This is presented according to the information from Colonel Petrusenko, the head of the UKGB (Department of the Committee of the State Security) in the Vinnytsia region, on September 4, 1965, to the head of the KGB at the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR, V. Nikitchenko, about the crimes of the Romanian occupiers during the war in the Kopaigorod region. One-thousand-nine-hundred-forty Jews were shot. One-hundred-eighteen Jews were sent to hard labor, and over twenty were tortured (GDA SB - State archive of security of Ukraine, Vinnytsia, file 158, volume 4, sheet 85-88.)

Cover letter from K. Nasonov, the head of the investigative department of the KGB at the Council of Ministers of the USSR, to V. Turkin, the head of the investigative department of the KGB at the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR, to the heads of the investigative departments of the UKGB - H. Markin from the Dnipropetrovsk region and V. Ruchyevsky from the Vinnytsia region, about the results of the interrogation of the witnesses H. Vinokur, E. Farber, S. Fishilevych and A. Moskovych regarding the functioning of the ghetto in the village of Kopaigorod and the murders of its prisoners by Johann Maitert, July 5, 1973:

“Secretly Copy. No. I361. TO THE HEAD OF THE KGB INVESTIGATIVE DEPARTMENT at the Council of Ministers (CM) of the Ukrainian SSR, Colonel Comrade TURKIN V.P. Kyiv.

Copies: TO THE HEAD OF THE INVESTIGATIVE DEPARTMENT OF THE UKGB at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR in the Dnipropetrovsk region, lieutenant colonel Comrade H.S. MARKYN Dnipropetrovsk; TO THE HEAD OF THE INVESTIGATIVE DEPARTMENT OF THE UKGB at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR for Vinnytsia region, Major V.F. RUCHIEVSKY. Vinnytsia. We are sending you copies of the protocols of the interrogations of witnesses G.A. VYNOKUR, E.A. FARBER, S.L. FISHYLEVYCH. and A.L. MOSKOVYCH, interrogated in the case of the Nazi war criminal MAITERT. From the analysis of the testimony of the above-mentioned witnesses, it can be seen that during the interrogation on January 2, 1973, regarding the murder of the Jew HORODETSKY and his young daughter by a German officer, he gave testimony similar to the testimony of the witnesses FARBER and VINOKUR. During the interrogation at the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR in the presence of representatives of the judicial authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany, FISHYLEVYCH significantly changed his testimony regarding the circumstances of the murder of HORODETSKY and his daughter. Thus, during the interrogation on January 2, 1973, FISHYLEVYCH testified that a German officer had killed a citizen HORODETSKY and his daughter while in the territory of a Jewish camp, and that at the time of the murder, HORODETSKY was trying to enter the territory of the camp alone through a wire fence after his return from the city. During the interrogation on May 24, 1973, FISHYLEVYCH testified that HORODETSKY had returned from the city with his daughter, and they tried to enter the camp together, and that the German officer was outside the camp at the time of the murder of HORODETSKY and his daughter. Witness MOSKOVYCH also changed his testimony during the interrogation at the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR in the presence of West German representatives. If during the interrogations on December 29, 1972 and April 5, 1973, he stated that he did not know about the specific facts of the murder of Jews by a German officer (MAYTER) and that his brother Idel was never held in a Jewish camp in Kopaigorod, then at the interrogation on May 25, 1973 in the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR, Moskovych testified about his brother's temporary stay in the specified camp and reported the specific facts of the murder of Jews by a German officer, known to him from the words of Idel. Please draw the attention of investigative workers to the need for more thorough and detailed interrogation of witnesses in the cases of Nazi war criminals and timely elimination of contradictions in their testimony.

Appendix: to the first address - copies of the interrogation protocols of VINOKUR, FARBER, FISHILEVYCH and MOSKOVYCH on 57 sheets; to the second address - copies of the protocols interrogated MOSKOVYCH on 33 sheets; to the third address - copies of the interrogation protocols of VYNOKUR, FARBER and FISHYLEVYCH on 24 sheets.

CHIEF OF THE INVESTIGATIVE DEPARTMENT OF THE STATE SECURITY COMMITTEE at the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Colonel of Justice [signature] NASONOV”. (GDA SB of Ukraine, f. 7, item 1, file 38, sheet 186-187. Original. Typescript.)

PROTOCOL of the interrogation of a witness, Kopayhorod, December 29, 1972. The interrogation began at 12 o'clock 00 min. Finished at 1 p.m. 30 min. The investigator of the investigative department of the KGB Department at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR in Region, Lieutenant ZHEIDA, on behalf of the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR, in the premises of the Village Council, in compliance with the requirements of Art. Art. 85, 167 and 170 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR questioned as a witness Heinikh Abramovich VYNOKUR , born in 1912, native and resident of Kopaigorod, Bar District, Vinnytsia Region, Jew, citizen of the USSR, has secondary special education, pensioner. In accordance with Part IV of Art. 167 Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR, G.A. VINOKUR the duties of a witness, provided for in Art. 70 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR were explained to G.A. VINOKUR, and he was warned of liability under Art. 179 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR for refusal or evasion of giving is shown and according to Art. 178 part II of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR for giving knowingly false statements. Signature.

I understand the essence of the questions put to me. I know Russian, I do not need an interpreter during the interrogation and I wish to give evidence in Russian. During the period of the temporary German-Romanian occupation of the territory of Kopaigorod district of Vinnytsia region, I lived in the town of Kopaigorod. During this period, I did various tin works at home on the orders of local residents. In June 1941, the city of Kopaigorod was occupied by German-fascist invaders who stayed in the city of Kopaigorod for about three months, then left, and the Romanian gendarmes arrived in the city of Kopaigorod. In the summer of 1942, I don't remember the exact month, a German officer arrived in Kopaigorod, I don't know his rank, since I don't understand the ranks of German officers. This officer was a representative of the German military command and was engaged in the organization of the collection of bread for the German army from all of the agricultural communities in the Kopaigorod district. I don't remember the name and surname of this officer because it was long ago. At that time, the German-fascist officer was approximately 35-40 years old, he was tall, fat, and had blond hair. Other than that, I don't remember how he looked. Two or three weeks after the arrival of this particular German officer in the city of Kopaigorod, the occupation authorities and Romanian gendarmes organized a camp for citizens of Jewish nationality in the area of the Kopay railway station. The camp was a part of the territory fenced in with barbed wire. The occupiers drove all the Jews from the city of Kopaigorod and the Kopaigorod district to this camp. In total, 4-5 thousand Jews were imprisoned in this camp. I was also thrown into this camp by the occupiers. The camp was guarded by Romanian gendarmes and policemen, whose surnames I do not know. No one fed the prisoners of the camp, and for the first 3-4 days, they ate the food they brought with them. Some citizens of Jewish nationality, who lived in the city of Kopaigorod before they were confined to the camp, ran away from the camp to the city of Kopaigorod to get food for themselves and their families in the camp. The camp was located at a distance of approximately 4-5 kilometers from Kopaigorod. The citizen, Nahman HORODETSKY, (I don't remember his father' name) was among those imprisoned in the camp, together with his wife and a daughter who was six or seven years old. Nahman HORODETSKY escaped from the camp and fled to the city of Kopaigorod in order to obtain food for himself and his family from his home. On the same day, Nahman HORODETSKY returned to the camp with food. Before Nahman HORODETSKY returned to the camp, the above-mentioned German officer arrived in the camp from the city of Kopaigorod, and, speaking before the citizens incarcerated in the camp, he declared that all those who tried to leave the camp would be shot. At the time of the German officer's speech to the citizens in the camp, the citizen Nahman HORODETSKY returned to the camp, and he tried to sneak into the camp territory under the barbed wire fence. HORODETSKY was deaf and did not hear the content of the German officer's speech. Upon seeing her father, the daughter of Nahman HORODETSKY ran up to him and loudly shouted to him that he should not enter the camp territory, as he could be shot for having left the camp. A German-fascist officer heard the girl's scream and paid attention to it. He saw that HORODETSKY was trying to crawl under the barbed wire into the territory of the camp. Immediately, in front of my eyes, a German officer approached citizen HORODETSKY and killed him with a shot from a pistol, and with a second shot he killed HORODETSKY's daughter. I was about twenty meters away from the place where a German fascist officer killed this citizen HORODETSKY and his daughter, and I clearly saw how HORODESTSKY and his daughter were shot by a German officer. Many citizens in the camp were eyewitnesses to this murder, but I do not know their last names. When HORODETSKY'S wife saw how her husband and daughter were killed by a Nazi officer, she became mentally disabled and two or three weeks later, I don't remember exactly, she died in the camp. On the day of the shooting by a German officer of the citizen HORODETSKY and his daughter, the corpse of a citizen of Jewish nationality named SEROV, whose name and patronymic I do not remember, was brought to the camp by Romanian gendarmes. According to information told to me by the citizens of Kopaigorod, I do not remember who, specifically I know that the citizen SEROV was also killed by the German officer, who killed citizen HORODETSKY and his daughter. I don't know exactly where and under what circumstances citizen SEROV was killed by a German officer, but I remember very well that his corpse was buried on the territory of the camp along with the corpse of citizen HORODETSKY and his daughter. I do not know if there were any cases of shooting of Soviet citizens by a German officer other than what I have stated. I have nothing more to add to the substance of the questions. I have read the protocol of the interrogation, and it is written correctly in my words. Signature.

INQUIRY: The investigator of the UKGB at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR in Vinnytsia region – lieutenant [signature] ZHEIDA

True copy: Deputy Prosecutor of Vinnytsia Region State Counselor of Justice of the 3rd Class [signature] TARNAVSKY January 3, 1973” (GDA SB of Ukraine, f. 7, op. 1, file 38, sheet 188-191. Certified copy. Typescript).

PROTOCOL of the interrogation of a witness, Kopayhorod, January 2, 1973. The interrogation began at 4 p.m. 50 min. Finished at 6 p.m. 10 min. Investigator of the investigative department of the KGB Department at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR in Vinnytsia region, Lieutenant ZHEIDA on behalf of the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR in the premises of the Village Council in compliance with the requirements of Art. Art. 85, 167 and 170 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR questioned as a witness Farber Yevsey Abramovich, born in 1918, a native and resident of the city of Kopaigorod, Bar district of Vinnytsia region, a Jew, a citizen of the USSR, having a secondary education, working as a weigher at a juice and fruit plant. In accordance with Part IV of Art. I67 Code of Civil Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR to E.A. Farber the duties of a witness, provided for in Art. 70 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR was explained, and he was warned of liability under Art. 179 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR for refusal or evasion of giving evidence is shown and according to Art. 178 part II of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR for giving knowingly false statements. Signature.

I answer the questions: I know Russian, I do not need an interpreter during the interrogation and I wish to give evidence in Russian. During the period of the temporary German-Romanian occupation of the territory of the former Kopaigorod district of Vinnytsia region, I lived in the city of Kopaigorod, with my parents. In July 1941, the city of Kopaigorod was occupied by German-fascist invaders, who were in the city of Kopaigorod for about three months, then left, after which the Romanian gendarmes arrived in the city. In the summer of 1942, I don't remember the exact month, a German officer arrived in Kopaigorod. He was tall, of thick build, with light hair. I don't know what rank he had, as I don't understand German military ranks. I also do not know the name and surname of this officer. I do not remember more specific features of the mentioned officer. At that time, he was 35-40 years old. Two or three weeks after the arrival of the German officer in Kopaigorod, the occupying authorities and the Romanian gendarmes organized a camp for citizens of Jewish nationality near the Kopay station. The camp was a part of the territory fenced with wire. The occupiers drove all Jewish citizens of the city of Kopaigorod and the Kopaigorod district into this camp. I was also thrown into the camp by the occupiers. I remember how a German officer from the city of Kopaigorod arrived in the camp together with the Romanian gendarmes. This officer appeared in front of the people held in the camp and warned that all people who were trying to leave the camp would be shot. At the moment of the German officer's speech before the people held in the camp, citizen Nahman HORODETSKY, who was also held in the camp and went to the city of Kopaigorod to get food for himself and his family, returned. The German officer saw that HORODETSKY was trying to crawl under the barbed wire to get to the camp territory and immediately killed him with a shot from a pistol, and also killed HORODETSKY's daughter, who ran to her father at that moment, with a second shot,. I personally heard the shots and later saw the corpses of HORODETSKY and his daughter. I was on the other side of the camp at the time of the murder of a citizen of HORODETSKY and his daughter by a German officer, and I was not a direct witness to this murder. Many Jewish citizens in the camp who were direct eyewitnesses spoke about the fact that it was a German officer who killed HORODETSKY and his daughter, but I do not remember their names. On the same day, Romanian gendarmes brought the body of citizen SEROV to the camp. I don't remember his name and father's name, who, like many other Jews, escaped from the camp. From the words of people held in the camp, I know that citizen SEROV was also killed by a German officer. I don't know exactly where and under what circumstances he killed him, but I remember that SEROV was buried on the territory of the camp. I don't remember who told me about this murder of SEROV, because it was a long time ago. I don't remember if there were any other cases of shooting of Soviet citizens in the Kopaigorod district by the mentioned Nazi officer. I have nothing more to add. I have read the protocol of the interrogation, and it is written correctly in my words. Signature.

INQUIRY: Investigator of the KGB Department at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR in Vinnytsia region Lieutenant [signature] ZHEIDA

Proved: Deputy Prosecutor of Vinnytsia Region State Counselor of Justice of the 3rd Class TARNAVSKY [signature] January 3, 1973” (GDA SB of Ukraine, f. 7, op. 1, file 38, sheet. 192-194. Certified copy. Typescript).

PROTOCOL of the interrogation of a witness in Kopaigorod on January 2, 1973. The interrogation began at 3 p.m. 00 min. Finished at 4 p.m. 40 min. The investigator of the investigative department of the KGB Department at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR in Vinnytsia region, Lieutenant ZHEIDA, on behalf of the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR, in the premises of the Village Council, in compliance with the requirements of Art. Art. 85, 167 and 170 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR questioned as a witness Semyon Lazarevich FISHYLEVYCH born in 1925, born and resident of Kopaigorod, Bar District, Vinnytsia Region, Jew, citizen of the USSR, 9^th grade education, working as a grocery store salesman. In accordance with Part IV of Art. I67 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR S.L. FISHYLEVYCH was advised of the duties of a witness, provided for in Art. 70 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR, and he was warned of liability under Art. 179 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR for refusal or evasion of giving information and according to Art. 178 part II of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR for giving knowingly false statements. Signature.

I understand the essence of the questions put to me: I know Russian, I do not need an interpreter during the interrogation and I wish to give evidence in Russian. During the period of the temporary German-Romanian occupation of the territory of the Kopayhorod district of Vinnytsia region, I lived in the town of Kopaigorod, near my parents. In July 1941, the city of Kopaigorod was occupied by the German-fascist invaders, who were in the town of Kopaigorod for about three months, then left, and the Romanian gendarmes arrived there. In the summer of 1942, I don't remember the exact month, an officer arrived in Kopaigorod, what rank he had - I don't know, since I don't understand German ranks. This officer was a representative of the German occupation authorities and was engaged in the organization of the collection of bread for the German-fascist army from all agricultural communes in the Kopaigorod district. I do not know the name and name of this officer. At that time, he was approximately 35-40 years old, he was tall, with a dense build, and was blond. I don't remember other signs of a German officer. Two or three weeks after the arrival of the mentioned officer in the city of Kopaigorod, the occupation authorities and the Romanian gendarmes organized a camp for citizens of Jewish nationality in the area of the Kopay railway station. The camp was a part of the territory fenced with barbed wire. The occupiers drove all Jewish citizens of Kopaigorod and the Kopaigorod district into this camp. In total, 4-5 thousand Jews were imprisoned in the camp. I was also thrown into this camp by the occupiers. The camp was guarded by Romanian gendarmes and policemen, whom I do not know. No one fed the people kept in the camp, and for the first few days they ate only the food they had brought with them. Citizens of Jewish nationality who lived in the city of Kopaigorod before they were placed in the camp, in order to save themselves and their family members from starvation, began to run away from the camp to Kopaigorod to take home food for themselves and their families. Among those detained in the camp was also a citizen Nahman HORODETSKY, I don't remember his father's name, together with his wife and daughter, 6-7 years old, who left the camp in Kopaigorod, as well as some other citizens of Jewish nationality, for food. On the same day, Nahman HORODETSKY returned to the camp with food. Before Nahman HORODETSKY returned to the camp, a German officer together with Romanian gendarmes and policemen arrived at the camp. The above-mentioned German-fascist officer began to speak before the people held in the camp. At the same time, he warned everyone that if anyone tried to leave the camp, he would be shot on the spot. At the time of the German officer's speech, the citizen Nahman HORODETSKY returned to the camp, and was trying to crawl into the camp territory under the barbed wire that fenced the camp. Seeing her father, the daughter of HORODETSKY ran up to him and began to shout at him not to enter the territory of the camp, since he could be shot for leaving the camp. HORODETSKY could not hear well, so the daughter screamed loudly. A German officer overheard the daughter of HORODETSKY and saw that HORODETSKY was trying to get through the barbed wire into the camp. Immediately before my eyes, the German officer approached Nachman HORODETSKY and killed the latter with a shot from a pistol, and with a second shot he killed HORODETSKY's daughter. I was at a distance of 15-20 meters from the place where the German officer killed citizen HORODETSKY and his daughter, and I clearly saw how the German officer killed a civilian resident of the city of Kopaigorod, HORODETSKY and his 6-7-year-old daughter. On the same day, Romanian gendarmes brought the corpse of a citizen of Jewish nationality SEROV to the camp. I don't remember his name and surname. From the words of fellow villagers, whom I do not remember specifically, I know that citizen SEROV was shot by the above-mentioned German officer. I don't know exactly where and under what circumstances he shot him, but I remember well that his corpse was buried on the territory of the camp. I do not know if there were other cases of shooting of Soviet citizens by a German officer in the Kopayhorod district. I have nothing more to add to this matter. I have read the protocol of the interrogation, and it is written correctly in my words. Signature.

INQUIRY: Investigator of the KGB Department at the CM of the Ukrainian SSR in Vinnytsia region, Lieutenant ZHEIDA

A true copy: Deputy Prosecutor of Vinnytsia region, State Counselor of Justice 3rd Class [signature] TARNAVSKY, January 3, 1973” (GDA SB of Ukraine, f. 7, op. 1, file 38, sheet 195-198. Copy. Typescript).

“WITNESS INTERROGATION PROTOCOL, Moscow, May 24, 1973. Investigator of particularly important cases at the Prosecutor General of the USSR, senior adviser ZVEREV, in the presence of the first prosecutor of the prosecutor's office at the Land Court of Nuremberg-Furth FELLMANN and lawyer BOGSH, in accordance with Art. Art. 157–160 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the RSFSR, questioned as a witness Semen Lazarevich FISHYLEVYCH, born in 1925, native of the town of Kopaigorod, Bar District, Vinnytsia Region, Jewish, 9^th grade education, works as a salesman in a grocery store, lives: Kopaigorod, Pervomayskaia street, 49. Witness Fyshylevych was warned of criminal liability for refusing to give evidence and for giving knowingly false evidence under Art. Art. 181-182 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. The interrogation was conducted with the participation of a German translator, M.V. VOLYNETS, who before the interrogation was warned of responsibility for a knowingly false translation under Art. 181 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR Interrogation began at 2 p.m., ended at 5 p.m. 10 min. The witness testified to the questions put to him.

In 1941, I finished the 9^th grade in the town of Kopaigorod, and in June the war began. About a month later, Kopaigorod was occupied by the German army. Our family consisted of my parents, three brothers and a sister. I was the youngest in the family. German troops were in Kopaigorod, as I remember 3 months ago. They were replaced by Romanian troops, and before the liberation of Kopaigorod by the Soviet Army, Romanian troops and the Romanian administration were stationed there. After the arrival of the Romanian units, a ghetto was created in Kopaigorod. Before the war, the population of Kopaigorod was about 5,000 people. A ghetto was created by the Romanians in Kopaigorod. It was forbidden to leave the territory of the ghetto. Every day, residents were sent to various jobs: carrying water, earthworks, and other heavy work. A Jewish community was created to manage the Jews living in the ghetto. In addition, there were police from among Ukrainians, they were distinguished by the fact that they wore badges. Everything was led by a Romanian. There were Romanian gendarmes and border guards in Kopaigorod. Initially, only Jews living in Kopaigorod were in the ghetto, but soon Jews from Romania and the surrounding towns and villages were brought there. I cannot say how many people were placed in the ghetto, in addition to the permanent residents of Kopaigorod, but they drove a lot of people to this ghetto. Some of them were distributed to surrounding villages, some remained in the ghetto. The community consisted mostly of Romanian Jews who knew the Romanian language, but the community also included Jews who lived in Kopaigorod, that is, local Jews. The community consisted of the president - the chairman, his deputy, and people who wore armbands and were, as it were, executors of the decisions and instructions of the community. Members of the community were appointed by the Romanian soldier. They gathered people to carry out various works. Through this community, the Romanians gave instructions, and they collected and sent them to work. It existed for approximately 8 months. In May 1942, a camp was created near Kopay station. Romanian Jews and local Jews who lived in the Kopaigorod ghetto were gathered in this camp. Why the camp was created, I cannot say, but I believe that the camp was created in order to cause suffering to the inhabitants of the ghetto. By whose orders the camp was created, I do not know. My family and I were in this camp for 27 days. One day, not knowing anything, we went to bed, when suddenly in the morning the police woke up all the residents and gathered them in the square of the ghetto. At first we were not told anything about the reason for our being gathered there. After we were gathered, a Romanian and the president of the community came out and announced to us: “Everyone, go home, collect your clothes, some food, but you can't take more than one bag per person.” After we took our things, we gathered again in the square. We have been waiting a long time because we did not gather at once. All the policemen were sent to the houses to drive everyone out of the houses. When everyone was assembled, we were surrounded by a convoy and ordered to go forward. We were told that we will be transferred to a camp. We did not know what kind of camp it was and why we had to be transferred there. Since there were old people and children in the column, the column moved slowly. We were driven from Kopaigorod through the village of Shypynky, through the Kopay station and further to Obodyag, and from Obodyag straight into the Kosharenetsky forest. There was a fenced area in the forest with wire. The wire was about 2 m high in one row. We made our own huts from tree branches on the grounds of the camp. Each family made such a hut. There was no water in the camp. We had to go outside the camp for water. The camp was guarded by Ukrainian policemen. They were all armed with rifles, but the camp was not very strictly guarded. There were approximately 5,000 people in the camp. Among those held in the camp were local Jews and, as I have already said, Romanian Jews. There was no organized feeding. We ate the food we had taken with us. Then food was obtained by exchanging clothes and belongings for products from those who approached the wire from the outside. This was done illegally. When we were placed in the camp, no one told us the rules about living in the camp. I don't remember that we were told that it was forbidden to leave the camp, but it was obvious because there was a guard around the camp and we weren't allowed to leave the territory. When we were in the camp, we were not made to do any kind of work. After about 8-10 days, people began to die in the camp from hunger and disease. Most of the victims were Jews who were driven from Romania and other places. They had already become weakened during the journey, and the camp conditions “finished” them. I didn't know anyone from the number of those deported from Romania and other places.

QUESTION: Did you know citizen Horodetsky?

ANSWER: Yes, I knew Nahman Horodetsky. He was a resident of Kopaigorod. Our houses were next to each other, we were neighbors. Horodetsky's family consisted of two people: a wife and a little girl. I can't say how old she was, somewhere around 10. He was sick, hard of hearing, went around the villages and exchanged industrial goods for products. He was a very poor man. Among the other inhabitants of Kopaigorod, he was placed together with his family in a forest camp, where I also was. Everyone ran from the camp to Kopaigorod or to neighboring villages in order to get food. And I had to run away from the camp to get food so that the family could eat. It was dangerous. If someone was caught, they were given 25 lashes. Horodetsky also left the camp territory to get food for his wife and daughter. At the end of June, on a Saturday morning, a German officer came to our camp in a horse-drawn carriage. Romanian gendarmes were with him, but I don't know how many of them there were. Before that, this officer had not been to the camp, I had not seen him. On the way to the camp, this officer shot a woman. This officer forced the body of this woman to be taken to the camp. She was almost undressed, covered with some kind of mat. All the Jews were gathered around the corpse, and the German officer said: “If someone leaves the camp, his life will end the same way as this woman's.” He spoke in German, and an interpreter was standing next to him. The translator was a Romanian Jew. I don't know his name or surname. When the German officer spoke, he was inside the camp. After the German officer said all this around the corpse of the woman, he left the camp, and the gates were closed behind him. Just at that moment Horodetsky approached the camp and tried to crawl under the fence. It was about 9:30 a.m. He approached the camp with his daughter. When he climbed under the fence, he got caught on the wire with his sweatshirt and could not get through. A German officer noticed Horodetsky crawling under the fence, approached him and shot him in the head. The girl shouted: “Daddy, daddy.” After she shouted “Papa '' a second time, a German officer shot her. After the first shot, the girl was still alive, then he shot her a second time and killed her. The girl's mother, Horodetsky's wife, learned about what had happened, ran to the fence, began to tear her hair and got mad. She died 10-12 days later. Horodetsky's corpse was lying under the fence, half of the corpse was in the camp, and the legs were behind the fence. The German officer, after shooting Horodetsky and his daughter, was at the camp for another 10 minutes. He spoke with the Romanian security and left. Everyone who was in the camp, after the officer killed Horodetsky and his daughter, ran to the other end of the camp. We were all afraid that they would shoot at us. I personally saw how a German officer shot Horodetsky and his daughter. Our family's hut was very close to the place where Horodetsky crawled under the fence. At the moment when the German officer shot at Horodetsky and his daughter, I was at a distance of 15-18 m from them. After the officer left, everyone gathered close to this place to look at Horodetsky and the girl. The girl was lying 1.5-2 m from her father. Everyone came to this place to see who was lying, since not everyone saw how they were killed. The corpses of the dead were not immediately allowed to be removed. I don't know how long they had been laying there. They were buried in a common grave. These graves were located outside the territory of the camp at a distance of no more than 1 km, but I am speaking approximately. Something like a cemetery was made there, where all those who died in the camp were buried. Nearby was an old stone barracks, where the sick were kept, where they died and were buried there. There was no medical care. The woman who was shot on the same day as Horodetsky was from the camp, but I did not know her. She was one of the Jews brought here. I also heard that citizen Serov was shot that day, but I know about this only from the words of other people. Serov is a communist from Mogilev-Podolsky. It was said that Serov was shot by the same officer. I know that the woman was shot by this officer because he himself said that if someone comes out from the camp, then it will be the same with him. After the day when Horodetsky and the girl were killed, after 10 days they began to release the families of some Jews. This was done only if this family contributed certain amounts to the community. In this case, this family was quietly released from the camp with the allowance of the gendarmerie. They took pods and left for Kopaigorod. 3-4 families started leaving per day. After 1.5 months, only those who could not pay remained in the camp, but soon all of them were released from the camp. Our family left the camp, as I have already said, after 27 days. My father paid some amount to the community, but I don't know how much he paid. When we returned to Kopaigorod, the ghetto was no longer there. When everyone was driven from the ghetto to the camp, some specialist craftsmen stayed at home. These craftsmen stayed only with the permission of the gendarmerie. They were issued a special document for residence. For example, I know that the tailors Stram, Schwartz and other craftsmen were not sent to the camp. There were very few such families, maybe only 3-4 families. The families of some Romanian Jews stayed in Kopaigorod and did not end up in the camp, but I do not know their names and surnames. I know that the president of the community, his deputy and some other subordinates remained in Kopaigorod. I know that there was a clinic in Kopaigorod, but I don't know who worked there. Neither I nor my family members went to the clinic. When I fell ill with typhus, they invited a Romanian doctor, paid him, and he treated me.

QUESTION: Do you know of cases when Germans came to the camp to select specialists?

ANSWER: No, I am not aware of such cases. The German officer was of medium height, slim, stocky, his age was 30 or something, but I cannot determine his age exactly, since I saw him only once, and then I got scared and ran away. He was dressed in a German army uniform. I know the German form, it differs from the Romanian and SS forms. He was armed with a pistol. When he saw Horodetsky, I remember how he took out a pistol and approached Horodetsky alone, none of the Romanian gendarmes were with him at that moment.

INVESTIGATOR FOR PARTICULARLY IMPORTANT CASES at the PROSECUTOR GENERAL of the USSR, senior adviser to justice Y. ZVEREV.

PRESENT: THE FIRST PROSECUTOR OF THE PROSECUTOR'S OFFICE at the LAND COURT of NÜRNBERN-FÜRTH FELLMAN LAWYER BOGSH TRANSLATOR VOLYNETS, STENOGRAPHER” (GDA SB of Ukraine, f. 7, op. 1, file 38, sheet. 199-211. Copy. Typescript).

WITNESS INTERROGATION PROTOCOL December 29, 1972. Dnipropetrovsk city Senior investigator of the investigative department of the Department of the State Security Committee under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR for Dnipropetrovsk region, Major Moroz, on behalf of the Prosecutor's Office of the USSR in connection with the request of the Federal Republic of Germany to provide legal assistance in accordance with the requirements of Art. 85, 167 and 170 of the Criminal Procedure Code of the Ukrainian SSR. The investigator's office interrogated as a witness Azrail Lazarevich MOSKOVICH, born in 1922,, of the town of Moiseu in the Maramuzh district (Romania), a Jew, a servant, living in Dnepropetrovsk, Svetlov str, house No. 46, sq. No. 2. The interrogation began at 10:10 o'clock. The duties of a witness listed in Art. 70 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Ukrainian SSR were explained to MOSKOVICH and he was warned of criminal liability for refusal or evasion to give testimony and for giving knowingly false testimony under Art. 178 and 179 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR. On the merits of the questions, the witness A.L. MOSKOVICH indicated the following. I know Russian, I don't mind my interrogation in Russian, I don't need an interpreter. When the Great Patriotic War of fascist Germany against the Soviet Union began, I, together with my parents, father Lazar MOSKOVICH, mother Frida MOSKOVICH,, brother Idel MOSKOVICH (Chaim Idel) and sister Elena MOSKOVICH, lived in the mountains of Dornovatra, Southern Bukovina (Romania). This city was located approximately one hundred kilometers from the Romanian-Soviet border. In October 1941, the Romanian administration issued an order that all Jews living in the mountains of Dornovatra, regardless of gender and age, were to leave this city within 48 hours and gather at the railway station, carrying with them their necessary items and an eight-day supply of food for their removal to some camp, but it was not specified the exact place. All the Jews who had gathered at the station, including our family, and there were about 5,000 people in total, were taken to the mountains of Ukraine a few days later. Kopaigorod of Vinnytsia region was occupied by Romanian troops by that time. All arriving Jews were placed in specially designated residential quarters for them in this city, the so-called ghetto. This ghetto occupied residential buildings located on the streets, I do not remember their names now, and represented the scheme I drew now, which I ask you to add to the present protocol. An average of 40-50 people lived in each of the houses located in this ghetto, the territory of which was surrounded by a broad fence. Due to the lack of normal living conditions and unsanitary conditions, a large number of people in the ghetto died every day. The administration of this ghetto consisted of the so-called “Jewish committee”, which included approximately 10-15 people from among the arrived and local Jews, as well as the police. The indicated “Jewish committee” was under the direct authority of the Romanian praetor (representative of the city civil administration) and the head of the Romanian gendarmerie. The ghetto was guarded by policemen who were Jews and Ukrainians. Approximately 5-6 days after we were placed in the ghetto, the administration selected doctors, shoemakers, tailors, carpenters, and other specialists who were allowed to live outside the designated ghetto and work at their profession in Kopaigorod to serve the local population and city institutions. As a dental technician, I, together with my parents, brother and sister, settled outside the ghetto and started working in a clinic. The rest of the people who remained in the ghetto by order of its administration were employed in various physical jobs related to the construction and repair of highways, harvesting fuel, cleaning the streets from garbage and snow, and performing other rough work. I worked in the above-mentioned polyclinic approximately until the late autumn of 1942, and then the dentist, under whose command I was, dismissed me from work, and since I could not find a second place of work on my profession, I was forced to live with my mother, brother and sister who were dependent on me, to return to the ghetto. (My father died of exhaustion in July 1942). We were in the indicated ghetto until March 1944, that is, until the day of our liberation by the Soviet Army. Around April 1942, a German military officer appeared in Kopaigorod. I do not know his surname and name, as well as his military rank and position, but I heard that he was called commandant. At that time, he was approximately 35-40 years old, above average height, thin, blond, constantly wore a German military uniform of an army cut. I heard that by order of this commandant, in the summer of 1942, all the Jews in the ghetto were transferred to a concentration camp he organized, which was located near the Kopaigorod railway station, about 5 kilometers from the city in the forest. This concentration camp was surrounded by barbed wire and guarded by policemen and Romanian gendarmes. This camp existed approximately until the autumn of 1942, that is, until the departure of the specified German commandant from Kopaigorod. According to the citizens held in this concentration camp, I know that the above-mentioned German commandant treated the Jews in this concentration camp extremely cruelly and inhumanely, and there was not a day that he did not kill one of the Jews. I personally was not an eyewitness to the killing of Jews by this German commandant and I only know about it from the words of other people. Who exactly told me about this - because of the antiquity of the past, I don't remember now. In the fall of 1942, after the departure of this German commandant, the indicated concentration camp, at the request of the “Jewish committee” before the representatives of the Romanian city administration, was gradually liquidated and the Jews held in it were again placed in the ghetto, where they remained until their liberation by the Soviet Army. During the period of my stay in the occupied mountains in Kopaigorod, from October 1941 to March 1944, there was a city administration headed by a local resident from the Kopaigorod district, whose last name I do not know; the Romanian gendarmerie, which was headed by a military Romanian with the rank of lieutenant and I don't know his last name; a unit of Romanian border guards led by a Romanian officer with the rank of captain, I don't know his last name, and the city Ukrainian police, which was led by the head of the city administration and his deputy, I don't know his last name. The head of the city administration was directly subordinate to the Romanian praetor, I also do not know his last name. I do not know whether there were other administrative bodies of the occupiers in Kopaigorod during this period. It should be noted that the entire territory of Kopaigorod was completely under the control of the Romanian administration, and I do not know anything about the existence of any German bodies in this city. The Romanian gendarmes, in relation to people of Jewish nationality, located both in the ghetto zone and outside it, sometimes subjected Jews to beatings with whips without any reason, entered their houses and took various things and valuables, but there were no mass repressions or executions of Jews. I do not have any documents, photographs or objects confirming the punitive activities of the occupiers during their stay in Kopaigorod. After the liberation of Kopaigorod by the Soviet Army, I lived in this city until April 1944, and then, being unofficially married to citizen Esfira Ilyinichna Belfer, I moved to her family in Bar, Vinnytsia Region (20 km from Kopaigorod), where I lived until 1952. In the period from October 1952 to June 1953, I lived in Semenovo, Gorky Region, where I worked as a dental technician in a clinic, and then I entered the Dnipropetrovsk Medical Institute and stayed in Dnipropetrovsk, where I live with my family at the present time. I have never changed my surname MOSKOVICH and this surname is indicated in my passport even now. Living in Bar in 1952, I accepted Soviet citizenship. Before that I was considered a citizen of Romania. Out of my close relatives, with whom I was in Romanian-occupied Kopaigorod, at the present time I have mother Frida MOSKOVICH, a brother Idel MOSKOVICH, or, as he is also called, Chaim Idel, who now lives in Israel, and a sister Elena MOSKOVICH who lives in the United States in Brooklyn. While in the occupied city of Kopaigorod, my older brother Idel MOSKOVICH, born around 1907, did not officially work anywhere and was constantly dependent on me until the day of our liberation by the Soviet Army.

QUESTION: The judicial authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany are currently considering a case against Johann MAITERT, Sonderführer for agriculture in the city of Kopaigorod. Do you know him and what do you know about him and the activities of the body he headed?

ANSWER: I do not know Johann MAITERT at all, and I do not know who he is. It is possible that the German commandant I mentioned above had such a surname, but I cannot confirm this.

QUESTION: Your brother Chaim Idel (Ehuda) MOSKOVICH, a witness in the case of Johann MAITERT, stated that you know the facts of the murder of three Jews by Johann MAITERT in Kopaigorod in the summer of 1942. What can you explain related to this?

ANSWER: I personally do not know such facts. Referring to me as a witness who could speak about the circumstances of the murder of Jews in Kopaigorod by Johan MAITERT, my brother Idel MOSKOVICH is proceeding, apparently, only from the fact that I was in this city at that time. In fact, I do not know such facts and cannot show anything on this issue. Personally, I was not an eyewitness to the murder of Jews by any of the German occupiers in Kopaigorod. The interrogation ended at 2 p.m. 30 min. I have read the protocol of the interrogation. It is written correctly. I have no remarks about the interrogation and the content of the protocol.

The interrogation was conducted and the protocol was drawn up by MAJOR MOROZ, SENIOR INVESTIGATOR OF THE INVESTIGATORY DEPARTMENT OF THE UKGB AT THE CM OF THE USSR FOR THE DNIPROPETROVSK Oblast.

CORRECT: SENIOR INVESTIGATOR OF THE INVESTIGATIVE DEPARTMENT OF THE UKGB AT THE CM OF THE USSR FOR THE DNIPROPETROVSK REGION, MAJOR [signature] MOROZ” (GDA SB of Ukraine, f. 7, op. 1, file 38, sheet. 212-215. Certified copy. Typescript).

WITNESS INTERROGATION PROTOCOL May 25, 1973, Moscow, Investigator of particularly important cases at the Prosecutor General of the USSR, senior advisor of justice ZVEREV in the presence of the first prosecutor of the prosecutor's office at the Nuremberg-Furth Land Court FELLMANN and lawyer BOGSH with the observance of Art. Art. 157-160 of the Code of Civil Procedure of the RSFSR questioned as a witness: Azrail Lazarevich MOSKOVICH , born in 1922, native of the village of Moiseu, Maramuzhsky district (Romania), Jewish by nationality, higher medical education, works in Dnipropetrovsk as a toxicologist at an ambulance station, lives in Dnipropetrovsk, Svetlov str, house 46, ap. 2. Witness MOSCOVICH was warned of criminal liability for refusing to give evidence and for giving knowingly false evidence under Art. 181-182 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. [signature]

The interrogation is carried out with the participation of the translator of the German language M.V. VOLYNETS, who was warned of responsibility for a knowingly false translation under Art. 181 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. [signature]

The interrogation began at 2 p.m. 30 min. The witness testified to the questions put to him: “At the end of September 1941, from the town of Dornavatra (Southern Bukovina), all residents of Jewish nationality were evicted to the town of Ataki, which was located near the town of Mogilev-Podolsky on the banks of the Dniester River, that is, to the former Romanian - Soviet border. We had been staying in this city for 1-2 days, then we were taken by ferry across the Dniester to Mogilev-Podolsky. For several days we were in a closed school or boarding school under security. After a few days, people began to be driven on foot in a direction unknown to us. Those, who could pay, were going by cars. Some German military units provided them with transport for an appropriate fee. Our family was transported by car to the city of Kopaigorod. In Kopaigorod, we were placed in the former MTS (machine tractor station). We stayed there until morning, and on the second day, the Romanian administration and gendarmes appeared and began to select specialists. Together with us, 10-15 cars, completely full of people, arrived in one day. They began to ask us if there were specialists among the arrivals: doctors, tailors, carpenters, etc. We were together with a familiar family, he was a dentist, and I was a dental technician. The specialists and their families were allowed to move aside, and we moved away. There were 30-40 such specialists, not counting their family members. Our family consisted of 5 people: me, father – Lazar Moskovich, mother – Frida, sister – Elena, and brother – Hamida or Khaimidel. We were told to look for an apartment and report to the Romanian authorities the next day. That day we found a temporary apartment in a house near the gendarmerie. We had been staying in this apartment for 2-3 days. I don't remember the owners' last name. The next day, in the town's Romanian office, we issued documents for the right to reside in the town of Kopaigorod, and applied for work. We, that is, I, as a dental technician, and the second specialist, as a dentist, were registered to work in a clinic. Opposite the clinic a little higher was an empty house in good condition and we were allowed to move there. The owners of the house were evacuated and left at the beginning of the war. The rest of the specialists found apartments themselves and settled in different places. The non-specialists were gathered again the next morning and driven farther on foot. There were rumors among the people who came to Kopaigorod that a ghetto would be organized here. After our arrival in Kopaigorod, cars arrived every day and drove Jews on foot, among whom specialists were selected, and the rest were taken to neighboring villages. This continued for 1.5 months. 1.5 months after our arrival, all the Jews who were dispersed in the neighboring villages were returned to Kopaigorod, and a ghetto was created in the town. The territory of the ghetto was surrounded by a fence, it was indicated where to enter and where to leave. Specialists who happened to be living on the territory of the ghetto were allowed to enter and leave freely. Our family lived outside the ghetto. In our family, I worked as a dental technician and received a special ration, which consisted of 2 poods of oatmeal and 2 liters of sunflower oil per month. Sister Elena was a good seamstress and sewed for the local population. Father was disabled and could not work, mother had never worked and did not work here either. My brother did not work anywhere. He had small savings, but at that time he lived on our help. His sister helped him the most. This continued until 1942. The brother began to quarrel with his parents. He was generally a quarrelsome person by nature. After these quarrels, he sometimes disappeared from the house for a week or two, then he came back. When the ghetto was organized, the Jewish community was organized at the same time. These were representatives of rich Jews. The Romanian administration freed these Jewish representatives to organize a community. There were volunteers who took on the organization of the community. Among them were specialists: doctors, lawyers, pharmacists and just businessmen. They created a ghetto, the streets were fenced off. The community was responsible for entering and exiting the ghetto. On the outside, there was security which consisted of Ukrainian policemen, and inside, security was organized by Jewish policemen. Ornshtein was in charge of the community, there was someone else before him for a short time, but I don't remember his last name, and after that Ornshtein began to head the community. The head of the Jewish police was Trachtenbroit. The Jews living in the ghetto were engaged in the construction of roads outside the ghetto, logging, and working on the railway. The Gendarmerie gave instructions to the Jewish community as to how many people would be put to work each day. Specialists did not go to work, they served the Romanian administration, gendarmerie and military units. This continued until the summer of 1942. Back in the spring of 1942, a German army officer appeared in Kopaigorod, I don't remember his last name. They said that the German commandant had arrived. I saw him several times, from afar. He settled in a special house, equipped with the latest technology, that is, it was such a house, which had never been in this place. The house was located approximately opposite the church. He lived there alone. He was served by girls from the ghetto and young women, they prepared food for him and cleaned. Women and girls to serve the commandant were selected by the community. There could not be a conversation about the officer's voluntary service, it was an order. One girl served him one week, another one the next week, sometimes 2 girls served him at once. It was said that he loved women very much. I knew one girl, she was from among the Romanian Jews from not a rich family, her father was a pharmacist. Her name was Lenoy, she was 20 years old. She is the same age as me. I asked her what she was doing there, and she said that a German was harassing her. I don't know if he used violence against her, she didn't tell me anything about it. She served him for two weeks, then she was replaced by another. I don't know the other girls. There were rumors that a German officer forced girls and women to cohabit with him. It was said that this commandant had the task of liquidating the ghetto, that is, organizing a camp for the extermination of all Jews. One summer, early in the morning, everyone living in the ghetto was gathered and sent to the Kopay station, where there was a forest nearby and there were barracks. A camp was established there. The territory of the camp was fenced with barbed wire. Everyone who lived in the ghetto was sent there, with the exception of a few specialists, but not all specialists who lived in the ghetto remained, many were sent to the camp. Only a few families lived outside the ghetto – 2-3 families, including ours. In total, no more than 10 families of specialists remained in Kopaigorod, the rest were sent to the camp. Our family was not sent to the camp. Two days before the creation of the camp, I went to Mogilev-Podolsky. I had been there for 10 days, I went there for medicines. When I returned to Kopaigorod, I got scared, saw the broken windows in the ghetto, and began to worry about the fate of my family. When I came home, I saw that everyone was at home, except for my brother. Since we were on good terms with the gendarmerie, they told us that everyone was sent to the camp. The brother appeared on the second day or 2 days after my arrival. Neither I nor members of my family were in the camp. Only once, when the camp was already disbanded, in the late autumn of 1942, around November, I went to the camp. Our distant relative was there. She was sick and I went there to help her. In general, the camp had existed for no more than 5 months. The camp was liquidated immediately after the departure of the German officer, and he left in the fall of 1942. Officially, no one liquidated it, it was just that the security there was removed, and people began to enter the ghetto. Soon after the organization of the camp, I don't remember the exact time and month, but it was in the middle of summer, about the second day after my arrival from Mogilev-Podolsk, my brother appeared and told me that he got into the camp, but he managed to get out of there. When I asked him how he managed to escape, he said that he slipped under the wire. I can't imagine how it could be, especially since in the first days of the camp's existence, it was heavily guarded, and I know that people died there trying to leave the camp for food. We didn't have any more conversation about how he left the camp, but he said that other people had left there besides him. Later, during the existence of the camp, my brother lived with us. When the camp was liquidated, he began to leave home again, after a quarrel with someone from the family. I worked at the clinic until the fall of 1942, and in 1942 I did not get along with dentist Kaufman and left the clinic. Kaufman was actually the same kind of dental technician as me, but he was older than me and more experienced, so he called himself a doctor. When I left the clinic, I settled in the ghetto. At that time, the ghetto was preserved in Kopaigorod, it existed thanks to the Jewish community, but the rules were no longer so strict. It was possible to enter and exit freely. In the ghetto, I continued to practice as a dental technician, and in this way, I earned money to support myself and my family. When our family moved to the ghetto, my brother did not move with us, but began to live separately. He often came to us and lived with us for a while, but then he left us again. Now the brother lives in Israel. He went to Chernivtsi in 1944, to Romania in 1945, and in 1947 he went to Israel at the invitation of our middle brother (born in 1909), who has been living in Israel since 1936-1937. We don't correspond with our elder brother, since he and I have different political and moral views. He left Kopaigorod in 1944, and since then we have not corresponded, but I correspond with my middle brother. The middle brother's name is Morthai Moskovich. My mother lives in Israel. She is currently 92 years old.

Questions asked to the witness at the request of BOGSH's lawyer.

QUESTION: Can you name the name of the girl who was with the German officer?

ANSWER: Her name was Elena Eisenstein. I don't know where Elena's family went after the war.

QUESTION: Were you 20 years old at the time?

ANSWER: Yes, I was 20 years old in July 1942.

QUESTION: How old was the German officer?

ANSWER: The German officer was about 30-35 years old, but I judge by his appearance. He was above average height, slim, a little plump, blond.

QUESTION: Tell me, would you be able to identify him, if we assume that he was not 30-35 at the time, but 25 years old?

ANSWER: He didn't look that young. Compared to other people with the same constitution, he looked 35 years old. All members of the community knew his last name. I can only name Ornstein, Trachtenbreut and Kofman. After 1944, Trachtenbreut was prosecuted in Kopaigorod. He was connected with the German commandant, took bribes. Now I don't know if he is alive or where he is.

Questions asked at the request of prosecutor FELLMAN.

QUESTION: How often did you see the German officer?

ANSWER: I saw him at least 20 times. I saw him at a distance of 10-15 m. He lived not far from the gendarmerie, and our clinic was nearby. He was the only German officer in Kopaigorod. When I lived in the town of Dornavatra, there were many Germans, I studied with them in the same school. A year before the war, a German unit was stationed there, so I knew the German uniform well, but I could not distinguish the name. I could freely distinguish the German form from the Romanian one. The German officer always spoke in German, but I heard from others that he also speaks Romanian. There was no translator with the German officer. He called community representatives to his house. The girls who served the German officer followed the members of the community when he called them to him. I did not see a German officer on horseback. The horses were ridden by a Romanian administrator, who was called a praetor. He rode a horse. He always had a long stick in his hand, with which he beat everyone he met. More often he beat Ukrainians than Jews. He beat Jews by mistake when he mistook them for Ukrainians. Policemen wore uniform caps and armbands.

QUESTION: There are witnesses who claim that the German officer rode horses, do you exclude that?

ANSWER: I exclude it, he must have been mixed with the praetor. I personally did not see him riding a horse. Maybe someone saw him riding a horse, but I didn't. I don't know if he knew how to ride a horse, I always saw him on foot.

QUESTION: Was he not wearing riding breeches?

ANSWER: No, I saw such a uniform with the praetor.

QUESTION: You said that the German officer loved girls and women, can you confirm that he ordered virgin girls to be sent to him on Sundays?

ANSWER: I cannot answer this question. I heard that he was served only by young women and girls. I heard that some girl committed suicide, but I don't know the reason. I heard from others that she committed suicide after being with him.

Questions asked to the witness at the request of BOGSH's lawyer.

QUESTION: Can you name when the forest camp was created?

ANSWER: The camp was created somewhere in the early summer and liquidated in the late fall of 1942.

QUESTION: Your brother showed that the Jews were driven to the camp during the Jewish holiday, which fell on July 22 in 1942, is this correct?

ANSWER: I can't say exactly, because I don't know the holidays, I'm a non-believer. The road to the camp goes from Kopaigorod in the direction of Bar. On the road there is a small village, the name of which I do not remember exactly, but it seems to be Shepinky. Further on, the road turns to the left and not far from the Kopay station there is a forest and some buildings. One of the buildings was located on the territory of the camp, and the others were outside the territory of the camp. When I was there, the barbed wire was not there. The camp was liquidated at that time. The building looked like a barrack. It was about 5 km from Kopaighorod to the forest camp. I don't remember exactly what the forest was called, where the camp was located. The camp was only half or three-quarters fenced with wire. I was in the camp at the end of November or the beginning of December 1942. There were still many sick, exhausted and dying people there. Some people even spent the winter in this camp.

QUESTION: According to available data, the German officer was in Kassel in Germany on August 31. Do you believe that after that date he came to Kopaigorod?

ANSWER: I heard that he was absent for some time, but I cannot say where he was. I saw him often in the spring and summer, I saw him in the fall as well, but I don't know where he was between the days when I saw him.

QUESTION: You said that you saw a German officer in the fall, compare it with natural data, was it when the leaves turned yellow, when the crop was harvested or not?

ANSWER: It was already cool, the weather was rainy, but the leaves were still green, at that time they were picking apples. Leaves start falling on October holidays, that is, in November (October Revolution Day on November 7) I did not see a German officer at that time. When I went to the camp, it had already been liquidated. The German officer left. All healthy people have already left the camp. If a German officer had been there, he would not have allowed the liquidation of the camp. I repeat once again that the German officer left long before November, but I don't remember exactly when.

QUESTION: When did you leave the clinic after the quarrel with Kaufman?

ANSWER: I left the clinic at the beginning of September. At that time, I did not see the German officer anymore. If the German officer had been there, I would not have left the clinic, because the regime in the ghetto was very strict and I would have worked better in the clinic.

QUESTION: You say that he left at the end of August, can you clarify this?

ANSWER: I left the clinic at the end of August or the beginning of September, so he left earlier.

The interrogation was interrupted at 5:30 p.m. The interrogation continued on March 28, 1973 at 10 a.m. 10 min.

Questions asked at the request of prosecutor Fellman.

QUESTION: Your brother testified that when you were loaded into a wagon to be transported from Dornavatra, your family was separated and you and your brother ended up in one wagon and the others in another wagon, is that correct?

ANSWER: I do not remember this circumstance. I remember that we tried to get into the same car and, it seems to me, that we were all traveling together in the same car.

QUESTION: Your brother further shows that when you arrived in the town of Ataki, a bridge was built across the Dniester?

ANSWER: No, the bridge over the Dniester was destroyed. From Ataki we were transported across the Dniester to Mogilev-Podolsky by ferry. I remember this well. The town of Ataki is located on the opposite bank of the river from Mogilev-Podolsky.

QUESTION: Where did you stay in Mogilev-Podolsk? Your brother said that you were placed in the old barracks, is that correct?

ANSWER: That's right, it was. In my testimony, I mentioned a school or a boarding school, but it was some kind of public institution, maybe it was a barracks. Our whole family settled in this barracks.

QUESTION: Your brother said that you have been staying in Mogilev-Podolsk for 2 months, is that true?

ANSWER: No, we have been there for 2-3 weeks. At most, we were there for about a month. I remember this well. The barracks were inspected daily early in the morning. This was done so that people could not leave the barracks. We learned that columns were being formed there and everyone was being sent somewhere, while things were being taken away. To avoid this, we ran away from the barracks on the 6th or 7th day and settled in some basement about 0.5 km from the barracks. Every morning the Romanians searched for those who escaped from the barracks, but we managed to hide. We understood that we would not be able to disguise ourselves for a long time. At that time, the Jewish community, which was established in Mogilev-Podolsk, announced that anyone who wants to, can rent a car and use that car to drive to Kopaigorod and settle there in the ghetto, but for this you have to pay for each person. The fee was low. We paid for everyone and our family arrived in Kopaigorod in a car belonging to a German unit.

QUESTION: Your brother also said this, but he also says that the convoy was guarding people on foot?

ANSWER: He is right, everyone was forced into a column, except for those who could pay and leave by transport. I want to clarify this. In addition to Romanian Jews, Jews from Bessarabia and Chernivtsi were brought there. They had already been in concentration camps for several months by this time, so they were torn apart and had nothing. We even helped them in the matter. They could not pay for transportation, so they were all driven to the column on foot.

QUESTION: Your brother Idel says that he did not live with you in Kopaigorod, but only visited you every day?

ANSWER: He lived with us until l January 1942. He sometimes went to the ghetto and spent the night there. He lived with us, outside the ghetto. As a member of our family, he had the right not to live in the ghetto. Until January, he was almost completely dependent on us.

He did not give us money for subsistence. Dr. Kaufman and I lived in the same family. When we arrived in Mogilev-Podolsky, he had tools. We had an agreement that if we settle down, we will live as one family. He had a wife and a daughter aged 7-8. We paid their way and shared food with them. For this I had the right to use his tools.

QUESTION: How did you and your brother live after 1942?

ANSWER: After January, my brother lived somewhere away from his family, but he often came to us, stayed for a day or two and left again. He did not live with his family; he had many friends from local residents of our city. When he came, he asked us about our family. Mother cooked food for our family and for the Kaufman family, with whom we lived. Sometimes my brother spent the night with us, stayed for a day or two, but never spent the night again. This is how we had been living all the time until the forest camp was liquidated. I want to say, when the forest camp was organized, I was not in Kopaigorod. I went there for about 8-10 days. The next day, Idel came and said that he was in the camp. After that, he lived with us without permission for almost a month after all the Jews were sent to the camp, and he was afraid to leave the house. I want to clarify one more detail: in the winter of 1942, my father and brother fell ill with typhus. During his illness, my brother stayed at our house. It was the coldest time.

QUESTION: Where did your brother live after his return from the camp? When did he leave the family?

ANSWER: He spent the night in the house where a doctor from Bessarabia, Koyfman, who was a member of the Jewish community, lived. It can be said that he did not spend the night, but lived there. Koyfman married a local girl and lived in her house. My brother also lived there. This house was located on the territory of the ghetto. I don't know where Koyfman is now. Then he was about 40 years old. He left Kopaigorod when he was released.

QUESTION: How many rooms did your family occupy?

ANSWER: Our family occupied one large room, which was not completely partitioned off. We didn't have any other living quarters. Our whole family lived in one room. Our father died in July 1942, and we buried him, since we did not know anyone there. My sister and brother and I buried my father. I remember that the relatives of the owner of the house where we lived gave us a lift. I know for sure that my brother was at home when my father died. I remember well that he was around him. Our father died after the forest camp was established. I want to clarify that I don't remember the exact month when my father died, but it seems to me that he died in July 1942, but I remember exactly that he died after the camp was created. A week before the camp was established, a distant relative from the ghetto visited us. Father was already ill. The relative said goodbye to my father, saying that it is not known that will be with us because there are rumors about the creation of a camp. My father died, as I believe, about a month after the camp was established. At that time, a new curfew had already been introduced, and in connection with this, the Romanian patrol stopped us and checked what we were carrying, a corpse or something else. Telling this, I want to say that I remember the circumstances of my father's death and his funeral, but I can't say what month it was. It was hot.

QUESTION: What is the reason that your brother Idel did not stay with the family in Kopaighorod?

ANSWER: The main reason is that he could not get along with his family.

QUESTION: Your brother says the following: it was impossible for him to live with his family because he was a believer, all other members of your family were non-believers, and therefore only in the ghetto he had the opportunity to go and pray in a synagogue or some other place. He calls this the reason why he could not live with his family, what do you say?

ANSWER: Perhaps so, but this was not the main reason. My brother, being a religious person, could not observe certain rites in the family when asking. He could observe these rituals only by living in the ghetto, but as I have already said, this was not the main reason. The main reason was his unhelpful nature. My brother tried to prepare food for himself separately, but when there was nothing to eat, he ate what we ate, pretending that he was eating special food. He ate milk food together with us because the rituals are related only to meat food. My brother was very irritable, he didn't want to do anything around the house. Due to such misunderstandings, quarrels occurred.

QUESTION: Ornstein, whom you talked about, stated in his testimony that your brother lived in the ghetto in Ferber's house. Is this correct?

ANSWER: It was much later, when we moved to the ghetto in Koyfman's house. My brother, having quarreled, left us again, but I don't know exactly with whom he lived.

QUESTION: You don't know if everyone from the ghetto was sent to a forest camp?

ANSWER: All members of the community remained in the ghetto. They were not in a camp, they lived in a ghetto. These are Koyfman, Trachtenbroyt, Ornstein and others. I was told that on the day the camp was created, the community leaders went to the camp together with everyone, but without their families, and then returned to the ghetto.

QUESTION: Tell me, what is the duration of your business trip, which coincided with the relocation to the camp?

ANSWER: I went to Mogilev-Podolsk two days before the creation of the camp and stayed there for 8-10 days after it was very difficult to get the necessary medicines for work. I went to Mogilev-Podolsk with the permission of the gendarmerie, otherwise they could have detained me. Mogilev-Podolsk was located approximately 80-100 km from Kopaigorod. I do not think that the duration of my business trip was more than 10 days.

QUESTION: Ornstein stated in his testimony that he had been staying in the camp for 3-4 days after its creation and that he managed to get out with the help of a German officer, and after that he was appointed chairman of the Jewish community. Because of the nature of his activities, he visited the camp often. So, did he see Idel in the camp during the days he was there immediately after the creation of the camp, or later, when he was there?

ANSWER: I know that Ornstein headed the community before the establishment of the camp. It was still in the winter of 1941-1942. I cannot explain his testimony, I only know that they were acquaintances, and perhaps then they together, that is, Ornstein and my brother, went to the camp to perform some religious rites.

QUESTION: Did we understand you correctly that after you returned from a business trip, after 1-2 days your brother came to the family and lived with you for a month?

ANSWER: After a month's stay at home, my brother began to go to the ghetto. The leaders of the Jewish community, specialists and those who returned from the camp, or rather, who could return from the camp, lived in the ghetto at that time.

QUESTION: Don't you know whether your brother went to a forest camp after this month or not?

ANSWER: After a month's stay with the family, I don't know if my brother attended the camp or not, but most of the time he was at home. During his one-month stay in the family, after his return, he never left during the day. I worked only until 2 o'clock and saw that he was at home. The place of my work was about 30-40 m from home, so I came home immediately after work and found my brother at home. I think that it was impossible to leave the house in the morning because it was very strictly observed that none of the Jews appeared on the street without permission.

QUESTION: Do you know of such a case that on the first day after the establishment of the camp, specialists were identified and sent back to the city?

ANSWER: I heard that specialists were released from the camp, but I myself did not see any of those who were released from the camp. Specialists were released: tailors, shoemakers, watch repairers, etc.

QUESTION: What did your brother tell you when he came from the camp after you returned from the business trip?

ANSWER: My brother said that the security guards were policemen who were appointed after the organization of the camp. These men were mostly residents of nearby villages, that is, the Ukrainian police. After the establishment of the camp, police officers from among the residents of Kopaigorod were used for protection only at night. Security was carried out by Ukrainian policemen, and Jewish policemen kept order inside the camp. My brother said that a German officer shot 5-6 people on the way to the camp. These were the ones who escaped from the camp. He also told me that a woman had been shot, her body was brought to the camp and shown to everyone in the camp. The German officer said that if someone ran away, he would be shot, like this woman. I heard all this directly from my brother. The brother said that he himself saw how a German officer killed a father and daughter. My brother told me that he, and all of the Jews in the camp saw how the father and daughter were killed. I understood his story in such a way that he himself personally saw how the father and daughter were killed. My brother said that everyone saw how a German officer, seeing Horodetsky crawling under the wire, pulled out a pistol and shot him and his daughter when she screamed. I remember well that my brother said that he himself saw the moment when a German officer killed a man and a girl. This man was deaf. I filled out this case because they said that the killer was a sick person and their daughter was born 15 years after marriage. It was a great tragedy when he and his daughter were killed. Therefore, I remember this conversation well. I didn't ask my brother if he himself saw it or not, but when he told me, he said: “We saw everything”, that is, he said in the plural, that's how I understood him. When the camp was already disbanded, I heard stories that the commandant was in this camp almost every day. He went there in a wheelchair. He did not enter the territory of the camp. He called people to the fence, and if he didn't like something, he shot people, but they were just rumors. No one gave me specific cases. I do not know that the German commandant shot an older man.

QUESTION: Did you not hear from any of the residents of Kopaigorod, except your brother, that Jews were shot?

ANSWER: I heard about it from other people's stories.

QUESTION: In what year did your brother leave for Israel?

ANSWER: My brother left for Israel in 1947. I have not corresponded with him since 1944. . After the liberation of Kopaigorod by the Soviet Army in the summer of 1944, our mother, sister and brother went to Chernivtsi, and I volunteered with the army 10 days after the liberation. The military enlistment office sent me to Kamenets-Podolsk. I moved from Kamenets-Podolsk to Bar, got married there and never left the Soviet Union again. I had no correspondence with my brother Idel.

QUESTION: From November 1972 to January 1973, did you receive letters from your brother?

ANSWER: No, I did not receive any letters from him, so I am surprised that he called me a witness.

QUESTION: In November 1972, during the interrogation, your brother in Israel said that he would write you a letter and ask if you would testify in this case, and only then would he give your address. Tell me, did you receive such a letter?

ANSWER: No, I did not receive any letters from him, from the moment of his departure in 1944. I did not receive any letters from him in the period from November 1972 to January 1973. I received letters from my brother Mortkai. My mother cannot write, but her brother writes on her behalf, but there was not a word of what Idel was talking about in these letters. I learned that my brother named me as a witness to the events in Kopaigorod only when my interrogation was finished in December 1972.

QUESTION: Did you know during the first interrogation what it was going to be about?

ANSWER: I didn't know what they were going to interrogate me about, that is, I didn't know what they were calling me for and I only learned during the interrogation that they were going to ask me what I knew about the camp in Kopaigorod.

QUESTION: Your brother Idel testified at the Nuremberg trial that you made efforts to free him from the camp, is that correct?

ANSWER: 3 weeks after the establishment of the camp, a German officer came to Kaufman's home and told him in German that he could not leave them in Kopaigorod, since they had all been relocated to the camp. He literally said: “Your immunity given to you by the Romanian administration will not help you. I'm giving you time until tomorrow, think about what to do.” I was in my room and heard this conversation through the open door. It was at 4-5 o'clock in the evening, I don't remember the date when all this happened. The conflict was resolved as follows: Kaufman's wife took an expensive Persian carpet and 20 gold 5-ruble coins and brought them to the home of a German officer. Our family and the Kaufman family were considered one family, so this whole conflict involved both our family and the Kaufman family. Perhaps this case was what my brother had in mind when he said that they bought him, in fact, they bought all of us. It was 2-3 weeks after the organization of the camp, when I returned from a business trip and when my brother returned.

QUESTION: Do you know that after the camp was closed, your brother was put to hard labor in Mogilev-Podolsk or in Trikhatka?

ANSWER: I don't remember that. He did not live with us permanently at that time.

QUESTION: You said that you saw only the praetor on horseback, and your brother says that he saw a German officer on horseback. How could this confusion happen, maybe the form was similar?

ANSWER: I believe that it is impossible to confuse a praetor with a German officer.

QUESTION: Did you know the Romanian officer who was in Kopaigorod?

ANSWER: I remember that there was a platooner, full, but I do not know his name and surname. Then a young Romanian officer arrived. He was higher in rank - lieutenant colonel, which is roughly a senior lieutenant. I don't remember his last name. Surname Marinesku. I can't remember.

QUESTION: Do you not know that the father of the Romanian officer was a major and served in Mogilev?

ANSWER: I don't know anything about it.

QUESTION: According to your brother's testimony, you treated this Romanian officer's teeth?

ANSWER: Many officers have had their teeth treated by us, not only this officer. I myself did not accept patients, I only made prostheses and teeth. The reception was conducted only in the clinic, and we did the teeth both in the clinic and at home. Everyone came to us to have their teeth treated and prosthetics, but I don't remember this particular officer at the reception. I was on good terms with only one Romanian gendarme, his name was Rudolph. He was a corporal by rank. Kaufman maintained all other relations. Rudolph was German by nationality, but of Romanian origin. From him I learned that a conflict between the commandant and the praetor had arisen from the first day he arrived. The German commandant accused the praetor that the Jews lived too freely in the ghetto and he insisted a real concentration camp should be organized. I was not present at this conversation, I heard about it only from Rudolph.

QUESTION: Do you want to add anything to your testimony?

ANSWER: No, I have nothing to add to my testimony.

QUESTION: Can you tell what the German officer was doing in Kopaigorod, why he came there?

ANSWER: Everyone said that he had the task of organizing the camp. I don't know what else he came there for. I did not hear that the German officer was an agricultural adviser to the Romanians. I always saw him alone.

QUESTION: Did you hear the surname Maitert at that time?

ANSWER: I heard something similar.

QUESTION: One witness called the surname Moitsele or Maitsele?

ANSWER: I heard something similar, but I can't say for sure.

QUESTION: How many houses were there or built in the camp?

ANSWER: There was a structure on the territory of the camp that resembled a barracks or a shed. This structure was 3/4 surrounded by barbed wire, and I remember seeing some kind of structure behind the barbed wire on the territory of the camp. The second building was very close, not more than 100 m. It was a building in the form of a barracks. The remaining people lived in the building that was on the territory of the camp. I was only in the building where our distant relative was. It was a building inside a wire fence. I don't know what was in the second building.

QUESTION: You said that when you returned from a business trip, you saw that the doors and windows of the houses were open, that there had been robberies. Tell me, on whose instructions were the robberies carried out and was it connected with that German officer?

ANSWER: I can't say anything about it. I didn't go into the houses and I can't say that these houses were ransacked. I say that looking at the houses it was possible to judge that they were looted.

QUESTION: Did you not hear that the German officer demanded money from Ornstein?

ANSWER: I heard that many people talked about it, especially since the time when people started leaving the camp. It simply could not be done, many were shot, many were released. All this was done through Ornstein.

QUESTION: Don't you know that the German officer wanted to close or dissolve the second Jewish camp, which was located not far from this camp?

ANSWER: I don't know anything about it. I have never seen the SS in Kopaigorod.

QUESTION: You said that the German officer was blond with a reddish tint.

ANSWER: Yes, he was blond, with a slight reddish tint, but he was wearing a cap, so his hair was not visible.

QUESTION: Tell me, did you give the same testimony the second time during the interrogation?

ANSWER: I gave the same testimony, only now I am giving a more detailed testimony, clarifying some details that were not in the previous testimony.

QUESTION: Tell me, have you suffered from any diseases that could affect your memory or the ability to remember?

ANSWER: No, I haven't been sick lately.

QUESTION: How do you know that Trachtenbroyt was convicted?

ANSWER: This is not a secret. The city of Bar, where I lived, is 25 km from Kopayhorod. My wife's uncle lived in Kopaigorod and we went to visit him, so we know that Trachtenbroyt was convicted.

QUESTION: Will you be able to come to Germany and testify in court there?

ANSWER: I don't want to go there because I gave a detailed testimony here and I don't see the need to repeat it again.

QUESTION: Can you give the address of your sister Elena?

ANSWER: Yes, I can give my sister's address, I have an envelope with it written on it. (The witness presented an envelope of a letter from his sister. Her address: H. Moskovies. 184 Rutledge Street, Brooklyn)

QUESTION: Can you give clarification on the scheme drawn by you?

ANSWER: (The witness is provided with a diagram drawn by him and attached to the interrogation protocol dated December 29, 1972). Witness Moskovich indicated on the diagram the place where his family lived. This place is located near house No. 5, indicated on the diagram. The witness confirmed the location of all the houses indicated on the diagram.

Questions asked to the witness at the request of BOGSH's lawyer.

QUESTION: When exactly was the ghetto created?

ANSWER: The ghetto was created in December 1941. The camp was created in the summer of 1942, and liquidated in the fall. After the liquidation of the camp, the ghetto was created again. I went to the camp sometime in November 1942, but the camp no longer formally existed. Formally, the camp was liquidated somewhere at the end of August. I am talking about this on the basis of the fact that at the end of August I quarreled with Kaufman and went to live in the ghetto. Maybe it was even at the beginning of September. At that time, the camp was no longer guarded, but people were still there. I don't know if the German officer had a nickname.

QUESTION: Has your brother Idel been a rabbi in Dornavatra since 1930?

ANSWER: When we lived in Dornavatra, he finished the seminary. He had the title of rabbi, but he did not hold the office of a rabbi. He taught the ancient Hebrew language.

QUESTION: Are you familiar with the Tysheber holiday?

ANSWER: I know about the autumn festival of “sykes”(Sukkot), when tents are set up on the street and decorated. We were expelled from Dornavatra during the Sykes holiday. I remember it: they had not yet had time to remove the tents and had not removed the decorated one. The camp was liquidated even before the Sykes holiday. We didn't send anything to my brother's camp from food, but we sent food to the camp through gendarme Rudolph because we knew that everyone in the camp was hungry.

QUESTION: Could your brother be in a forest camp 3 weeks after the establishment of the camp?

ANSWER: I do not imagine that he could be there for such a long time. I believe that my brother was at home at the time.

QUESTION: During the interrogation in Israel, your brother said that he was in a forest camp even until the spring of 1943, that is, he spent the winter there?

ANSWER: This could not be so, because in winter there were only those who were sick and had nowhere to live.

QUESTION: Did your brother keep a diary?

ANSWER: I don't know anything about it.

QUESTION: Your brother testified that after being placed in a forest camp, he fell ill and was in a semi-unconscious state?

ANSWER: I don't know anything about it.

QUESTION: Did you first come to Kopaigorod alone, and then your whole family came, or all at the same time?

ANSWER: I have already said that the whole family arrived in Kopaigorod at the same time. On the day of our arrival, the Romanian gendarme officer had a toothache, and we, as specialists, were selected on the same day because it was necessary to provide assistance.

QUESTION: Do you know any city with a similar name: Kopaighorod or Kofayhorod?

ANSWER: I don't know of other settlements with this name. Kopaigorod was the district center.

QUESTION: Don't you know about the ghetto in Tulchyn?

ANSWER: I heard about the ghetto in Tulchyn. Young people from Kopaigorod were taken there to work on peat extraction.

QUESTION: Do you know a Romanian named Oleko Simak?

ANSWER: No, I don't know that.

QUESTION: Do you know any of the residents of Kopaigorod who might know the German officer or could name him by name?

ANSWER: The German officer was well known only by members of the Jewish community, Trachtenbroyt even played cards with him. He also gave bribes to this officer for the release of people. I didn't know any other people who might know that officer.

QUESTION: Do you still know about any Jewish camp that was located near Kopaigorod?

ANSWER: There was no second forest camp near Kopaigorod. There was a camp in the town of Bar, but the German administration was there. There was a large camp in Bar for 8,000 Jews

QUESTION: Don't you know that for 2-3 days there was a camp for 70-80 people in Kopaigorod?

ANSWER: I have not heard about the existence of such a camp.

QUESTION: How many Jews were there in the forest camp?

ANSWER: I heard that there were about 5 thousand Jews in the forest camp. I personally read the protocol. From my words it is written correctly. There are no additions or changes. [signature]

INVESTIGATOR FOR PARTICULARLY IMPORTANT CASES AT THE GENERAL PROSECUTOR OF THE USSR [signature] (ZVEREV)

TRANSLATOR [signature] (VOLYNETS)

Present: FIRST PROSECUTOR OF THE PROSECUTION AT THE LAND COURT OF NUREMBERG FURT [signature] (FELLMANN) LAWYER [signature] BOGSH. (GDA SB of Ukraine, f. 7, item 1, file 38, sheet 219-243. Copy. Typescript).

According to the materials: Violence against the civilian population. Documents of state security bodies 1941–1944.

Authors-compilers: Valery Vasiliev, Serhii Gula, Pavlo Kravchenko, Roman Podkur, Wolfgang Schneider. Kyiv, 2020.

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