure par excellence, or L. Kleiner and M. Milgrom, who were Tzeirei Tzion activist in Beltsi.

The congress discussed the royal proclamation of August 14, 1918, in which the king recognized the rights of the various national minorities residing in Romania, to educate their children in state public schools, in their national language. Thus, it laid the legal foundation for the continued existence of the public elementary schools that taught in Yiddish, which had already been nationalized during the first year after the revolution.

In the Paris peace treaty of December 9, 1919, the government of Romania had committed to honoring the national rights of all of the minorities residing within its borders, including the legislation of a similar article in the law regarding state schools.

Tarbut (“Culture” in Hebrew) was founded, as a central federation with thirty branches in most rural communities, and it registered as a legal entity. Among the members of its central committee was Beltsian teacher, Y. Schwarz.

The Tarbut conference passed a resolution to establish an extensive network of public educational institutions, the vast majority of which were Tarbut institutions and Talmud Torah schools that developed into the Tarbut network, kindergartens, elementary and secondary schools, and adult Hebrew classes taught in Hebrew.

In Beltsi there were three Hebrew elementary schools: two Talmud Torah schools and one elementary school operating under the Hebrew Gymnasium, and an ORT school.^[1] In addition, a Hebrew pre–school operated under the Hebrew Gymnasium elementary school.

It was further decided to produce Hebrew textbooks for the general studies subjects, as well as bible stories and Hebrew language. There were two publishers of these textbooks in Bessarabia, one in Kishinev, and the other in Beltsi, owned by P. Levtov.

As stated, the first Zionist Congress in Bessarabia following Romanian annexation was held May 4–8, 1920. The same year also saw the first appearance in legislature elections, of an independent national party in Kishinev and Beltsi. They were led by Rabbi Tsirelson, Dr. Bernstein–Cohen, and Misha Shechter Esq., from Yassi (Iasi).

Another important event was the establishment of Heḥalutz. The first convention of Romanian Heḥalutz was held in Kishinev on May 9, 1920. Beltsi played an important role in the wonderous epic of Heḥalutz in Bessarabia, as it

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was home to two agricultural training sites for preparing pioneers for Aliyah, at Bilicenii, and later, at Masada. In Kishinev, Zionist newspapers were established, such as Erd un Arbet, on December 5, 1920, and Unzer Zeit, on August 6, 1922. Publication of Erd un Arbet ceased on July 5, 1922, and was renewed on January 9, 1925. Among the members of the editorial board of Erd un Arbet was Zvi Geinichs Esq., who had been transferred to Kishinev from Beltsi. Among Unzer Zeit regular contributors from Beltsi, was V. Gamerman.

The Belicinii and Masada farms served as venues for the Heḥalutz conferences. Incidentally, another member of the Heḥalutz central committee was Yitzhak Schwarz, the teacher from Beltsi. The fourth Heḥalutz conference was held at Belicinii on July 12, 1926, and the eighth, at Masada, on August 22, 1929.

Tzeirei Tzion of Beltsi were very active. During the years 1930–1931, members of the Tzeiri Tzion committee in Beltsi included Karasiuk, Greenberg, Milgrom, Beit–din [Translator's note: I have not found any record of this person, so this is a best guess], Gendler, and Zvi Ackerman.

The Revisionists were also very active in Beltsi, and there was even a Revisionist newspaper published in 1934, Bessaraber Heint (in Yiddish).

With the assistance of Tarbut, the Hebrew journal Shurot was published in Beltsi–the first issue was Shevat 5635 (January 1935) and the last issue was Kislev 5638 (December 1937)–as well as Udim, in 1939. The editor of both was L. Kupferstein, Hebrew Literature teacher at the Hebrew Gymnasium, and an activist in Tarbut of Bessarabia.

David Vinitzky wrote in tribute, in The Jews in Bessarabia; Between the World Wars 1914–1940, “The editor's persistence in publishing the journal, proved that in the Romanian reality there was both a need and a place for a dedicated Hebrew platform, which would offer, on the one hand, expression for devotees of the Hebrew language and, on the other, a haven for young forces that had begun to appear among Jewish youths.”

But Shurot and Udim were more than mere literary journals. They were first and foremost Zionist journals, the Land of Israel at their core.

And indeed, these journals heralded the way of life in the Land of Israel, and among their contributors were the cream of the leadership of the established Zionist youth movements, and this is to the great credit of Leibush Kupferstein.

The twenties and the thirties were years of animated activity for the Zionist movement in Beltsi, and all of its parties and persuasions.

First, in terms of size, were the General Zionists.

The second largest Zionist party was Tzeiri Tzion, and third were Tzohar (the Revisionists). Also active in Beltsi were the Zionist Laborers (the socialist left, as they were referred to), and Mizrachi.

During the years 1936–1938 the Revisionist movement gained in power, following its secession from the World Zionist Organization and the establishment of the New Zionist Organization. Thanks to their impressive displays, the crowning glory of which was Jabotinsky's 1938 visit to Beltsi, this movement enraptured [Translator's note: there is a typographical error in the Hebrew–סחבה instead of סחפה] the Jewish masses and, in the early days of the illegal immigration movement (af al pi chen) attracted scores of Jewish youngsters in Beltsi, who strived towards Aliyah. The competition between the Zionist parties–especially those within the Jewish National Bloc (the Labor movement)–and the Revisionists, generated tension within the Jewish milieu.

The Jewish population did not sit idly by, and engaged in the activities on either side of this divide. They were also prepared to undertake the budgetary demands involved in these activities. They enjoyed the ideological arguments, especially when voiced by lecturers and orators, first rate professional propogandists, who were able to conduct civilized debates. The struggle, if one could even call it that, perhaps, more accurately, the scampering between the factions within Zionism, was out in the open, and often created the impression that the issues they debated publicly were of the utmost importance to the Jewish world.

Perhaps it was the joy of debate that caused them to forget what is most important, and blinded them to impeding eventuality, the Holocaust.

Even Jabotinsky, who tried to cause the doorposts to tremble and shake the Jewish population of Beltsi out of its apathy and

[Page 271]

indifference, through his descriptions of apocalyptic visions about that which awaits European Jewry from the hands of the Nazi beast, was unsuccessful.

His words fell upon deaf ears, and it was as though everyone had been smitten with blindness.

The Zionist dream of the Jews of Beltsi, to the extent that it existed, vanished with the destruction of this Jewry.

Mere brands plucked out of the fires, remained after the war, and many of them reached the safety of the shores of the homeland.

Unfortunately, many more turned to alternative exiles.

It is estimated that, out of about 35,000 Jews in Beltsi, about 500 made it to Israel after the war (as of 1985).

The cream of Zionist youth and Zionist activists, of all persuasions, did not survive.

Zionist activist in Beltsi Standing (left–right): Guberman, Milgrom, Dubinovsky, Schwarz, Beit–din (?), Albintzer Sitting (left–right): Shuster, Massis, Levtov, Dubroskin, Yerachmiel Jaffe

[Page 272]

Zionist Organization Committee in Beltsi Standing (left–right): Tzesis, (unknown), Ackerman, Shuster, Karasiuk, (unknown), (unknown) Sitting (left–right): Yerachmiel Jaffe, Greenberg, Beit–din (?), Lipson, Dubroskin, Mrs. Ashkenazi, Mendel Massis

[Page 273]

[Page 274]

Correspondence between Beltsi branch of Ḥibbat Tzion and the center in Warsaw, 1884

[Page 275]

Translator's footnote:

1. ORT (Russian: Общество Ремесленного Труда, Obchestvo Remeslenogo Truda, “Association for the Promotion of Skilled Trades”) is a global education network driven by Jewish values, founded in 1880 in Petrograd (St. Petersburg), Russia, to provide professional and vocational training for young Jews. Return

Original footnote:

1. S. Yovel, on the basis of reports in the Jewish press, reports on the selection of S. Rabinowitz as delegate to the1905 Seventh Zionist Congress for the communities of Beltsi and Falesti (Beltsi in the nineteenth century) [Translator's note: This is unclear. the author indicates that Falesti is just an old name for Beltsi, and above he lists it as a neighboring town. Which it is. Falesti is its own place.]. Return

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