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Hassidic leaders near Podhajce. The debate about the identity of Reb Adam. Reb Adam as an influence upon the Baal Shem Tov. Visits of the Baal Shem Tov to Podhajce? Reb Nachman of Horodenka, Reb Gershon of Kutow, Reb Mendel of Premishlan, Reb Baruch of Kosow. The chasm between the Hassidim and Misnagdim{27} in Podhajce. A grandson of the Zydachow dynasty as Admor in Podhajce. Reb Yitzchak Izak Menachem the Admor in Podhajce.
Around the time of the battle with the Frankist movement, the Hassidic movement arose like a blossom. Its founder was Rabbi Yisrael Baal Shem Tov (known as the Besht). The cradle of this movement was almost at the gate of Podhajce. It is not known why Jewish Podhajce did not succeed in serving as a center of Hassidism as well, as it served as a center for Sabbateanism and the Frankist movement. Indeed, Podhajce was known for its extremism in Hassidism as well. Its Hassidim were especially enthusiastic and its Misnagdim were especially zealous. However, the greatest leaders of Hassidism were not located in Podhajce itself, but rather in neighboring cities, some close and some farther away[48].
However, before we spend some time on the personality of the founder of Hassidism, the Besht, we will first devote a few lines to the legendary character of Reb Adam Baal Shem. As is known, it is mentioned in Shivchei Haabesht that the Besht received secret and mysterious letters about the Torah from Reb Adam. This person has not been identified to this day. There are researchers into the development of Hassidism who relate to the entire story mentioned there as a legend without historical basis, especially when it became known that the name Adam was not customarily used by the Jews of Poland at that time. However, from the publication of the book in the year 5578 (1818) we learn that the people mentioned there were known in their locales and lands, and this Reb Adam is known until this day in the circles of Hassidim from the area of the cradle of the Hassidism of the Besht in Eastern Galicia, and many legends were told about him in the city of Rohatyn near Podhajce, where he served as the rabbi and head of the rabbinical court. His name was Rabbi David Moshe Avraham, and the people of his time called him by the acronym of Reb Adam. He wrote the book Tiferet Adam and several other books that exist in manuscript form. One of them was published in Lvov in the year 5655 (1895) under the name Merkevet Hamishneh. Its content is a broad commentary on the Mechilta of Shmot{28}. The memory of the great Adam lives to this day. A few words about his activities are published at the beginning of that book. That book had approbations from its time by Rabbi Chaim Kohen Rappoport, the head of the rabbinical court of Lvov, and Rabbi Yitzchak Landau, a rabbi of the region of Lvov. Prior to the publication of the book, Rabbi Yosef Shaul Nathanson added an approbation. Rabbi Uri Zeev Salat describes the author as the great Gaon and holy man of G-d. He further writes: The man who fought with a strong arm against the evil group and raised his sword, the sword of G-d and beat them to destruction, are these not the impure evildoers who followed the evil path of Shabtai Tzvi may his name be blotted out, headed by the impure one Elisha Shari who was nicknamed through the city of Rohatyn and was called Elisha of Rohatyn From my master and teacher Rabbi Y. Sh. Nathanson, I heard about mighty things about this holy author, that were told to us by our holy ancestors.
The grandchildren of the author relate in their introduction to his book that after his battle with the Frankist, the Besht came to him: and our grandfather told us that our master the Besht came to him in his full glory and informed him that it was ordered from heaven to give him good and beneficence on account of his zeal, the aforementioned zeal of the G-d of Hosts, similar to the zeal described in the Torah of Pinchas the son of Elazar the son of Aharon the Priest, who was given the covenant of peace{29}. The publisher of the book (of the Nagelberg family) similarly describes in his introduction: I have heard from our elders, who heard from their fathers, that before the Ark of G-d{30} was taken to the Heavens, the Besht came to visit him, and to serve him as a scholar. The Besht said to the rabbi and author: Rabbi, bless me, and he put his two hands upon him and blessed him. The Besht said after he left: I believe that the rabbi has died, for I saw the Heavenly Hosts going forth to greet him, and I heard that the great people of his generation called him Reb Adam. We do not know the year of his birth or death. He died in Rohatyn and left a large family that continued to live in Rohatyn. If the meeting with the Besht were not a legend, the rabbi would have died between the years 1749-1760. As is known, the Besht died in 1760 (5520).
The Hassidic movement first spread through Podolia. Its founder Rabbi Yisrael Baal Shem Tov was born around 1700 in the town of Ocop. This small town in Podolia, on the border with Wallachia, had a small Jewish population. We do not have any historical data from which we can determine the time of the revelation and activity of the Besht. We know approximately his birth date and death date. From the legends of his life, we know that he lived in the mountains around Kosow and Kuty. It is possible that he also came to Brody on occasion, and possibly also Podhajce, but he never appeared in public.
According to the author of Seder Hadorot Hachadash, 37 close followers and students of the Besht merited to receive Torah from his mouth. His brother-in-law Rabbi Avraham Gershon of Kutow, a great scholar and Kabbalist, the friend of the well-known Rabbi Yechezkel Landau of Prague (the author of the Noda Biyehuda) left the exile in the year 5507 and settled in the land of Israel. Rabbi Nachman of Horodenka was numbered among the students of the Besht in Galicia. He was one of his most faithful students. The motto that was always on his lips at every occasion was this is also for the good. The Besht laughed and said, It is good that you were not living in the time of Haman, for you would also have said that the decrees of Haman are for the good. Reb Nachman was present in Medzibozh at the time of the death of the Besht, and would come on occasion to supplicate at his grave. When he decided to make aliya to the Land of Israel, he went to prostrate himself at the grave of the Besht and ask his permission. When he returned from his grave, he proclaimed joyously, The Besht commanded me to travel to the Holy Land. He made aliya in the year 5524 (1764)
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to the Land of Israel along with Rabbi Menachem Mendel of Premishlan. Simcha, the son of Rabbi Nachman, married Feiga, the granddaughter of the Besht, the daughter of Hodel (Eidel). Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav was born from that marriage in 5532 (1772).
Prior to the journey of Rabbi Mendel of Premishlan to the Land of Israel, the Kabbalist Rabbi Baruch of Kosow visited him and stayed with him for several days. Rabbi Simcha of Zolovitch, the son-in-law of Rabbi Shlomo of Rovno and the author of the book Ahavat Tzion [Love of Zion] was also on that journey. The doctrine of Besht Hassidism began to spread in the land of Israel and nearby lands due to that journey. The students of the Besht saw in this a sign that Hassidism would eventually spread through all lands. Rabbi Yechiel Michel, the preacher of Zolochev, was considered to be the right hand man of the Besht, and he was one of the chief disseminators of the doctrine of Hassidism in Galicia.
If we follow the path of the Besht in the period before his revelation and afterward, we will find that for the most part, he moved about in the area close to Podhajce. Around the year 5490 (1730) Rabbi Yisrael set up his residence in the city of Tlust in Galicia. From time to time, he would make the rounds in nearby communities and villages, teaching Torah to the children of the tax collectors. It may be that the community of Podhajce was not pleasing to him, since it had served as a center of Sabbateanism and the Frankist cult. This suspicion may have kept him from preaching his words in that city. Indeed, despite the failure of the Sabbatean messianic movements even before the sects had ceased in Poland, there were still secret remnants of the Sabbatean cult in Galicia. Their members included scholars, Kabbalists, rabbis and preachers who had become spoiled and now stood at the head of these groups. The well-known zealot Yaakov Emden directed his anger at them. It is known that even after the excommunication of the Sabbateans by the rabbinical council in Lvov, there still remained many who were rooted in their sins and who remained partly in one camp and partly in the other.
The Hassidic movement arose after the despair that pervaded among the masses after the failure of the messianic movements of Shabtai Tzvi and Jacob Frank. The failure of these movements created a vacuum in Jewish society, which was thirsting for social support and spiritual sustenance. In such circumstances, the Besht knew how to attract the masses to him, by preaching that everybody is equal before G-d, whether a scholar or simple person. It is not the study of Torah that is the main thing, but rather uprightness of heart and pure intention. He opposed the excessive fasts and self imposed suffering, by saying that self imposed suffering causes sadness, and the service of G-d must be done through joy. On account of this, remnants of the messianic movements, who had abandoned their customs, joined Hassidism.
The community of Podhajce was among those who apparently was not completely given over to Hassidism, nor completely to Misnagdut [opposition to Hassidism]. Therefore, there was a chasm in it between the Hassidim and Misnagdim. The opposition to Hassidism apparently came from the rabbis of the city, most of who were scholars and geniuses who had not become involved in Hassidism. It is not known whether the Gaon Rabbi Nota, the head of the rabbinical court of Podhajce, whose name is known as a renowned Kabbalist and great scholar, was a Hassid, or apathetic to Hassidism. It seems that in order to preserve the peace, no Admor of the various dynasties in Galicia wished to set up residence in Podhajce, even though various Tzadikim did come to visit their Hassidim in the city, to conduct table celebrations{31}, and bestow good upon their Hassidim. They even brought with them the spirit of joy and sweetness of the Hassidic melody.
Thus, Podhajce remained as a city without an Admor, until one of the grandchildren of the well-known Tzadikim decided to establish his residence in Podhajce in 5669 (1909). This was Reb Yitzchak Izak Menachem, the paternal grandson of Rabbi Yitzchak Izak the Tzadik of Zydaczow, and the son-in-law of the Tzadik Rabbi Nachum the son of Eliezer of Uzipol, who was the son of Rabbi Yehuda Tzvi the Tzadik of Strettin, the author of many books: Imrei Tuv on the Torah, Imrei Ratzon on the tradition of Genesis, Imrei Bracha on the legends of the sages, Imrei Chaim on the 613 commandments. Rabbi Yitzchak Izak Menachem served as an Admor of Podhajce from 5669 until 5703 (1943). He was considered to be a pious and holy Tzadik, and hundreds of Hassidim followed him. He died in the city of Podhajce on the 13th of Adar I, 5703, during the Nazi Holocaust[49]. The son of Rabbi Zeidele was saved from the Holocaust and continued serving as the Bursztyn Tzadik in New York, U.S.A. Podhajce and Bursztyn natives in New York rest under his shadow and work for his benefit.
The neighboring cities were unlike Podhajce which lived its internal societal life without the direct influence of Hassidism. Starting from the beginning of the 19th century, Hassidism under the influence of Rabbi Yehuda Tzvi Hirsch Brandwein of Strettin took root in Rohatyn. The Rebbe was the student of Rabbi Aryeh Strelisker who was called Hasaraf{32}, who was the student of the Tzadik Rabbi Shlomo of Karlin. Rabbi Yehuda Tzvi was one of the well-known Admors in the first half of the 19th century. He had great influence among the Jewish masses in Eastern Galicia. He was particularly noted for giving segulot [spiritual remedies] for illnesses and to women who were having difficulty in childbirth. The Maskilim of Tarnopol fought against him and informed the authorities about his seguolot and kemiot [amulets], for they saw this as extortion of money from the Hassidim.
His eldest son Reb Avraham inherited the position of Admor from his father. After him, Reb Nachum became the Admor in Strettin when he was only 18 years old. After a few years, Reb Nachum moved to Bursztyn, and was an Admor there until 1914. Most of his Hassidim lived in nearby cities, in which they set up kloizes{33} of Bursztyn Hassidism.
Aside from Strettin Hassidim, there were also Hassidim of Belz, Czortkow, Husiatyn, and others in Podhajce.
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Podhajce under Austrian rule. The census of 1772. Decrees and ordinances against the Jews. The head tax, meat taxes, and Sabbath candle tax. Tax collection by Jewish lessees. With a strong hand and cruelty. The struggle against Jewish garb. The transfer of Jews to agriculture. Public schools for Jews. The rabbis of Mitaam. The drafting of Jews and the exemption from the draft by paying a tax.
With the annexation to Austria I the year 1772, recognizable changes began in Jewish life in Galicia, including in Podhajce. The situation of the Jews in Podhajce was particularly difficult during the first years of Austrian rule. They especially had difficulty in becoming accustomed to the new conditions, which were different from those in Poland.
During the first four years, the communal structure remained the same as it had been during the Polish era. Until 1785, all of the Jews of Galicia were organized in accordance with the Jewish regulations of Empress Maria Teresa of the year 1776. They were organized into a unique body that was headed by the chief directorship of Galician Jewry. The organization was liquidated in the year 1785, and no other institution arose in its place. With the publication of the Jewish regulations of Josef II on May 27th, 1789, and the regulations of tolerance on May 7th, 1789, a standard order was established regarding Jewish matters throughout Galicia, that brought in its wake decisive changes in communal life.
The community of Podhajce was also organized according to those regulations. As in the rest of the small and medium sized communities, a communal council with very limited authority stood at the head of the community of Podhajce. It was required to listen and adhere to any request of the central government. The community was responsible for all government taxes imposed upon the Jews. According to the Jewish regulations of 1776, the communal council was made up of six members, and according to the regulations of Josef II, the number was reduced from six to three members, who were chosen for three years. Aside from the communal heads, heads of the Chevra Kadisha (burial society), synagogue administrators, and others were chosen. The cadre of communal officials consisted of the communal secretary (scribe), communal administrator, cantors, synagogue beadles, ritual slaughterers, and undertakers. The conducting of religious affairs was in the hands of the rabbi, who was also chosen by communal electors for a term of three years[50]. However, according to the regulations of 1785, the office of communal rabbi was cancelled. Only religious teachers and cantors were chosen instead. According to the regulations of May 7th, 1789, the communal heads received a salary from the communal coffers. This regulation was the cause of great competition at the time of elections for the position of head of the community.
Already in the days of Jewish autonomy in Poland, many competed for the office of communal Parnas (administrator), a position that brought honor to its holder. In Podhajce as well, the communal elections never took place without divisions, without complaints and slander about those elected, and accusations of imposition of illegal taxes that is that they imposed all of the taxes among the non-wealthy classes, while they protected themselves and their families. (according to the archives of the internal ministry in Vienna.) Disputes and controversies often broke out upon this stage, that invited libel, slander to the government, and all types of lies and accusations.
Immediately after the Austrian conquest, the Austrian government took drastic measures with the aim of changing the status of the Jews at once, and getting them accustomed to new conditions. The Jews were inundated with a wave of instructions, regulations and directives that only caused chaos. Only after some years did the bureaucratic Austrian authorities in Vienna, Lvov and the regions of Galicia begin to recognize and understand that one cannot suddenly effect all of the changes in the lives of the Jews with drastic measures.
Our nation has always looked upon a census as a serious danger to human life, and the Torah commanded that one can only conduct a census by means of a monetary contribution for each head (Exodus 30, 12). If the Jews of Galicia were suspicious of the census conducted by the Austrian government, this was not a vain fear, for after the census, laws appeared with the purpose of limiting the freedom of the Jews, reducing their numbers, or at least inhibiting their culture and removing their sources of livelihood. On December 6th, 1772, the first Patent of Baron Fragen, who took care of Jewish matters, placed the responsibility upon the communal heads and rabbis to provide a detailed accounting on the status of the community, its property, income, expenditures and debts, the number of communal administrators and rabbis, and the numbers of people in its region of jurisdiction. They had to list the names of heads of families and their family members, with their ages and sources of livelihood. Such a detailed census had never been carried out before in any part of the world. Not for love did the government wish to know this information, but rather to impose special heavy taxes on them, and to prevent the Jews from sneaking across the border. Any Jew who was not registered in the year 1772 was later registered as an alien.
1,370 Jews were registered in the region of Podhajce in the census of 1765, including 1,079 in the city itself. The number of Jews in the entire occupied region was approximately 225,000, from among a general population of 2,308,100 that is to say, they were 9.6% of the population. This percentage was considered to be very high in the eyes of those who regarded the Jews as a damaging element toward the Christians and the state. The large number of Jews frightened the Austrian officials in Galicia, and they devised cruel decrees that were not equaled even in the middle ages, in order to free themselves from this national plague. These were like the decrees of Pharaoh in his time, in the spirit of let us act cunningly toward them lest they multiply (Exodus 1, 10). A short time after the census, the Jews were forbidden to marry off their children without asking permission from the commission, and this permission was only given after great effort and after paying a high tax. The commission issued another edict: to expel all Jewish indigents. And how great was the number of Jews who could be classified as indigents,
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especially since everything was given over to the whims of the presiding official, and if the official was a lover of bribes, anyone who could not pay the bribe was liable to be expelled as an indigent.
The government sent the Jewish indigents to the Polish border, as if Poland was their native land, and it had the responsibility to support them. Poland refused to accept these indigents, and commanded the border guards to refuse them entry. These expulsions continued from 1781 until 1789, the year when the Jews were granted rights equal with all of the citizens of the country, and it was forbidden to expel a resident on account of poverty. That year, the harsh restrictions on marriage in Galicia were also repealed.
The decree regarding marriage permits caused a situation where most of the marriages were not valid according to Austrian law, and the children born of these marriages were considered non-legal and were called after the name of the mother. Even after the repeal of this decree, there were many cases of non-legal marriages, since the law included restrictions on the age of marriage, and the age was apparently set too high for Orthodox Jews. Often, legal marriages took place many years after the wedding, in order to ensure that the children would have the status of legal children and that they would be permitted to be called by the name of the father. This situation continued until the beginning of the 20th century, with the outbreak of the First World War in 1914.
In the year 1774, the government raised the head tax, which had been set in Poland at the rate of 300 Kreutzer, to 1 Guilder. Aside from this tax, an income tax of 4 Guilder a year was imposed upon the Jews. In 1784, Josef II repealed the income and property tax. In its place, the following were instituted: a) A household tax of 1 Guilder for each family; b) a marriage tax; c) a Kosher meat tax in accordance with the type of meat. In 1797 the domestic tax was repealed and replaced with a Sabbath candle tax and a sales tax. In the event that the income from the meat tax and the candle tax were not sufficient, the sum was made up through an additional tax. The meat tax was called payment for tolerance and protection.
With the imposition of the meat tax, that brought with it great profits for those who were occupied in its collecting, disputes broke out between various communities. The tax was given as a monopoly to a tax lessee, who was given the responsibility to collect the Kosher tax as he saw fit, and to forbid shechita (ritual slaughter) for many butchers. This situation made it possible for those butchers who worked hand in hand with the lessee to raise the price of meat at their whim a matter that angered the population, especially the poor. The banned butchers also complained that the ban on slaughter jeopardized their livelihoods. Occurrences such as this took place in every community, caused hatred and jealousy, and disrupted relations between people. The Sabbath candle tax, which every Jew was responsible for, was also difficult. Several strata of citizens were exempt from this tax: a) people engaged solely in agriculture; b) military men and their wives; c) widows of army men; d) unmarried men and women living with their parents, relatives, or friends; e) business assistants, apprentices and household employees who were unmarried or widowed.
The masses of people in Galicia were downtrodden because of the oppression of the lessees of the meat and candle tax. This era, which was known as licht fachter and fleisch fachter{34}, is etched in the memories of the people through various anecdotes and stories about cruel and inhuman methods employed by the lessees in collecting the taxes. These means bordered on robbery and theft. The tax lessees were often the communal Parnassim, and the authorities would turn the anger of the Jewish residents against them.
Aside from the burden of impositions and taxes, the communities of Galicia were without exception also burdened with the responsibility of paying off the debts from the days of Jewish autonomy in Poland; the debts of the central bodies the Council of the Four Lands, the regional councils, and the individual communities. In a law of August 28th, 1787, the Jews of Galicia had to obtain German surnames. Thus began the process of Germanization of the Jews. From that time, the rabbis were bound to conduct their official duties only in the German language.
In 1821, the matter of Jewish garb entered to the order of the day. Already in the regulations of Josef, section 47, the Jews of Galicia were required to cease wearing by 1794 the traditional garb that set them apart from the rest of the segments of the populations. Only rabbis were permitted to wear such garb. However, the actualization of this regulation was cancelled on May 28th, 1790 on account of the opposition of the Jews. When the central government in Vienna concerned itself with the preparation of new Jewish regulations during the years 1816-1820, the question arose once again about whether it was reasonable to forbid the Jews from wearing traditional garb by force of law. The head of the Galician Gubernia, Baron Hauer, recommended the inclusion of a specific ban on Jewish garb in the new legislation. He also had the support of wide circles of Jewish assimilationists. When the wider Jewish community found out about the intentions of the Gubernia to carry out the recommendations of Baron Hauer, a protest movement arose amongst the Jewish masses. The Jews of Podhajce also expressed their opposition. Its communal heads turned to the government and requested the continued permission to wear Jewish garb. Among other reasons, economic reasons were also given, for the change of garb would cause new expenditures for the Jews that they could not afford. The other communities of Galicia submitted similar petitions. Apparently, this was an organized effort from a single source. Finally, the plans were shelved, and the storm abated.
In the framework of the regulations regarding Jewish life in Galicia, Kaiser Josef II demanded that a portion of the Jews be transferred to agriculture. Jews who were prepared to turn to agriculture, were promised a
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50% reduction in the toleration tax, and later a complete exemption. That year (1785) Josef II commanded the founding of Jewish settlements in Galicia. Through a special decree, the communities were required to immediately began settling 1,400 families from Galicia on the agricultural settlements. Podhajce contributed 9 families to this requirement. In 1822, 40 families of the region of Berezhany transferred to agriculture. Of these, 24 were settled on the accounts of the communities and 16 on their own accounts.
The Jewish regulations of Josef II (from March 20th, 1785) also commanded the Jews to establish public schools. The authorities were interested in attracting Jewish children to public schools that opened up starting from 1782. Since they did not succeed at this, the communities were asked to found public schools in 1785. Once again, the Jews did not fulfil this demand. Then, strong orders were given that made the communities responsible for ensuring that children would be required to attend public schools until the age of 13.
The school in Podhajce existed until the liquidation of the educational network in 1806 a liquidation that came on account of the negative relation of the Jews to this. Despite all enticements, punishments and fines, they refused to send their children to these schools out of fears that their attendance would lead to apostasy.
In 1788, a great disaster happened, in the form of an ordinance that obligated Jewish youth to serve in the army. This was a great innovation in the life of the Jewish people, who had not been used to this for hundreds of years. It is no surprise that a great tumult arose among the Jews with the publication of this law. Many youths left the land and scattered throughout the world, or hid from the government emissaries. About a year later, Kaiser Josef II wished to lighten the situation somewhat. He ordered that the Jews only be put into certain areas of service, that they be provided with Kosher food, and that they not be assigned difficult labor on the Sabbath. In 1804, the actual draft into the army was replaced with a draft tax. It is known that in 1853, members of the communal council of Podhajce gathered together and decided to collect the sum of money required to free the community from the draft of its youth into the army. To that end, they imposed a special tax on the flour for the baking of matzos. The salt merchants also collected a special payment to this end, and in 1855 a ban was threatened upon any merchants who did not wish to fulfil this decision. Only in 1878 was the obligation of army service once again imposed upon Jewish youth from the age of 21 and above, as it was imposed upon the rest of the segments of the population.
Note in this section, Translator's Footnotes are designated by { } brackets. The footnotes designated by [ ] brackets are the text footnotes.
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