[Page 26]

With the decree of the 16^th of September 1786, political and administrative matters of Bukowina were officially united with Galicia and Bukowina became a special county subordinated to the Galician Government The Bukowinian military administration had to hand everything over to the Galician Government until the 1^st of February 1786 and this way the county would be no longer subordinated to the Imperial War Council. The union was carried out from the 1^stof February 1787 until 1853 thus Bukowina was for 63 years a county of Galicia.

This period of mutual interactions had influenced not a little the inner organisation of the Bukowinian Jewish community and brought benefits in many ways, mainly in the spiritual and cultural fields. On the one hand the Jews of Bukowina did not gladly accept this union of 1786 through fear that certain Jewish laws which were in force in Galicia, would be extended also to them. On the other hand they feared that the permissive Galician Jews would immigrate and thereby would aggravate the economic situation of the Bukowinian Jews.

By 1787, according to a report, many Jews came from Galicia to Bukowina – many had valuable farming skills, and others were Jewish tradesmen. The settlement of Jews from Bukowina to Galicia however, was allowed only against a “required admission and discharge certificate”.

Many Galician Jews entered Bukovina by fraud because in Bukowina the inhabitants were not subject to recruitment to the army and because here Jews were not so tax burdened as in Galicia.

In order to prevent this fraudulent entry, on the 1^st of November 1786 a deadline was put forth and it was ordered that “henceforth migration of the Jews from other districts of Galicia into the Bukowina, would not be allowed before an establishment of the organisation of the Jewish community and at the highest decision, not to allow entry except if the intention of the migration was to devote oneself to agriculture.”^[1]

Consequently, since November 1, 1786, all Jews who entered by whatever sort of immigration were to be expelled, just as the Jews from the other counties were no longer allowed to receive entry vouchers to Bukovina. Only passport holders were allowed for a reasonable time, according to their business. Thus, every Galician Jew in Bukovina was considered a stranger and was not allowed to obtain a settlement permit.

One of the first measures of the Galician Government was that the Jews, in the sense of the law of 27 May 1785, should be under the authority of the regional district and Government in political matters, and in legal matters to the local appellate court. The Jews were left with their old taxes and no kosher food tax was introduced.

Then the Government decreed the implementation of the Patent of July 13, 1787 concerning the introduction of German surnames, according to which “the 264 Jewish families in the Bukovina District are to be designated by German names in the military conscription books .

As for the opportunity to introduce the new Jewish Organization System in Galicia, here too, the Jews are to have German names ”.^[2] The naming was carried out starting in 1792. Compliance was ensured by special attention, from “both the political officials keeping the tax books and by the community leaders who were responsible for the authenticity of a Jewish head of the house”.

So a general description of the Jews was made. For the evidence of taxable persons and the Jewish population, the individual family heads were given a family (tax) book in which the family members belonging to them and the household were registered. The parishioners were divided into 4 classes according to their wealth. In the first class came those who dealt with manual or wage labor. Their number was about 300. The second class included the servants of the community, the third class included the traders, tradesmen, farmers and large merchants. The fourth grade included the Jews dependent on community support. As before, the “farming or manufacturing industries” were exempted from the protection tax.^[3]

After its annexation to Galicia, in 1788 there were – 360 Jewish families in Bukovina counting 2126 souls.

This number prompted the Viennese authorities to take measures to restrict Jewish marriages. Marriage licenses should only be granted if a Jewish family departed, be it through death, emigration, etc. or when Jewish family heads who had not paid taxes for 9 months were expelled.

Already on July 7, 1787, the Galician Government was instructed from Vienna, “that the new Galician Jewish Order was to be implemented on the Bukovina district without waiting for the tax regulation. Therefore all preparations made, such as for example, the conscription of the Jews, the supply of every Jewish family with the tax book should be initiated everywhere, and that the Jewish order should be announced and introduced at the appropriate time in the Bukovina district, as in the other districts.”^[4]

In October 1787, the Government could already report to Vienna that Jewish conscription had already been initiated in Bukovina and the necessary precautions had been taken to introduce the tolerance tax and its premium as of November 1, 1787.^[4a]

According to the description of Jews carried out on November 1, 1788, under the supervision of district commissioners, there were 360 Jewish families in the Bukovina, counting 1178 men and 953 women, a total of 2,131 heads. Of these, 344 married men, 351 married women, 669 children (339 boys, 330 girls) and 341 children (197 boys, 144 girls) over 12 years, then 282 male, 88 female servants, finally 51 poor (11 men, 40 women).

Of the 360 Jewish families, 280 belonged to I. class, 26 to II., 51 to III., 3 families were among the poor.^[4b]

In 1789 there were 463 Jewish families with 2383 souls, 28,653 Christian families with 144,159 souls throughout the country.

In 1789 the turn came. On May 7, 1789, the Jewish Order Patent of Joseph II was issued, which was published in Bukovina on 22 September and only came into effect on 1 November 1789.

Although this Jewish patent numbering 64 paragraphs had stated the principle of equality of the Galician (incl. Bukovina) Jews in rights and duties with the other “subjects”, it did contain several restrictions. Their purpose was, above all, to level the differences between Jews and non–Jews that had hitherto existed, thereby severely restricting their community autonomy, which formed the basis of their national existence, and which naturally led to their gradual dissolution as a national body.

The abolition of the Kehila with its own jurisdiction of the Rabbinical courts and their conversion into a religious guild was the real purpose. The political connection of the Jews as a special nation is clearly declared void, and the Jews are shown as subjects to the community, to which all local inhabitants belong.

It is true that the division of Jews in Galicia and Bukovina in Kehiloth remained unchanged, but their purpose and competences were largely abolished.

The patent, however, brought relief, such as the revocation of the marriage permit tax, on the other hand, however, a marriage was granted only upon presentation of a normal school certificate. Similarly with the freedom of moving from place to place.

As far as the inner Jewish community constitution is concerned, the Josephine Jewish Order (Patent of Toleration) contains exact norms.

In Bukovina have according to § 13, no. 2 of the Jewish Order all the homeowners of the community and in the case of several co–owners of a house those who have the greater share, the right to vote in the Jewish community. The eligibility depended on the residency and membership in the municipality for which the vote is taken; the leading of an exemplary life, and knowledge of German reading and writing.

While in Galicia the taxation of a certain number of lights was used as a census for the right to vote and to stand as a candidate, in Bukovina, where there was no light tax, according to § 18, no. 4 of the Josephine Jewish Order, you had to own a house.

In fact, there were only two main communities: Czernowitz and Suczawa. To Czernowitz the Sadagura and Wiznitz, to Suczawa the Sereth and Kimpolung branch communities, were connected.

In the two main communities, three candidates each (on 15 September, in the case of a Jewish holiday, the following day) were elected by majority of votes, in the presence of a representative of the authority, six candidates for the board of three equally entitled heads of the branch communities and only two Jewish elders were appointed from among the inhabitants of the assigned villages, who were bound to the orders for the heads of the main communities, since they were basically just representing their authority.

Of the elected candidates, only three were appointed as headmen and confirmed by the district office, without taking into account the number of votes received.

The budget was covered by the “Domestic Contributions” of the parishioners, including the Jewish agricultural workers, depending on the affiliation to the three business classes. For the year 1788 the budget of the Czernowitz community was 470 fl. Suczawa 309 fl. 20 Kr., Together 779 fl. 20 Kr.

The community leaders were salaried; In addition to them there were also subordinate municipal offices (Chewra–Kadischa–Directors, Gabbaim of the prayer houses and the hospital, Schamaschim and Accounting Revisors), who were also named by election.

The lower official apparatus consisted of Shamaschim, Schochets, and Death Servants.

With this Jewish Patent, the Bukovina Jews were equated to the Galician Jews except for their special taxation and exemption from military service.

In the spirit of the Josephine Jewish policy, the Bukovina Jews “by maintaining their full religious freedom should be held equal to all other citizens of the state in all their privileges”^[5].

But reality would change this.

As early as November 1789, the Jews in Czernowitz and Suczawa were instructed to inform the Jews in the “ flat land” of distillers, shopkeepers, tenants and trading Jews that they should take measures in good time, and move by 1 May 1791 to the three cities: Czernowitz, Sereth or Suczawa. Only craft and agriculturally active Jews, a total of 108 families, were allowed to stay in the villages.^[6]

This was thus the beginning of the narrowing of the Jewish settlement area and its concentration to the aforementioned cities.

Although the district office, under the direction of the district captain Beck, suggested extending the right of residence to the branch communities Wiznitz, Sadagura and Kimpolung, this was rejected.

It was only through repeated intervention on the part of Beck that Vienna, on June 21, 1790^[7], permitted to temporarily leave 40 Jewish families in Wiznitz and 34 in Sadagura^[7a], a total of 74 Jewish families, since the Government intended to turn these towns into market towns and anyway it was hard to accommodate them in Czernowitz.

On January 10, 1792, the order was issued to leave for the Jews in Kimpolung.

However, the planned relocation could not be performed on the prescribed date and therefore had to be extended until April 1, 1792.

In spite of all the precautions a number of village Jews succeeded to remain in their villages, though they were not farmers, since they were required by the landlords, and on their demands they succeeded to receive continual postponements for their displacements.

In 1792, even the Viennese authorities gave instructions not to act with severity or even punishments and coercive measures against the Jewish spirits distillers, as well as those who live on permitted leases or are employed by Christians or Jews.^[7b]

Although after the takeover in 1783 and 1786 the Jewish families were classified and provided with their own tax bills, their numbers were later increased by some additions from eastern Galicia, the other provinces, and even from abroad, both authorized and unauthorized . In 1804, therefore, it was ordered to return them to the original family and food branches, but to evacuate all additional others that had been found since November 1, 1786.^[8] But this directive was explained in 1812 as meaning that only those Jews are to be evacuated from the Bukovina, who deal in forbidden food branches, the others must be allowed to be among the permitted, and their residence permit be printed and be confirmed with a letter of tolerance.^[9] According to these regulations, the Jews there were classified into those already included in the first classifications or later arrived and settled, or given official recognition as Bucovina Jews, in distinction to those who could not be counted under that class.

As to the places themselves in which the Jews resided, it was usually the cities and markets, for at the end of the year 1790, only the Jews who were active in agriculture or were exercising a craft should be permitted to live in the villages. Therefore, they needed special authorizations to stay in the countryside, and unauthorized stay was punishable. Nevertheless, there were many Jewish families in many villages, among whom were also agricultural workers, who were occupied primarily with beverage leasing.

While in Galicia, with the exception of Lemberg, the Jews were allowed to travel and move from one place to another to improve their food status under the same conditions as other subjects, but were required to have an admission and discharge certificate, in the Bukovina, although it was a district of Galicia, no local authority could receive a Jew from another district of the kingdom.

The limitation of immigration to Bukovina was due to the fact that Jews from Bukovina were taxed at a lower tax rate and that the inhabitants were subject to consignment but not to recruitment.

The settlement was only permitted to foreign Jews from abroad or from Austrian provinces, who agreed to work in agriculture and to obtain farms at their own expense, or who wished to pursue a useful trade or activity, and to do so, a fortune of 10,000 Fl. or one of the same value in other coins could be shown.

The differences from the rest of Galicia were gradually lifted in relation to immigration and emigration by 1819. Newly arrived Jews from abroad or inland (with the inclusion of the 18 counties of Galicia) were still compelled to comply with the conditions of the settlement permits, pending further orders^[10]. In view of the development of Galicia just at the beginning of the nineteenth century, it became probably impossible to stop the expansion of the Jewish population, all the more so since they played an indispensable role in the economy.^[11]

For this reason, as we shall see later, more liberal views prevailed in the circles of the bureaucracy, which also took the position that only those Jews should be evacuated who dealt with “forbidden food branches.”

The abolition of the restrictions on the Jews, of course, contributed to the growth of the Jewish population.

Czernowitz in 1791, numbered already 355^[12] and Suczawa 170, so a total of 525 Jewish families. In 1795 already 566, and in 1797 589 Jewish families were counted. In the whole county there were in the year 1791 – 547 families counted as opposed to 463 in the year 1789.

In 1792, the number grew by 47, that is, to 594 and a year later – 1793 – to 675 Jewish families.

In the course of four years, 1789–1793, the number of Jewish families increased from 463 to 675, that is to say 212 Jewish families (i.e. 46%).

During this period (1789–1793), 109 Jewish marriages were reported, of which 103 were from Galicia.

Similar to Galicia, an attempt was made in Bukovina in 1786, in the sense of the physical labour (agriculture by economic freedom) views of Emperor Joseph II, to solve the Jewish question by settling the Jews as agricultural workers. Of the 1410 Jewish families set in all districts of Galicia, the Bukovina was reported to house 15 Jewish families; in the Czernowitz Jewish community 10, and in Suczawa 5 Jewish families were reported.

These 15 families were already settled in 1791. The 10 Czernowitz Jewish families consisted of 20 men, 20 women, 14 boys and 10 girls under 18 years. They received in addition to the 215 Koretz of property, 10 residential buildings; 10 stables and barns; 10 farm machines; 21 horses; 32 oxen; and 22 cows.

The 5 Jewish families of the Suczawa Jewish community, which included 12 men, 7 women, 10 boys, and 9 girls under 18, received besides the 94 Koretz property: 5 residential buildings; 5 stables and barns; 5 farm machines; 10 horses,; 16 oxen and 13 cows.

The colonization costs were imposed on the Jewish communities, each Jew of the 1st class making a settlement contribution of 2 fl. 10 Kr., The II. Class 4 Fl. 20 Kr., and the III. Class 6 fl. 30 Kr.^[12a]

Of these families settled by community monies, there remained in 1822 only four , from the original 125 Jews who were active in agriculture.^[12b]

The Joseph II Jewish Order (Josephine Order) decreed the establishment of German–Jewish normal schools, “as well as compulsory school for school–age Jewish youth of both sexes.”. The general elementary school system was installed in Bukovina by establishing a normal school in Czernowitz on 1 March 1784 under the direction of Anton de Marki and in Suczawa on 3 February 1784 under the direction of Franz Augustin Thallinger.

How the whole situation was in Bukovina, is likely shown by the fact that in 1785 there was in the whole country only a single pharmacy, i.e. in Czernowitz. (Josef Rohrer: “Remarks on a journey from the Turkish border over the Bukovina through East and West Galicia, Silesia, Moravia to Vienna”, Vienna, 1804).

Of the Jewish children, in the Czernowitz Primary School in the year 1785 there was only one Jewish pupil in the first class out of 24, Hirschl Moises. In the second class among 44 pupils were four of “Jewish Nation”.

The Jewish students completed the school year with great success. Hirschl Moises was awarded the small gold medal and in the second class Loewel Jakob the great gold medal.

In Suczawa, the first class was attended by 32 students out of whom one was Jewish: Josef Heischel, who received the gilded big copper at the final exam.

The High War Council was dissatisfied with the small number of Jewish schoolchildren, and reminded the Lemberg Regional Command of the order of 1782, according to which “the Jewish nation is almost equated to other national religious relatives with regard to its branches of nutrition and the enjoyment of citizen and domestic comforts, in particular, permission is given to tolerate Jews in places where they do not have their own German schools, to send their children to the Christian primal and secondary schools, for the sake of which they are kept at present, so that the administration should take effective steps to both encourage Jewish parents to voluntarily send their children to go to school, as well as inducing children to visit the school.”^[13]

Whether and to what extent such measures were taken is not apparent from the file.

To bring about a definitive solution of the Jewish school problem was one of the main tasks of Joseph II policies.

In Bukovina, only one main school was established in the two major communities, Czernowitz and Suczava, and manned by teachers from Galicia and Moravia who were brought there. Compulsory schooling extended to all school–aged six–year–old children of both sexes. No student should be admitted to the Talmudic lessons without prior graduation or simultaneous school attendance. Those who broke this order were punished fines or even arrest.

The school authorities, and especially the Jewish teaching staff, vigilantly watched over their compulsory school attendance.

The Bukovina Jewish population, like those in Galicia, fiercely resisted and boycotted the schools at all costs, seeing in the teachers, as most of whom publicly violated the Jewish religious laws, an element intended to ‘gentilize' their youth. They were despised, even persecuted, by their parents and disciples.

In October 1790 Moses Zeckendorf became the first appointed head of the German–Jewish school in Czernowitz, with an annual salary of 200 florins.. However, he did not stay long, since in 1792 Israel Sauerquell from Jezierzany already figured as headmaster and teacher in Czernowitz.

In Suczawa, the school was run by Enoch Goldenthal, whose annual salary was accounted for 150 florins. Since he publicly berated the Jewish religion (according to the announcement of the community on 17 June 1791), he was very unpopular.)

In 1792 Bally was already employed there as a teacher. Concerning the teacher's salary, as well as that of the Jewish official Franz Krumjak, who had an annual salary of 350 fl. in 1791, a rather extensive correspondence between Vienna–Lemberg–Czernowitz was conducted.

From the documents on the salary amounts actually paid in 1790 to the German–Jewish primary school teachers, it was seen that the Jewish teachers in the Bukovina district received in all four quarters a total of 362 Fl. 30 Kr., i.e. out of the Galician Domestic Fund, as the official clerk too, without any contribution from the Bukovinian Jewish community.

Vienna even asked the Lemberg district Government whether the official clerk was not unnecessary, since the Bukovina Jewish tax “was left even further in its old constitution, and consequently all that necessary labor in view of the protective taxes to be introduced according to the number of families and that of Domestic Contribution be spared in the local district.”

The county Government reported on this, after hearing the Bukovina District Office, that the Jewish District Clerk was necessary. As for his and the Jewish school teacher's salary, it would be added to the Domestical Contribution. Since the Bukovina Jewry now enjoys the advantage of an appropriate offsetting of their levies for a better education received, the salary should fall onto their dues, whereby the Galician Fund will save 700 florins annually.

The State Bookkeeping Office confirmed the indispensability of the Jewish official writer, but was of the opinion that between the two Jewish communities located in the Bukovina district no difference should be made, but the increase of the Domestic contribution of the families should be arranged according to the existing classes. “It is true that there are only 516 families in this county, but these also require a certain official to keep it in constant order, and if one wanted to roll this business over to the rest of the district personnel, one would have to start with those districts that have the same proportion as the Bukovina. As for the encouragement of this and the salaries of the teachers, it is necessary to note that the Jews of Bukovina will be treated (after peace will be established) according to the systems existing for the Galician districts. The tax on defence and meat will also be introduced in the Bukovina district and in this case, equity also demands equal treatment in terms of Domestical Contribution with the introduction of the 5 gulden contribution for covering the expenses of managing and directing the school. Further, should the past burdening in Bukovina remain, the salary of the official writer should be carried by both communities, and the teachers should be born by the communities themselves according to the existing classes.”^[14]

Vienna accepted the suggestion of the local Government as to whether the kosher meat supplement had already been introduced in Bukovina. The settlement should only be carried out “after the highest approbation has been obtained”.^[15]

Meanwhile, the authorities were once again surprised by the rapid increase of the Jewish population in the years 1789–1792 and now resorted to countermeasures. The Jewish communities were forbidden to add “Galician families of Jews to any of these local (Bukovinian) communities or to tolerate them e.g. at their parents–in–law. The leaders were charged with “punishment to be expected” to expel resident alien Jews from their community and to inform the authorities.

In addition to these categorical instructions, the tax was first increased on 18 July 1792 for the time being. They demanded from the Jews the performance of the direct contribution of 350 fl. annually to cover the salary of the Jewish clerk, plus 600 fl. for the salaries of the Jewish teachers at the three schools (Czernowitz, Sadagura, Suczawa), which should be collected ordered in 4 categories from 1–14 fl. 18 Kr. per family.

On the other hand, probably from 1 September 1792, the annual tax for Minyanim was reduced, as in Galicia,. from 50 fl. to 25 fl. amounts that were assigned to the Jewish community funds for use of the Jewish normal schools^[20].

From Lemberg they pushed for the introduction of kosher meat extra charge and on January 3, 1792 demanded from the district office to report within 8 days for what years the Jews were accounted for by the tax commissions and if such a description had not been made in 1791, this year's military conscription list should be accepted as the basis for the introduction of the kosher extra charge, and also what the amount of the current Jewish tax in Bukovina was and at what rates it will be paid.

Finally, an expert opinion on the necessary arrangements before the introduction of the surcharge was demanded. District governor Beck defended himself in his report of January 28, 1792, against the introduction of the surcharge, on the grounds that the Jews of Bukovina actually paid 3/5 more than those in Galicia each year, and therefore this plus be seen as a consumption tax.

According to Beck's report, in addition to the 180 Jewish families classified as farmer Jews, at the end of 1791 were 347 taxable families, who paid 12 FL. 40 Kr. annually. The widows half of that, in what amount the Desetina and Gostina tax was not included. In total, the Jews paid taxes of 4412 Fl. and 5 Kreuzers.

According to Beck, the introduction of the kosher meat surcharge would require the cancelling of hay, quarter, service, timber, and work contribution, which would amount to 7 fl. 40 Kr. Beck then pointed to the fact that the consumption of meat by the Jews is not big and therefore the tax loss of the 7 Fl. 40 Kr. per family could hardly cover that amount.

Beck's reference to the possible loss of tax worked, and the Court Chancellery in Vienna was forced to refrain from the introduction of kosher meat tax in Bukovina at that time.

However, when it was intended to convert the Jewish protection tax in Galicia, that had great backlogs, into a consumption tax – similar to those in Bohemia and Moravia – to food and natural articles and to introduce them also to Bukovina, the Lemberg Government ordered on 9. March 1792 to interrogate the community leaders on the introduction of Jewish excise taxes.

On June 14, 1792, the three community leaders from Czernowitz and 2 elders of the branch communities, Jehuda Leib Berger, Adam Maderer (Sadagura), Josef Rosenberg, Jakob Dettinger (Wiznitz), Hersch Gerbei, and Yehuda Leib Fehr Yehuda Schmiedenauer (Czernowitz) asked in the name of the Bukovina Jewry, that “it should remain with the present nature of the contribution, and that they guaranteed in the name of the Bukovina Jewry, that in the above manner there will never be any tax backlogs from the Jewish population in this district”.^[21]

The district office was of the same opinion.

The main concern of the authorities, apart from the fiscal projects, was to prevent the “accumulation” of the Jews. For this purpose the district office was constantly admonished to not offer a hand for the propagation of the Jews, as he did before. On April 15, 1802, an imperial resolution from Vienna arrived from the Government, according to which the Lemberg Government on May 7, 22 ordered (1) to deport, after temporary punishment, those Galician Jews who demonstrably engage in leases forbidden to the Jews in Bukovina, (2) to permit to Jews immigrated from Moldavia and Chotiner Rayon since November 1, 1786, further residence in the country if they were fit for inclusion under existing regulations and the population taxes had been paid. The District Office appointed the Officer for Jewish Affairs Krumyak and the District Commissar Adamovici to make the necessary inquiries.

This doubling of the Jewish population caused the Government of Vienna and the Galician Government to order the county office to continue to tolerate only the Jewish families registered in 1783 and resident there in 1786, and without reference to the patent of May 7, 1789 to attribute the food branches fixed to them at their classification. Even the Jews classified in 1783, who later emigrated, but only returned after November 1, 1786, were to be evacuated after 1786, like all others.

This rapid Jewish population growth also seriously bothered the court chancellery in Vienna. At the meeting of July 4, 1805, it was even suggested that all Jews crept into the Bukovina, “who, to avoid being evacuated, appear to adopt Christianity by appearance, should be kept away from their leases and trades for another 25 years.

The Government had received news that many Jews are apparently wanting to become Christians, and that meetings and deliberations to achieve this end have already been held for the purpose of promoting this intention. As promoter and advisor of this project, proponent (Friedrich Johann Hager) states that the followers of the notorious Frank, expelled from Offenbach and Warsaw on account of their dangerous principles, “who have been spreading in Bukovina for some years and who have been declared by the Royal Prussian Rescript (answer) of 2 July 1801 to actually be Jacobins”.^[22a]

In 1806, the authorities found that the growth in the years 1787–1805, made up 1374 Jewish families, by marriages were added 247 people, by immigration 1157, out of these came from the Moldova and Turkey 487, Russia 7, from Transylvania 3, Bohemia 7, and Galicia 867 Jewish families.

According to this, the investigation carried out by the advisor of the Council of State High Councilor Milscha of Bischau, showed that the entire Jewish population in Bukovina counted 6044 souls, i.e. the old established 1598 souls and the 4446 souls added.

At the meeting of the Council of State of June 5, 1806, Bischoff in his lecture now requested that out of the Jews living in Bukovina in 1796, (422 long–established, 1374 newly immigrated):

1. 233 Jewish families undoubtedly have to remain in Bukovina ,
2. 201 Jewish families are in a doubtful situation, partly because of lack of survey, partly because of the dubiousness of an immediate evacuation,
3. those whose evacuation should be preceded by a preliminary necessary higher level decision, counted 4550 Jewish families,
4. finally, there are 912 Jewish families whose immediate evacuation is not subject to any reservations. Concerns were also raised in this consultation as to whether:
1. the approved, but after their approval emigrated, and afterwards returned, are to be left,
2. Whether the Jews formerly destined for agriculture should be returned to this original purpose, or because they did not comply with their purpose, and that would be readily identifiable, be expelled, or be relinquished, and if so, if this should include their widows and children.
3. whether those classified as farmers, but who, with the help of Christians, practice agriculture, are to be removed and returned to their communities,
4. whether the Jews who have immigrated after the classification have to comply with the contractually accepted obligations, and also school teachers, the water carriers in Czernowitz and Suczawa, millers from Zwiniacze, serving for the benefit of the public, as well as professionals. For reasons of state policy, as well as for humanity reasons, the Government of Lemberg declared it to be of immediate concern to take immediate action against all the Jews who had entered the Bukovina since 1786, even more so because among them were possible commercial suppliers.^[22b]

Meanwhile, despite all precautionary measures, the number of Jews grew even higher.

In 1807 there were 643 Jewish families, of which 145 families (134 whole and 11 half families) farmed; of these, 104 whole and 8 half families belonged to the Czernowitz Jewish community, 30 whole and 3 half to the Jewish community of Suczava. “

In trade and commerce 433 Jewish families were active, of these 303 in Czernowitz, 130 in Suczawa. Of these families, 301 belonged to the first class, 100 to the second and 32 to the third class. 65 Jewish families were described as poor (40 in Czernowitz, 17 in Suczawa).

After an official summary list from 18. May 1803^[23] were the non–farmer families belonging to the community Czernowitz, as follows:

Banila 2 families
Czernowitz 169 families
Czartorie 1 family
Hliboka 1 family
Hlinitza 1 family
Horozhoutz 1 family
Kotzmann 1 family
Krasna 1 family
Lukawitza 2 families
Mahala 1 family
Millie 3 families
Mitkeu 1 family
Rohozna 1 family
Sadagura 100 families
Zamostie 1 family
Werenczanka 1 family
64 Wiznitz families
altogether 351 families

To the municipality Suczawa belonged:

Kimpolung 6 Jewish families
Radautz 3 Jewish families
Sereth 65 Jewish families
Suczawa 73 Jewish families
altogether 147 Jewish families

a total of 498 Jewish families.

It was not until 1810 that the evacuation had seriously began.

The Jews, threatened with the danger of evacuation, did not rest and initiated a defensive action. The district rabbi Chaim Tyrer initiated in 1805 a collection of money “to be able to free the Jews who are to be evacuated.”

From Czernowitz the parish leader Salomon Baier traveled to Vienna to intervene on the spot. About if, and what he had done in Vienna, there is no report. It is well known that the authorities did everything to prevent counteractions. The Viennese police chief Baron von Sommerau even gave the order to pay close attention for four months to whether a deputation was travelling to Vienna. The Jews of Czernowitz, Sereth, Sadagura, Wiznitz and Suczawa, who had been residents since 1786, asked for protection against the “evacuation, since they had to lose everything, and they already had the right of settlement in 1789.” The authorities insisted, however on their point of view and explained that not the year 1789, but 1783 must be considered.

In 1810, the Jews who had to be evacuated elected two plenipotentiaries, Abraham Kapralik, and Abraham Rosenzweig, who petitioned the emperor in their name to keep them in the country.^[23a].

Individual well–to–do Jews succeeded in persuading old–established families to leave the country in their place and thus avoid evacuation.

In spite of the evacuations, in November 1810 there were still 434 Jewish families who had been declared old–established, 62 families were still under negotiation, according to the report of district chief Hofrat Johann Platzer of November 30, 1810.^[24]

Platzer suggested introducing the family system, like in Bohemia and Moravia, and since most Jews came from Galicia to escape military service, military compulsion would also be extended to Bukovina Jews.

Shortly thereafter – 1811 – after 479 families had already been evacuated, the district office was instructed to stop the evacuation and to submit an opinion on their treatment until further notice.

Hofrat Platzer advocated in his report the preservation and protection of the Jews, until the introduction of the new Jewish order, which was then on the agenda.

The Galician Government agreed, but with the restriction that it would continue to grant settlement to no foreign Jew in Bukovina and suggested that he extend the toleration certificates to the already present Jews..

On September 10, 1812, a court decree was issued, after which it was ordered that from Bukovina,

1. be evacuated those Jews who deal with forbidden food branches,
2. until the introduction of the new Jewish order no foreign Jews may settle,
3. the Jews in Bukovina are not restricted to any particular trade, and the choice among the permitted food branches is to be allowed them,
4. that a hoarding together of Jewish farmers in Jewish colonies should not take place, “justlike that”,
5. the tolerated Jews are to be issued printed toleration certificates.

For the purposes of these provisions, a classification of the Jews was made by the district office and submitted to the Government on 10 February 1818.

According to it, the Jews were divided into two classes:

1. those already classified in 1783 and 1786, those who came to Bukovina with a govern mental or district official approval, and those who in 1805 following the order of evacuation of all Jews who had immigrated since 1.XI.1786 had received according to successive court chancellery and Government decisions been recognized as Bukovina Jews and confirmed as such. The Jews belonging to this class were provided with printed toleration certificates.
and
2. Newcomers, who had probably immigrated after 1786 but had been given the right to remain.

From now on, the Government and District Office were not deprived of the power to include agricultural or other permitted trade–active Jews from other Galician or other Austrian countries into the Bukovina.

Of the 349 Jewish families of the II. class, only 226 Jewish families were provided with toleration certificates by1822. 123 families had emigrated, some were evacuated.

Thus, the number of Jews, including the old–established 682 Jewish families, was 908 Jewish families, of which 145 were field workers.

The existence of Jewish farmers in Bukovina gave to the Austrian statistician and university professor in Lemberg, Josef Rohrer (1769–1828), who traveled Galicia and the Bukovina as a police investigator from 1800 to 1802 and was particularly interested in the Jewish question, the occasion to state the fact that: “in Bukovina, only around Suczawa and Sereth, there are entire Jewish communities which are devoted to field agriculture and even cultivate their fields. But they are also known as the most honest Jews.” Further he continues: “ These Jewish farmers are a living example to us that the whole Jewish nation could be a farming nation.” Therefore, Rohrer believed “that Bukovina could provide an excellent ground for Jewish colonies.”(Josef Rohrer: Essay about Jewish Residents of the Austrian Monarchy, Vienna 1804, p.59)

In addition, there were 59 families among the later censored, who were there before 1816 and left .Thus, the number of Jews increased to 967 families of Jews.^[30]

But it was not the authorities alone who endeavoured to carry out the evacuation. Also inside the Jewish communities there were trends to get rid of the immigrant Jews.

On the occasion of the visit of Emperor Franz I to Kuty, the heads of the Jewish community Wiznitz, Moses Mik and Nathan Reichmann handed to him a complaint on July 31, 1817 alleging that since 1783 “a great many Jewish families from Galicia, had snuck into Bucovina under a false name in order to escape the extra and light ignition tax, as well as the kosher leasing tax. There are alone in the city of Wiznitz, in addition to the surrounding villages, up to 180 families. These do not only produce the whole turmoil , but also cause an inflation of prices of all foods. Moreover, the city of Czernowitz warned the Wiznitz Dominion to the pay taxes for these families.”

Due to their number, which exceeds that of the natives. They impose themselves on the community as “potential tax burdens”.

They ask the Emperor to rule that “each family should pay taxes for itself, just like the natives. And, they ask all graciously for the Lighting Control Kosher Leasing tax to be introduced as in Galicia.”

This petty request from community leaders [Mik and Reichmann], consumed by ambition and pleased to be informers, probably gave the officials a favorable opportunity to obtain more reliable information about inhabitants of the Wiznitz region. By interrogating the informers and leaders of the Jewish community elders, they obtained data on the “specific and national identification of all Jews and Jewesses immigrating from foreign lands”

This order was however, for unknown reasons, was not implemented until March 1824. The matter would probably have been forgotten, had the Jewish community elders not complained on August 17, 1823 anew to the court of Emperor Franz I .

By this signed complaint made by the head of the Jewish community Moses Mik and the Jewish elders Simche Pachter and Jichill Engel, the petition from the year 1817 was recalled to mind and emphasized that Emperor Joseph decided in his benevolent Resolution that the Bukovina Jews, “so that same be not burdened in their food supply and tax payment by the sneaking in of Galician Jews should be strictly prohibited”. Then follows the argument of the complaint of the year 1817 already known to us.

As “offspring of those Bukovinians truly born here of Jewish original fathers, we are still burdened and penalized because of the (in a manner unknown to us), extensive settlement of the Galician Jews and not being able to explain the cause of it.”

They also request, that in Bukovina, a kosher meat and poultry livestock premium, be introduced and also the light–ignition gradient tax, since “by removing the small–scale collection of all this deductions in earnings, the collection of taxes will be facilitated, and the path of the laborious, unpleasant and unsuccessful executions and sequestrations will also be gotten rid of.”

With the introduction of these taxes, “finally these Galician Jews will not have any advantages living here.

Vienna now ordered the local Bukovinian Government and district office, to implement the most rigorous evacuation of the Jews that entered illegally and to claim all the taxes due from each of them. Then it fulfilled the wish of the elders of the Wiznitzer community and ordered, starting from 1 November 1824 to introduce the kosher meat extra charge.

Aside from the ongoing threat of evacuation, also the problem of Marriage arose as a major complication for the Jews. Although the patent of 7 May 1789 (§24) abolished the payment of the marriage permit tax as well as the restriction of the Jewish families to be under a certain number in one place, it, also stated that a Jew could only be married if he had a proper testimonial that he had received public school or home German language instruction from a German school teacher. ($ 13). Since 1805 also an examination on the subjects of the German school lessons, along with the religious–moral book “Bnei Zion” by Herz Bromberg was demanded. This applied to the bride as well.

The district governor had, under official duties, and in his presence and that of one district commissioner, to carry out the strictest examination of all subjects and in particular from the Book of Religion Bnei Zion and record the result and to document the result.

From this test only those were were exempted who in the year 1786, when this decree was published, were already at the age of 13. This indulgence was also given to the widowers and widows who wanted to marry a second time.

To avoid this, secret marriages were undertaken or the age indicated incorrectly in orderto obtain the legal indulgence (13 years of age in 1786).

Many Jews who were unable to pass the required test offered (e.g. artisans) their services to work for the army free of charge in exchange for obtaining marriage licenses, or for merchants to deliver goods. Very few Jews could meet the proper requirements for marriage – in the year 1803 only 3 (Czernowitz 1, Suczawa 2), in the year 1806 16 Jews^[25a]), not one in 1810 – the Government noted after it became known to it that many illegal marriages were taking place, the authorities did not take too seriously the prohibitions of marriages and by their lenient action permitted “Jewish marriages and the multiplication of this community that was considered officially harmful”.

In the opinion of the Government, the district offices gave to the school certificates too much trust and consistently omitted the prescribed examination of the bride and groom of their progress in normal school lessons.

In 1812, were granted in Bukovina 9, in 1813 – 37 marriage licenses.^[26] Furthermore, the marriage licenses were granted to the Jews even without teaching , under the pretext that there existed no German–Jewish School where they resided.

Above all the authorities thought to stop the multiplying of Jewish men, since in their view in the multiplication of male Jews in Jewish families is the cause of the harmfulness.

How peculiar the attitude of the authorities was, proves the case of the former Czernowitz Judge Josel Schmul Pultawer who was 60 years old and wanted to marry in 1805 a 49–year–old Jewish woman from Moldova. The county Office gave the permission, because here “was far less concern then if he had taken a young Jewess for wife”. Much more important was probably the fact that “the Moldovan woman brought a fortune of 15,000 Fl., “an advantage that could not have been of indifference to the state administration and that “through rejection of this woman” would escape the country. In addition, his wife Minka, was born in Czernowitz as daughter of the master tailor Schräge Feibusch , who was ready to pay the immigration tax and supply for 200 military shirts and just as much calico from his own fortune.

The District Office supported his request with the motivation that he was a “long–established Jew in Bukovina , and had rendered good services at the time for the military administration, as a Jewish judge”. Of course, Pultawer was granted the marriage^[27].

There were, of course, quite a few criminal proceedings for submitting false documents of testimonies and age information, as in the case of Nissen Samuel Maderer, son of the Czernowitz Mayor Adam Maderer.^[28]

The administration of the Jewish communities was adjusted in accordance with the Joseph II regulation of 7 May 1789. The community leaders were chosen according to §18 by the community members, who were homeowners or co–owners of a house. Only residents were eligible to vote and members of the community who led a blameless way of life and had knowledge of German reading and writing. In a detailed instruction the tasks, the competencies and the evidence of the community leaders were described.

Above all, the community leaders had to administrate the community business, they had to note down – except for the public administration of conscription – each increase and departure of their congregation in order to know the number of the souls. The conscription was obligatory to the Jews, like to Christians. The summaries of conscription totals were recorded in separate sections, and according to the number of residential parties, men and women, adding their total number. In this, as in other general affairs, they were subject to the ordinary local authority.

The records of births and deaths for the Jews, according to the general instructions, were required and applied with minor changes according to the specifics of their religion. They were carried out by the community leaders and the rabbi. In order to secure the truth of these records every Jew was obliged to adopt a certain German name, i.e. every house father had to have a family name for his whole family, female persons those of their spouses, unmarried ones kept their father's. The rabbi, who did not register the matrices in German language was threatened with a fine, and in case of recurrence even with dismissal.

In addition to the proper management of the records, the community leaders were responsible for the full receipt of taxes, a circumstance that let to disputes and complaints from the parishioners . Mainly the community members of the affiliated communities and in the communities of affiliated villages felt always disadvantaged. The offices were overwhelmed every year with charges and complaints that they were overtaxed by the Jewish tax, much above what was possible. Complaints were directed mainly against the heads of the communities in Czernowitz and Wiznitz^[31].

In addition the elected Jewish elders were elected by unanimous vote and not by appointment as auditors who controlled the financial condition. The bigger communities also had accountants. The Jews in the communities elected representatives in the style of guild types and they took care of the Business of the Jews (§ 15, 16 of the Josephine Jewish Order).

Jewish communities existed in those cities and markets where the Jews were more numerous. Villages where only a few Jewish families lived were incorporated into those communities. Therefore, the main communities extended over far–flung villages, even over the Jewry of a whole district.

In the incorporated villages, the branch communities existed if several Jews lived in one place, and had at least institutions for communal worship of their own religion, school teachers etc. were obtained. The isolated living Jewish families finally joined in community affairs. In all affairs of public life the Jews were subject to general political and judicial authorities and they were in this respect accounted for with the rest of Christian locals, as members of the local community.

In the first years after the issue of the Josephine Jewish Order stood at the top of the Jewish community in Czernowitz: Hirsch Gerbel, Yehuda Schmiedenauer and Judah Leib Feyer; in Sadagura: Yehuda Leib Berger, Isak Maderer, in Wiznitz: Josef Rosenberg and Jakob Dellinger.

In 1798 new elections were held; in these, according to the disposition of the Authorities from August 30, only German–speaking candidates would be proposed. The municipalities, however, chose the district rabbi, parishioners, elders and auditor candidates without knowledge of the German language.

The district office was forced to confirm the said candidates, and justified their action against the orders of the Galician Provincial Government with the fact that “in that district the German–Jewish schools exist only since the year 1790 and since that time there could not have grown out of these adolescent schoolchildren, educated people of age suitable to be in office. Also because in this district the collection of considerable sovereign and community responsibilities are incumbent on the leaders, which office can not be entrusted to young and poor people, so for each possible position responsible and secure individuals must be appointed.”

”The fact that the German–Jewish schools in Bukovina were granted later than in Galicia is less worthy of consideration than t that the Community leaders in the Bukovina have to raise the dues of the Jews and to have to deliver them to the office of the district treasurer because there is no consumption of kosher meat or light added tax so that it became more important to look for practical rather than better–informed supervisors”.

The county Government approved and conveyed the report of the district office on January 4, 1799 to Vienna. From Vienna, the same month, the county Government was informed that, “as the Jewish community leaders in Bukovina still collect the debt of the Jews and have to pay to the district cashier's office, consequently there should be made an exception in the choice of community leaders and pay more attention to wealthy men in general, and the general rule that no Jew without German school instruction should become head of communities, in this case.”

The provincial authority should let the Bukovina Jewry know that this is the last ‘exception' to the general rule, since the Bukovina Jewry had also before the introduction of German–Jewish schools' the opportunity to join the regime of,German district schools in order to take German school lessons.. And even though that many Jewish boys excelled in school at the time of the military administration and are now already men and no longer children, the Municipal leaders' offices might be more suitable for them^[32].

The influx of Galician Jews also gave rise to internal disputes within the communities. Thus, in 1805, the former Czernowitz Jewish Chief Justice Jossel Schmul Pultawer complained that (at the hearings in 1804, by the Czernowitz district commissioner Baron of Kapri) that elections were held for Czernowitz Jewish leaders and that Salomon Bayer, Beer Rosenthal and Salomon Zahn were chosen. And that these were Jews, “who crept in from Galicia into Bukovina and, according to existing older regulations, were not tolerated in Bukovina. Moreover, they should not have been set up at the leaders of the Jewish communities' affairs, especially as they are here under false pretentious. And that they should be subject to the law of removal of foreign Jews according to the Highest Order”.^[33]

The complaint even came to the attention of Emperor Franz, who saw fit to address to Baron Summerau a note, stating that according to the united chancellery it was arranged, “that those Galician and foreign Jews who snuck in, illegally, be evacuated and returned to their previous residences”.

According to reports, this decision by the Government of the Bukovina District Office had not yet been published. In the meantime even two Jews who were not even entitled to stay in Bukovina, named Zahn and Rosenthal were elected to be directors in a community leader election.

The behaviour of the district captain appeared – in the view of the emperor – himself “in an ambiguous light “, he therefore ordered to initiate a detailed investigation and to report to him the result”.^[33a]

The Government now has, in view of the “confirmed by knowledge of rendered services of the former Head of the Jews”, initiated an investigation and ordered a new election according to the above rules.

The District Office reported that the elected Galician Jews by no means had snuck in but rather immigrated with permit to the country, finally, the district office noted that “the choice of the community may not be restricted in its freedom”.

In the new election were elected: Aaron Hamster, Juda Schmiedenauer and Salomon Bayer, the only one who could testify to have received school education. This choice also did not satisfy the Government, which insisted that “only Jews, who read and write German, are to be elected as directors“.^[34]

Pultawer intended by his complaint to advance his personal position, namely to receive his former chief justice title. The district office pointed out, that this position no longer exists since the military administration. Pultawer, because of his ignorance of the German language, according to the existing rules, was not at all suitable to be Head of municipality. Moreover, he received the least votes as a candidate.

In its recent reports, the district office once again stated that “among those Jews in the Bukovina legally that there are not the individuals who have the necessary knowledge of German according to the law of Jewish Order of Head of Community but there are, at the same time Jews that enjoy the trust of the Jewish community itself.”

Thus, on October 17, 1789, the first district Rabbi, the significant Talmud scholar and Kabbalist Reb Chaim ben Shlomo Tyrer, who at the same time is known as Rabbi of the Czernowitz municipality, was elected. On the basis of the Jewish order^[35] he was confirmed on 18. November 1789 by the district office. He had free housing and had an annual salary of 400 fl. With him came a towering personality into the county, who influenced the spiritual–religious development of the Bukovina Jewish community.

Born around 1760 in a village near Buczacz, he spent his youth in the city of Buczacz, where he shared together with Abraham David ben Asher, later the rabbi in Buczacz – a disciple of Rabbi Levi Yitzchak from Berdyczow and Rabbi Moses Jehuda Löb from Sassow – and with his friend, the later rabbi of Tysmienica afterwards in Pressburg Rabbi Meschulam Jgra engaged in zealous studies of the Talmud. In Buczacz he associated with Rabbi Zwi Hirsh, the author of the Responses “Neta Shashimim” (Zolkiew 1829^[36]).

Unlike his friend Rabbi Jgra^[37] he joined the Hasidic movement. At the age of fifteen, he visited Rabbi Yehiel Michl of Zloczow, and became his most zealous disciple and pupil. In his Hasidic views, he was also heavily influenced by the “Apter Raw” Rabbi Israel Abraham Joshua Heschel from Opatow (1765–1825), also a disciple of the rabbi Zachetz–Michl from Zloczow, who was at that time rabbi in Jassy and his daughter Jochewed later married to Czernowitz's son Rabbi Kalman. He held rabbi positions in Mohilew and Kishinev, from where he was appointed to Czernowitz in 1789.

A brilliant preacher, he captivated his audience with his Draschoth, in which he espoused the Sanctity of the tradition, and especially of the Shabbath. With all sharpness he fought the Jewish normal schools, and therefore came into sharp conflicts – especially because of his promotion of Hasidism – with the teachers and also the officials, which caused difficulties to him, especially when he was penalized in 1795 “because without official permission he held in a private home a prayer of Shiwah”.

Since there were no sufficient reasons, to cancel the legal punishment for Jews who secretly worshiped, the rabbi, (although he even appealed in a request to his majesty, but was refused) the rabbi had to pay a penalty of 50 florins.

When the evacuation of illegal resident Jews began in 1783, the rabbi tried to obtain an order to abolish it, but it was in vain. Also, initiated by him was the sending of a plenipotentiary to the Emperor for intervention, but this too failed. These results angered the rabbi so much that he left Czernowitz in 1807. After two years of Rabbinate in Botoshani, he emigrated to Erez Israel, where he settled in Safed. In 1813 he died in Safed, where he was buried in a cave bearing his name.

Rabbi Chaim Tyrer, popularly known as Chaim Czernowitzer, was extremely popular because of his modesty and simplicity. His writings: “Beer Majim Chaim” – a kabbalistic commentary on the Torah – “Siduro schel Shabbath” (Sermons on the Holiness of Shabbath) – Poryck 1818) –”Sharp Hatefillah”, “Eretz Hachajim” were much read by the Hasidim.

Chaim Czernowitzer was – in addition to his major Talmud studies was known also as a profound connoisseur of Jewish mysticism (רב גאון בנגלה ובנסתר). Already during his activity in Bessarabia he had numerous followers among the Hasidim, who revered him as a zaddik.

To his only son Kalman, who was already influenced by the Haskala, turning against his father, he showed his exaggerated paternal love and care.

As a preacher, the rabbi had a special way of influencing his listeners, not by reckless punitive sermons, but through kindness and popular comparisons. His main doctrine dealt with the sacredness of the Shabbath, in which he saw one of the basic principles of Judaism . The Shabbath was the subject of most of his sermons, including his conversations, in which he emphasized the holiness of Shabbath, on which the Jew should be spiritually free and feel himself as a king in his home.

Chaim Czernowitzer was an outspoken opponent of the Haskala and saw in its study a danger, “since anyone who has begun their studies becomes a villain and will be crossing all the commandments of the Torah.”^[39] He warned against Mendelssohn and his “new commentaries of the Bible” because whomever studies them, will stumble for “eternal times”.

Thanks to the rabbi and his influences, the Haskalah movement in Bukovina was meaningless and the teachers of the Jewish normal schools powerless, and unable to exercise any effect on the minds of their students. The Jewry of Czernowitz, Wiznitz, Sadagura and Suczawa was far too strongly loyal to tradition, so that they could not be influenced by the Haskala ideas. There was also missing a necessary layer of intellectuals who could have brought to life an enlightenment movement similar to that in Galicia

Chaim Czernowitzer endeavoured above all – in addition to spreading Hasidism and defense of its principles – to wipe out the accusations that the leaders of Hasidism did not possess Talmudic knowledge. He fought Rabbi Jecheskiel Landau (Noda b'Jehuda) on his opposition to Hasidism and also demanded from Hasidim to pursue a diligent study of the Talmud.

After Chiam Czernowitzer's departure, the district rabbinic office remained unoccupied until 1833, as it was very difficult to find in the Bukovina district a local personality able to fulfill the high task of District Rabbi.

According to a contemporary who presented the Government with an opinion regarding the separation and divorce of Jewish spouses when one partner had converted to Christianity, that “of the existing religion advisors (Dajanim), most had received their Talmudic doctrine in Moldavia or in the Russian provinces and are mostly idiots. None of them had an appropriate head, and the largest part confesses to the Hasidim sects, which are devoted to the Kossower Rabbi (Rabbi Chaim) from the Kolomea district.^[40]

In Czernowitz, in the years 1807–1833, the functions of the rabbinate were taken care of by the Dajanim Moses Mathias Lewi, Meir Reiner, and Efraim Zelniker. In Beth Din sat Berl Rosenthal, Abraham Roth, and Moses Schulmann. In the other congregations only the religion advisors (Dajanim), were in Sagadura: Shaye Liqurnik where he had free accommodation and an annual salary of 75 fl.; in Wiznitz: Itzig Landmann with a salary of 75 fl.; in Sereth: Noah Salzberger received 160 Fl. and in Suczawa Nathan Goldstein 250 fl., of which 120 fl. were covered by the municipal expenses and the rest, 120 fl. was put together by the wealthier community members.

The communities had to call for Rabbis from Galicia. Only those had difficulties with the permit for residence. Thus, for example, in 1809 the Jewish community of Suczawa had many problems in the case of their religion advisor Nathan Goldstein. In November 1809, the Heads of the Jewish community of Suczawa represented by the elected delegates Hersch Barber, Israel Lenzer and Feibisch Hallner, as well as the Jewish elders Aron Hutmann, Abraham Goldhagen of the annexed community of Sereth, told the authorities that “among the old–established Jews there is no individual who is a rabbi or religious leader who has the required knowledge and qualities “and therefore are forced to ask” that their present leader Nathan Goldstein, not be subject to the existing evacuation order to be deported on 1 November 1809, but rather to be allowed to stay and keep his position”.

Indeed, the authorities gradually realized that the communities could not stay without rabbis and did not put more obstacles to the appointments of Rabbis and Dajanim from Galicia.

The union of Bukovina with Galicia in 1786 validated the unified organization of authorities, and should have in addition to political objectives, also have promoted an economic uplift of the country. In general, there was an economic upturn, although in 1808, as a result of the passage of the Russians from the theatres of war against Napoleon, growth had been strongly inhibited. The billeting of the Russians was always riddled with robbery and accompanied by the looting of businesses.

Despite the danger of evacuation and regulations, the Jews were successful, and they succeeded to enhance their economic positions. Above all, they kept the threads of international trade from west to east and vice versa in their hands. They brought to the bazaars and fairs the products of Bukovina agriculture and vice versa that of industry from the west.

As early as the first decades of the 19^th century, the Bukovina gradually turned from the previous international and domestic trade. As a distinct agricultural country of the empire, it actually became a supplier of wood – specifically Beech trees – hence the name of this province: Buchenland. Furthermore Bukovina supplied agricultural articles and cattle for the other Austrian countries. The Bukovina Jews were economically linked to agriculture. One finds them in the areas of Suczawa and Sereth as farmers who work the soil alone, as well as leaseholders in some villages of the Kuczurmare region, as economic clerks (accountants) and lessees of land. Arguably every Jew, who, according to the Jewish order of May 7, 1789, had been leased a whole parcel of land or part of state grounds, or milk yards would have, according to the Court Chancellery clause of March 9, 1793, which goes back to the relevant benefits of the Josephine order, be obliged to leave this lease within three years, immediately after the extinction of his lease contract to a Christian inhabitant in such a way, that after the course of these three years no Jew would be any longer using any other ground other than such as he farmed as a Jewish farmer himself by his own labour.

But even this three–year period was only meant for Jews entitled to stay in Bukovina, and not for “those who had “snuck in illegally there”. Those, who were to be evacuated had at the latest only a year to return to where they have come from. Nevertheless, ways and means were found to circumvent these intensified measures, as well as the imperial ban of March 8, 1800, according to which the Jews were forbidden under punishment not only the lease of parts of land, but also their activity as economic clerks.

”The Government pursued its economic policy towards the Jews with the sole purpose to return them “to those branches of food which according to instructions were given to them by their classification in 1783”.^[41] Only in cases where “by Highest Intention settlement of the Jews for their use in agriculture was promoted “it was allowed to sell land of the state to Jews”.^[42]

Their main occupation, however, was alcoholic drinks sale and trade in every kind of commodity, including peddling in the countryside. Until 1851 they were forbidden to produce and trade in saltpeter and powder.^[43]

On the other hand, since 1793 potash production was expressly allowed to them.^[44] ln Bukovina there were at the beginning of the 19^th century a number of potash–boilers , mostly Jewish. Their average annual yield was 5822 quintals, out of which 2244 quintals were allowed for export.^[45]

In 1804, Jews at Berhomet signed a contract with the landlord Edler Wassil Wassilko, according to which they felled wood in his forests for several potash factories in Krasna, Kuczurmare and Berhomet.

In the Solka woods the Jews Samuel Brunstein and Josel Reichenberger had built in 1798 potash factories, which were bought in 1801 by the state. Josel Reichenberger was a big businessman and also leased the glassworks at Fürstenthal for several years, so that by 1811 he had increased its yield markedly.^[45a]

The salt trade, which had been opened to the Jews since 1783, also formed a not inconsiderable branch. When it was decided in 1791 to establish Cacica as the main salt mine in Bukovina, the nearby brewing works Plesel and Fürstenthal had been leased to Jews since 1803.^[46]

However, as mentioned earlier, their main occupation was trade, production and counter serving of beer, brandy and meth. In Sadagura and Czernowitz, the breweries were in the hands of Jews. In Sadagura the Jew Sinai Schaffer from Rohozna built in the years 1791 – 1792. A large brewery, in Suczawa was the Brewery of Jews Abraham Sachter, Aron Barber, Bauer and in Czernowitz is known the brewery of Jüdel Schmiedenbauer.

The Christian brewers in Suczawa lodged a complaint with the district office and the brewery guild, that Jewish brewers did not have prescribed training certificates. In fact, the brewery was shut down in Suczawa in 1802 because the owners did not produce a training certificate, and also had another income.^[47]

From the time of the Moldavian Republic, the exclusive right to sell wine in the villages was that of the landlords. They sold to the royal and clerical possessions and in private cities to the citizenry, in the noble cities to the inhabitants, insofar as their owners had transferred such rights to these inhabitants with or without remuneration. On this basis, there were ongoing conflicts with the authorized Christian bar owners, chiefly in Czernowitz, who did everything to thwart the requests of the Jews. In particular, against the house owner Melech Jusser, in Czernowitz, who in 1826 petitioned for the permission to build an inn in the city with the right to serve alcoholic beverages in the inn completed by him. Construction was bitterly fought by the Christian tavern owners of Czemowitz. His request was rejected. Juster then personally presented a request to the Emperor, and that too rejected. Also the request of the Czernowitz Jewish community for the construction of a second Jewish tavern was rejected by the district office and municipal Government.

The authorities were almost over flooded with accusations about the licensing of Jews to leases and alcohol beverages in villages,. Since in Bukovina in 1784 every Jew, with the exception of the 3 Jews licensed in Suczawa, Sereth and Czernowitz was already unlicensed, the authorities were, because of the numerous denunciations, forced to reorder in 1802 “if there is anywhere a Jewish trader, he must be removed without incident from this trade if he does not belong to the said three”.^[49]

Nevertheless, the landowners entered into lease agreements with the Jews for an annual lease fee of up to 500 fl.^[50]

Probably not a few owners who had subleased taverns were given fines of up to 200 Fl.^[51] and the Jewish sub leasers put into arrest for 14 days, and even sentenced to be beaten with sticks.^[52] The Jewish sub–leasers were incessantly appealing against the closing of their taverns, but without success.

The authorities were ruthless; so in 1808 they had cancelled for some Jews from Sereth the so called Propigation Right that was given to them by the municipality and also had rejected any recourse, One named Abraham Kapralik appealed.^[53] Even in cases in which the right was passed on to successors, the authorities objected, on the grounds that “in case of the sale of a Jewish owned inn, the same may now be sold in whole or in part, and so the right of alcohol sale must be cancelled.”^[54]

Only in one case that of the Czernowitz Jewish tavern owner Aron Amster, the succession was granted to his son Mayer, because “here the right was granted by the former military administration on March 30, 1786 exclusively to this standing inn, actually the right to be the only Jewish inn in Czernowitz, endowed for an indefinitely long time. The inn was built at considerable expense, was the only public guest and rest house, and one of the most solid buildings in Czernowitz”^[55]

The Jewish trade was strongly geared to agricultural products, both in wholesale and retail. Freedom of movement probably facilitated Jewish trade. However, their economic situation was severely damaged during the Napoleonic Wars. A certain economic depression took place even after the annexation of Bessarabia to Russia in 1812, which brought about a mass exodus of Jews to Moldavia and Bukovina. The new border with Russia also diminished the existing trade relations between Bukovina and Bessarabia. Nevertheless, a few years later, a ramified cattle trade developed between Bukovina and Bessarabia, from where numerous Jewish merchants visited the livestock markets in Bukovina.

In these years, wealthy Jews tried to invest their capital in real estate. They tried to buy houses and construction sites in the cities, but met with difficulties because, according to a resolution of 1805, the Jews in Galicia and Bukovina were prohibited in this respect. The provincial Government itself demanded that this should not be strictly handled, “since Christian citizens are very poor and can not build at all, or are not able to repair the defective houses.”^[56]

In Czernowitz, the Jews Salomon Salter, Hersch Langer, Melech Juster built beautiful houses on acquired Christian lands.^[57] The Government itself sold state land to Jews, such as Hosias Kinnsbrunner in Czernowitz.

In general, the wealth of the Jews did decline significantly since 1816, and the conditions offered no hope for improvement. The general lack of money caused domestic trade to falter, while foreign trade, which in this period, according to official reports from 1827), was “restricted for the most part only to illegitimate ways”, became more and more difficult. At the beginning of the twenties of the 19^th century there were 814 Jewish families who professed taxable ordinary income, 456 merchants, 280 trades people. Among the traders are particularly to be designated: wine merchants 6, cattle dealers 32, wood dealers 18; out of 62 merchants with own companies were 44 Jews. Among the traders were: 1 binder, 1 bookbinder, 1 goldsmith, 1 comb maker, 1 plumber, 1 posamentrist (textile fine worker), 1 carpenter, 2 watchmaker, 5 soap boilers, 6 glaziers, 6 butchers, 8 furriers, 8 shoemakers , 10 coppersmiths, 14 bakers, 27 butchers, 56 tailors, 9 malt producers and 122 brandy distillers.^[58]

The Jewish stonemasons in Czernowitz were also well–known. Famous were the Mazewe (gravestone) building families Picker and Steinmetz, who inherited the art from generation to generation and were leaders in the Czernowitz industrial estate.

A particularly complicated chapter is offered by the taxation of the Jews in Bukovina until 1848, which was probably the closest one to that of the Galician Jews, but partly based on another system. The agricultural Jewish population was still taxed on a par with Christian farmers.

The tax laws of the Josephine Jewish Order of 1789, until further instructions, did not extend to Bukovina, but the extension of the validity of the kosher meat surcharge to this country was already taken into consideration at the time of the end of the war with Turkey, and actually introduced in 1824. The Jews contributed, in addition to the actual family tax, at the amount of 5 fl., which was denoted as real contribution, and by the addition of additional taxes of 7 3/5 fl. the customary state taxes, as well as extraordinary levies based on the “ordinary contribution” during the Turkish war, and war loans and other supplies at the beginning of the French war.

On the occasion of the planned increase of the Jewish tax in Bukovina in 1805, the county office instructed the district commissioners Rankowicz, Petrowicz and Aron with the investigation of the state of affairs and drafting of appropriate proposals. Rankowicz and Petrowicz requested in their work an increase in family contribution to 18 fl., according to class division of income to 30, 20, 15 and 10 fl., whereas Aron, proposed a tolerance tax per family in the amount of 6 Fl. 5 kr., to be added on a class–based trade tax. County Commissioner Petrowicz also suggested that those foreign Jews families staying (lingering) in trade matters for more than three days in one place using their passports, should be taxed weekly with 15 Kr. This request was rejected by the district office.^[58a]

On the basis of these investigations, it was found that in Bukovina a Jewish family would have to pay on average 15 fl. 51 Kr. Finally, the authorities decided against a new tax law. For the time being, they wanted to first observe the effect of the evacuation of “the illegal immigrant Jews”.

According to a reference issued in the orders of the Vienna Government comparing the “in force now, opposite the tax regimes to be introduced among the Jews in Bukovina”^[59] there existed following tax types of the Jews, collecting a total of 24,578 Fl. 56 Kr.:

3) Work Relief Contribution from the 700 non– agriculturally working families, that earned a total of 8,500 fl. All this should be cancelled considering the Sabbath Light Surcharge to be introduced in Bukovina in the future, but of which the agricultural Jews should be liberated.

On the other hand, they would have to continue to pay these three taxes.

Likewise, the hay–relief and service contribution of the 700 Jewish families who pay 850 Fl. are to be cancelled as the Light Tax would actually be its stand–in. The military quarter contribution, which until now was paid by families, should be based on the Galician pattern by occupied Houses.

The real contribution intended for the eradication of Government debt, banknotes and lottery bonds should in the future be cancelled, since they are included in the very high Light Tax.

This tax would also have to exempt the Jewish farming families.

Given the adaptation of the Jewish tax system to the Galician, the termination of the natural tax, which did not exist in Galicia, was proposed.“

Similarly, the repeal of the two extra taxes on the repayment of tax liabilities (14, 15) and Bank notes, as well as the Minjan tax was also suggested.

Compared to the previous total of 24,578 Fl. 56 Kr. There would be a mere deficiency of 394 florins. 44 Kr. However, in the opinion of the Government, this could not be paid off over time, on the contrary the new tax system would bring greater profits to the state.

The Vienna Central Government, however, was reluctant to change the tax system. It was still reluctant to introduce the kosher and light tax even though it was showered with proposals from the Jews of Bukovina .

Thus, in the year 1809, the Czernowitz Jews Markus Ehrenreich and Berl Rosenthal, presented to the Government proposals to introduce the Tax of the Kosher Meat and Candle Light in Galicia by a district order for leases and suspension of subleases^[60], along with an application for the introduction of these taxes in Bukovina.

The former Jewish school teacher in Bukovina, Zeckendorf, had already in 1808 proposed the introduction of a new Jewish order in Galicia, and in it also proposals for the Regulation of Jewish taxes made in Bukovina. In his elaboration he stated:

“By the way, if the Bukovina Jews are treated according to this tax regulation or their former treatment should be left, remains undecided, but I believe that preference to the former should be given because there is a continuous and unequaled prosperity among the Jews there. The concern about emigration of Christian citizens living there can not be relevant for the Jews. And I bet a lot of wealthy Jews from Moldova would like to get permission to immigrate and settle in Bukovina without hesitation even for a higher price in order to be allowed to settle there”.^[61]

He also suggests that in order to obtain a home permit in market towns and cities, a fortune of 500 fl. should be necessary, but in the future there should be no Jewish traders and merchants allowed to establish themselves anymore in Czernowitz, “unless they had net assets of 10,000 fl. and submit immediately to an annual tax amount of 150 florins. “

Of course, he also recommends the introduction of the kosher meat and Candle Light Tax in Bukovina.

No wonder then that the Galician Government submitted the motion to the central Government to extend these two types of taxes “to Bukovina at the same time, because there is no possible at all explainable reason “why the Jews in Bukovina should be spared from this”. The “Turkish status quo” in Bukovina does not have to “remain forever.”

In his report on the principles of Jewish tax in the planned introduction of the new Jewish order, the Government pointed out that Bukovina has been for several years an integrated part of Galicia.

”In Galicia, Jews are under observance of certain formalities and under some restrictions that allow relocations; therefore, if a Galician Jew is allowed to go from one district to another, why should he not be allowed under the same conditions to move into the Czernowitz district?” This violent chasing of Jews from Bukovina is therefore of no advantage neither to the Government, nor to the public welfare, – since the Galician districts are already overcrowded with Jews.”

The main reason, however, why some in the Bukovina originally located, or later on from Galicia moved into Bucovina Jewish families should be left there, can be understood because of the proposal of the new tax system. As in Bukovina the kosher flesh and candle light tax was to be introduced as it already was in Galicia, by the expulsion of the Jews the pay–beam would obviously be disadvantageous, because “ the potential leasers, without regard to the increase of the same in the Galician districts, can offer only in that ratio a higher lease tax for the growth of the benefit of the Czernowitz district, as one will be able to identify a larger number of families settled there. The tenant also can not count on the precarious growth of those families in Galicia, which emanates from the expulsion of the Bukovina Jews, because many emigrate, then get poor”. Therefore, one should wait for the new Jewish Order Law and until then stop the evacuations.

At the sitting of March 4, 1809, the court chancellery summarized the following which was then brought to the attention of the Galician Government by Court Decree of April 26, 1809:

“The two taxes are not to be extended to the Bukovina before hand, but in the same time the taxes of the Jews are to be left on the present footing and that, partly because the reduction in the amount of money provided would not result in a gain in profits, but rather in a not insignificant decrease, and partly because the complete equality in the treatment of the Jews of Bukovina and Galicia must be kept in the same pace with their complete equality in the system of political treatment and law. Finally, because it would be detrimental to the reputation of the Government to destroy its own efforts and institutions, so laboriously instituted for the cleaning of Bukovina from the Jews who did not belong to it, without a plausible and overwhelming occasion and motive”.

Thus, the Bukovina Jewry were spared for a time of the oppressive kosher meat and candle light ignition taxes.

In 1811, the tax system of the Jews of Bukovina came again under discussion. The Galician Government drew the attention of the Viennese authorities to the fact that for a Bukovina Jewish family the taxes, the “ordinary contribution” and additional details, were despite their doubling, only 25 Fl. 20 Kr., whereas in Galicia an average of 38 fl. was attributable.

Even more an extraordinary tax of 5 Fl. extra tax for the family, to which an added tax of 100% was imposed in the following years. However, this amount, after a further increase in the amount of the Jewish tax in 1811, was reduced to 2 fl. This increase, which was ordered by the court chancellery on May 30 and September 27, 1811, was established by also refraining from the recently proposed introduction of the kosher meat tax in Bukovina, and equalizing the taxation to that of the Galician, by ordering every Jewish family in Bukovina to pay a redemption license of 38 fl. in bonds, the amount that each Galician had to pay approximately on the two taxes.

According to this, the 754 taxable Jewish families should contribute 28,652 fl.

The whole, according to the number of families of Bukovina attributable tax sum, was imposed on the Jews, and its repartition on the heads of the families except for farmers left to the Jewish communities. Also the termination of the natural reduction, which did not exist in Galicia, was proposed. Similarly, the abolition of the two extra taxes on the repayment of tax liabilities (14, 15) and Bank notes, as well as the Minjan tax was also suggested.

Compared to the previous total of 24,578 Fl. 56 Kr. There would be a mere deficiency of 394 florins. 44 Kr.

However, in the opinion of the Government, this would not only be paid off over time, on the contrary the new tax system would bring greater profits to the state.

The Vienna Central Government, however, was reluctant to change the tax system.

It was still reluctant to introduce the kosher meat and light tax even though it was showered with proposals from the Jews of Bukovina .

Thus, in the year 1809, the Czernowitz Jews Markus Ehrenreich and Berl Rosenthal, presented to the Government proposals to increase the Tax of the Kosher Meat and Candle Light in Galicia by a district order for leases and suspension of subleases^[60], also application for the introduction of these taxes in Bukovina.

The former Jewish school teacher in Bukovina, Zeckendorf, had already in 1808 proposed the introduction of a new Jewish order in Galicia, and in it also proposals for the Regulation of Jewish taxes made in Bukovina.

In his elaboration he stated:

“By the way, if the Bukovina Jews are treated according to this tax regulation or their former treatment should be left, remains undecided, but I believe that preference to the former should be given because there is a continuous and unequaled prosperity among the Jews there. The concern about emigration of Christian citizens living there can not be relevant for the Jews. And I bet a lot of wealthy Jews from Moldova would like to get permission to immigrate and settle in Bukoivina without hesitation even for a higher price in order to be allowed to live there”.^[61]

He also suggests that in order to obtain a home permit in market towns and cities, a fortune of 500 fl. should be necessary, but in the future there should be no Jewish traders and merchants allowed to establish themselves anymore in Czernowitz, “unless they had net assets of 10,000 fl. and submit immediately to an annual tax amount of 150 florins. “

Of course, he also recommends the introduction of the Kosher Meat and Candle Lighting Tax in Bukovina.

No wonder then that the Galician Government submitted the motion to the central Government to extend these two types of taxes “to Bukovina at the same time, because there is no possible at all explainable reason “why the Jews in Bukovina should be spared from this”. “The “Turkish status quo” in Bukovina does not have to “remain forever.”

In the report on the principles of Jewish tax in the planned introduction of the new Jewish order, the Government pointed out that Bukovina has been for several years an integrated part of Galicia.

“In Galicia, Jews are under observance of certain formalities and under some restrictions that allow relocations; therefore, if a Galician Jew is allowed to go from one district to another, why should he not be allowed under the same conditions to move into the Czernowitz district?” This violent chasing of Jews from Bukovina is therefore of no advantage neither to the Government, nor to the public welfare, – since the Galician districts are already overcrowded with Jews.”

In 1811, the tax system of the Jews of Bukovina came again under discussion. The Galician Government drew the attention of the Viennese authorities to the fact that for a Bukovina Jewish family the taxes, the “ordinary contribution” and additional details, were despite their doubling, only 25 Fl. 20 Kr., whereas in Galicia an average of 38 fl. was attributable.

But an even more an extraordinary tax of 5 Fl. extra tax for the family, to which an added tax of 100% was imposed in the following years. However, this amount, after a further increase in the amount of the Jewish tax in 1811, was reduced to 2 fl. This increase, which was ordered by the court chancellery on May 30 and September 27, 1811, was established by also refraining from the recently proposed introduction of the kosher meat tax in Bukovina, and equalizing the taxation to that of the Galician, by ordering every Jewish family in Bukovina to pay a redemption license of 38 fl. in slips, the amount that each Galician had to pay approximately on the two taxes.

According to this, the 754 taxable Jewish families should contribute 28,652 fl.. The whole attributable tax sum , was to be paid by the whole Jewish community and the repartition according to income and property classes left for decision of the community with the exception of the agricultural active families.

By equating the amount of taxation in Bukovina with that which was customary in Galicia, the Government would control the emigration to Bukovina.

After the introduction of the general income tax, which, in contrast to Galicia, was really collected in Bukovina, the amount was deducted from the sum of the Jewish tax.^[63]

After the change of tax rates, and the carried out in Galicia in 1816, determination of the tax rates in the new currency, the tax rates of the Bukovina Jews were again reconsidered.

The Galician Provincial Government suggested that from the 1^st of August Jews of Bukovina should be asked to pay the Jewish tax of 24 fl. per family.^[64] In fact, it was fixed to the amount of 30 fl. 50 Kreuzer and also added the purchase tax amount of 5 Fl. so that the inclusive Jewish tax was a total to 35 fl. 50 kreuzer, set in metal coin.

In addition, the extra tax remained as a class tax equivalent to 32 cruisers for each family.

Thus, in 1817, in the principal communities:

1. Czernowitz 585 families had to pay 20,962 fl. 30 Kr.
2. Suczawa 272 families 9,746 Fl. 40 Kr., a total of 857 Jewish families had to pay 30.709 Fl. 10 Kr .65)

Thus, 585 Jewish families of the main community of Czernowitz accounted for 17,900 fl. 72 Kr., on 272 Families of the main community Suczawa fell 8.364 Fl. 38 Kr., Therefore a total of 857 Jewish families had to pay taxes of 26,354Fl. 46 Kr.^[66]

As a result of the economic depression, however, the Jewish tax amounts were difficult to collect and there was a great accumulation of residues. The district office justified the tax arrears with the overload of the Jewry and proposed to grant a discount.

The Government declined because, in its view, “partly for most of the communities concerned there existed no valid reasons, partly because the collection of the taxes depended much on the greater willingness of the community leader and the closer ability of the district offices”.^[67]

A tax rebate was granted by the Court Chancellery of the Galician Jewry. Regarding the Bukovina Jewry, Hofrat von Stutterheim noted, “that the Bukovina Jewry possess a better trade enterprise than the Galician, especially those in the Czortkower and Kolomearer counties.”

In the opinion of the Lemberg Government, this conclusion by no means justified that “the Bukovina Jewry could not carry the whole tax amount, without the granted reduction to the Galicia Jews of a tenth of the taxable amount. Rather, experience provides us with proof that in the previous year (1817) the collection of Jewish taxes in Bukovina was equally difficult and, as in Galicia, could be effected only by using the hardest means of coercion, so let us also believe that the deduction of the tax portion for the year 1818 for the Bukovina Jews should apply because on one hand the postulated taxes reduced by 10% are already above the pay potential of both the Galician and Bukovina Jews and to our best knowledge there is justified doubt that the whole tax amount will be paid, and on the other, the unequal treatment of the constituents who already are stressed beyond their means would be less appropriate to the principles of equity. Even if the Jews of Bukovina as a whole are in a more favorable position than the rest of the districts as indicated by the Bukovina district captain, this can not be a valid reason to treat the Bukovina Jewry in a less favorite way than the Galician, because the Bukovina district captain indicates in his report himself that the Bukovina Jewry feels it present taxation as heavy, and in Galicia it is usual to give to those who are in less favorable circumstances a cheap relief by the transfer of the relevant municipalities to lower classes of income and thus reduction of the tax fees by cutting the supplemental tax”.

The Court Chancellery, however, did not consider it necessary to take into account the report of the Government and to approve the tax rebate on the grounds that “that the Galician Jewry has to pay direct costs and lease tax for kosher meat and light ignition charge a sum not taken into account for discount from the total tax sum, and that is wholly foreign to the Bukovina Jews”^[68]

In 1821, the number of taxable Jewish families rose to 1,146 (722 in Czernowitz, 424 in Suczawa main parishes) who paid per family per year, 32 fl. 16 cruisers, thus contributed a total of 36,962 fl. 45 Kreuzer, thereof attributable to the acquisition tax Fl. 7666^[69]

In the nature of the distribution and collection of the amounts attributable to individual communities of Jews and extra tax amounts the arrangements were different for Bukovina and Galicia. The Jewish tax was here, as in Galicia distributed to the Jewish communities and sub distributed and levied within each municipality. The main parish in Czernowitz with the branch communities Sadagura and Wiznitz had introduced with the knowledge of the district office since 1820 the kosher meat consumption surcharge, and then used the lease earnings to pay taxes. Only the rest of the prescribed sum was brought in by sub repartition to the members of the community directly.^[70]

The authorities saw themselves obliged to set up the same control system of Galicia and applied for the introduction of the kosher meat markup in the same manner as in Galicia, but with the release of the Jewish peasants. The introduction of the light–ignition surcharge should be omitted, since in its place came the purchase tax, which was levied according to the provisions that existed for the Christian population.

Furthermore, the maintenance of family tax, expansion of the graduated tax on Jews and lifting of the extra tax were proposed.

Already on 23 January 1824 the imperial resolution in respect to the future taxation of the Bukovina Jews was arranged and put into operation on November 1, 1824:

1. The purchase tax already introduced to Bukovina Jews must continue to exist. Only it is no longer part of the Jewish tax, but should be handled quite apart from it.
2. The yield of the Jewish tax and the class tax equivalent is 20 Fl. say twenty guilders in metal coin from a family, with the exclusion of the farmers.
3. The recovery of the amount to be paid thereafter must be effected by a family tax and the kosher meat markup.
4. The family tax is 5 gulden in metal coin of a family, excluding the farmers. It is to be imposed and collected in the usual way, as it happened with the so–called supplementary tax.
5. The kosher meat supplement in Bukovina is to be activated with the usual fees and in the same way as it exists in Galicia and to be used in the same way. Only the agricultural people are to be excepted. The yield of the kosher tax in Bukovina is set to fifteen florins in metal coin by every family, excluding the farmers. However, the sum due in this way is only set as the minimum of the income, so that the additional amount goes to the state finances, but the possible deficit is to be brought in as a subsidy from the family tax.
6. The present Jewish extra tax is abolished.^[71]

For the year 1825, the kosher meat supplement brought in 20,916 florins. and in 1826 he was leased, by auction, for 24,202 florins, in 1827, it reached only 22,803 fl.

The first tenants were Löbl Rosenstrauch, Lipe Kapalik, Moses Balaban and Itzig Moldauer.

Since the Bukovina Jewry, despite the abolition of the German–Jewish normal schools, still had to pay for the salary of the former Jewish Clerk and the 3 German–Jewish teachers an annual amount of 850 Fl., at the request of the Czernowitz Jewish community leaders Jakob Gerbel and Hersch Juster to the Court Chancellery, it was approved that the Jews should receive payment for this “in the future”. The amounts paid since 15 March 1811 should be offset against the tax payment.

The income from the Jewish taxes of Bukovina increased from 1820 to 1825 from about 17,000 florins. to more than 28,000 florins, since here the number of Jewish families increased relatively rapidly. According to the new regulations minor changes were made for the year 1826. In the years 1829–1837 the tax sum remained constant at 29,780 florins, of which more than 7000 fl. accounted from the family tax. From the year 1838, in order not to produce an illusory effect of the reduction of the meat surcharge, an amount of 3000 florins was deducted from these 7000 fl. The amount of 26,780 fl. was further reduced to 25,000 florins from the year 1842 because of the decline in draftee exemption taxes., but reached after repeated increases for the year 1848 a sum of 33,000 florins, but which could not be fully brought in. In contrast to Galicia, where the amount of tax imposed was the basis of Jewish extra taxes, after which the family quotas were approximately collected, in Bukovina the taxation of the family was the basis on which the planning of the tax sum took place. Of the total Jewish tax of this period, more than half, and at times more than two–thirds, of the income was taxed in Bukovina, which on average accounted for approximately 54% of the total income of direct taxes.^[72]

The problem of the continuation of the special tax system of the Jews formed within the court chancellery, which was responsible for the administration of direct taxes – Jewish taxes included, the subject of inquiries and consultations since 1818. In a lecture delivered on December 29, 1818, the Court Chancellery underlined that the special taxation of the Jews in earlier times was at least partly due to their exemption from military service. In view of the recruiting of the Jews to military service, their special taxation would now be completely inadmissible. The Court Chancellery therefore proposed, with due regard to public finances, to gradually prepare for the equalization of taxes in all the provinces by making allowances and paying tribute to the religious customs. Although the Court Chancellery expressly took the view that “the special taxation of a human class does not justify the fundamental differences because of their religious differences”, they could not decide to include the abolition of all Jewish taxes in the old Austrian provinces – including Bukovina – to apply positively, since the sum of the tax income of about more than one million Fl. could not be replaced by other sources of income. It therefore sought to make tax relief easier, by way of other tax equivalents,.

The Galician Government also made various proposals, but without achieving any practical results. On the occasion of the revision of direct taxation, which was introduced in 1828, with which the general tax on consumption was introduced from 1829, renewed negotiations were conducted on measures to abolish the special taxation of Jews, which would be unfounded and detected as an obstacle to the improvement of Jewish integration. However, state financial concerns prevented the issue of Jewish taxes from being brought to a positive conclusion.

After lengthy negotiations of the Court Chancellery with the Ministry of Finance, the imperial resolution of July 31, 1832, made the Jews equal to the rest of other subjects in terms of state burdens of all kinds, and thus to be exempted from all special duties.

The Court Chamber was now invited to submit proposals to cover the deficit. The court chamber probably agreed that the special taxation of the Jews was unreasonable, but declared that as long as the Jews were not equal in their political circumstances to the Christians – a total abandonment of the special taxes would favor the Jews compared to the Christian population. They proposed to introduce equality in taxation later, as soon as the state's financial requirements would allow.

The question of the abolition of Jewish taxes rested, in spite of submissions by the Jewish communities, until 1845, in which year a compromise was reached. At that time, direct Jewish taxes were to be abolished, first in Bohemia, then in Moravia and Silesia, then in Lower Austria and Bukovina, and only after that in Galicia, depending on the state budget. Only in the revolutionary years of 1848 did the Minister of Finance, Philipp Freiherr von Kraus, submit to the constituent Reichstag the motion to abolish the “pernicious taxes” on Jews. and no longer demand them after November 1, 1848.

At the meeting of the Reichstag of October 7, 1848, the abolition of the Jewish tax was finally decided with 243 against 20 votes, and announced by an imperial letter of October 20, 1848

The union of Bukovina with Galicia had a positive influence on Jews in many respects. Thanks to the interaction and close contact with the Jews in Galicia, the religious and spiritual life of Bukovina Jewry was not unaffected. The rabbis and teachers brought from Galicia were for decades the real bearers of culture and spiritual leaders of the masses of the people. The Jews who immigrated from Galicia spread Hasidism here, which had already taken root, thanks to the influence of the first district rabbi Chaim Tyrer.

They founded Hasidic communities with their own “Styblach” and Minyanim, but did not have any own Zaddikim courts, and belonged mostly to the followers of Rabbi Chaim ben Menachem Mendel from Kosov.

Also Chaim Tyrer's successor, Rabbi R. Jitzchak Schimschon Horowilz Meisels^[73], who was called in 1833 as Rabbi to Czernowitz, promoted the spread of Hasidism that was dominant in Jewish life of Bukovina until the forties of the XIX. century.

The religious–cultural life was extremely primitive, even Czernowitz had no significant Synagogue, it was housed in a half–finished, completely miserable building. There were actually no Talmud zealous Jews among the residents of the community. No wonder that a contemporary voice records: “Lamdanim, llujim, Pschetilsager (scholars, talmudists, comentators) are here extremely rare phenomena”.^[74]

Only among the wholesale traders there were individuals who on their business trips to the west, acquired by themselves general knowledge and came into contact with enlightened Jews, were influenced by them, and transplanted the Haskala movement into Bukovina.

Hermann Juster, Salomon Brunstein, who were the first Jews, to be “rightful citizens” by decree^[75], were probably also the first propagators of general education and cultural aspirations. Under their sphere of influence more and more circles, especially from the younger generation, who were already impressed by the ideas of the Enlightenment movement (Haskala), started to revolt against the followers of Hasidism and got into sharp opposition to their sponsor – rabbi Horowitz – Meisels .

Their ambition was to liberate Czernowitz, “that had absorbed the wildness of Wallachia and the obscurantism of Galicia “, from the upper hand of the Hasidim, who “endangered the cultural development of the Jews”.^[76]

This small group was probably in close contact with the Maskilim (enlightened) in Galicia and promoted the efforts of the authorities to realize their Jewish policy. But the power of the Hasidim was still so strong that even the Maskilim in Czernowitz hardly dared to send their children to public schools, let alone the High school that opened in 1808.

Out of 239 students in the school years 1820–1821, just one Jew attended the Gymnasium.

Their children were taught lessons given only by private teachers, who were mostly recruited from Galician Maskilim districts.

A serious collision between the Maskilim in Czernowitz and the Hasidim took place actually only in 1841, when the Zaddik R. Israel of Ruzyn, as a result of continual persecutions of his person by the Russian Government, had to leave Russia and with the help of a passport he received against a gigantic bribe from the Bessarabia governor, came to Jassy, and from there was able to flee to Bukovina because the Russian Government demanded his extradition from the Romanian authorities.

In Bukovina he wanted to settle in Czernowitz, but the Maskilim did not want to accommodate him.

Thanks to the fact that the owner of Sadagura, Baron of Mustazza, in foresight of material benefits, agreed to accommodate the Zaddik in Sadagura, the Ruzyner settled there. But even in Sadagura he was not for long allowed to live in peace.

The Russian authorities demanded his extradition from the Galician Gubernial Presidium. The Government demanded, by submitting a detailed report, the decision of the Vienna Court Chancellery. However, the matter became more and more confused, as Israel Ruzyner had meanwhile declared that he was identical with the Austrian citizen Israel Sonnenfeld, who had been missing from Sadagura years ago, but until now lived as a foster child with a relative, Schulim Friedmann, in Ruzyn, by whom he was adopted and also given the surname.

Investigations by the Austrian and Russian Governments began to review this information.

The historian of Hasidism's, Dr. Aba S. Horodetzki, view^[77] that the investigations by the Government organs resulted in favor of Israel Friedman that indeed R.Israel Friedmann was identical to Israel Sonnenfeld, does not correspond to historical truth.

On the basis of archival materials^[78] it has been proved that while the investigations of both the Austrian and Russian Governments had revealed that in Pogrebyscze eight Jews had confirmed that Israel Friedmann was a foster child of Schulim Friedmann in Ruzyn, but also that in confrontation with other sworn witnesses, they had been retracted.

On the contrary, the local authorities confirmed that Israel Friedmann is according to “population lists” the natural son of Schulim Friedmann and thus his statement that he was the missing Israel Sonnenfeld is wrong, a fact that justified the Russian authorities in their extradition request to his person as that of one Russian national. But since the Russian authorities in their extradition petition omitted to mention the nature of the crime committed by Friedmann, the extradition was denied by the court and State Chancellery in Vienna, in its Communication of 9 October 1841.

As a reason of non–extradition it was also stated that Friedmann had arrived to Austrian territory not from Russia but from Moldova and therefore the extradition was not to be granted. The Court and State Chancellery argued that it was beyond doubt that the “Israelite, Israel Friedmann “is not an Austrian subject, and belongs in subject matters to Russia, but there is no reason to surrender him to Russia because that lacks any legal justification, and Israel Friedmann was to be treated as “a Jew who had left Moldavia, and can continue to be tolerated in an equal way to other strangers”.

Thus, the Austrian Government had not identified Israel Friedmann with the missing Austrian citizen Israel Sonnenfeld and did recognize him as a Russian subject, who, however, had left Moldova.

The Ruzyner could thus take residence in Sadagura and build his Hasidic court. He built for himself and his descendants in Sadagura a luxurious house, that was inhabited by his six sons^[79] and three daughters, who were already married.

Feasts, carriage rides, luxurious living in Sadagura and on the family estate Potoki, shine and intoxication with a waste of money are the outer features of the new Zaddik court.

Initially, this way of life was watched suspiciously by the Hasidim, only over time did R. Israel, who died in 1850, win supporters to whom the splendor of the court and the splendor of the furnishings and lifestyle inspired admiration. In Sadagura, they saw a “Sacred City”, from which spread branches of the Ruzyner dynasty.

His successor, R. Abraham Jakob, fought the Maskilim, in whom he saw only “Apikorsim” (Epicurist disbelievers). His attitude compelled the enlightened in Czernowitz to rebel against him and counteract with such means as the construction of an elementary school in the winter of 1843.

At that time Czernowitz, as well as Sadagura and other cities owned four–classed Roman Catholic Elementary schools for boys and similar institutions for girls, in which Jewish children, in the sense of The Decree of the High Court of June 26, 1806, were permitted school attendance only under the following conditions:

1. That no disease–afflicted or dirty and lumpy boys or girls, but only those who are not suffering from any type of skin disease or other illness were admitted, and don't provoke aversion or dangers of contagion, but have a healthy, clean and properly dressed appearance,
2. that such children, upon having such diseases or being dirty, immediately be expelled from school,
3. that in the schools themselves the Jewish children have to sit on separate benches, all connection of the same with the Christian children cut off, also always kept under strict supervision, but those who would in some way try to corrupt the young minds of their Christian classmates, should be expelled on the spot – without forbearance and forever.^[81]

However, with the High Court Decree of 3 February 1820 it was instructed that the Jewish youth have to receive instruction in the Christian schools – apart from religion.

But the Jews kept their children away from school and were content with the traditional education by Melamdim, Chedarim, the poorer children in the Talmud–Torah schools.

Only the law of 1841, according to which Jews could set up their schools on the model of the Catholic ones, and should be taught by Catholic teachers, led some enlightened Jews in Czernowitz – Isak Rubinstein, Hermann Juster, Jakob Rosenzweig, Meier Wender, Meier Nadler and Salomon Brunstein – on January 30, 1843 to found a Hebrew German school. The school should have been financed by the school fees of the pupils, and for poor children were left 10 free places. The Government did not grant this school any rights because there was no present school fund to maintain the school. The school was closed, but the initiators did not drop the plan and renewed their endeavors, in 1852.

In the struggle for the school, the Hasidim repelled the efforts of the enlightened and thus indirectly facilitated a rejection on the part of the Country Government, the tension between Hasidim and Maskilim grew more and more, and was strongly expressed in the elections for the community leadership in Czernowitz, where the enlighteners used all their influence to get their hands on the community leadership, but could achieve that only in the fifties.

In 1830, the first recruitment was made. The number of Jewish inhabitants in this year reached 1726 Jewish families with 7728 souls.

In the other Jewish communities, facilities were also set up to improve the community institutions.

In particular, since 1841 the Jewish community had grown in Sadagura. Even in the smaller communities an advance was visible.

The Czernowitz community also sought to meet the needs of their time in health matters and build an appropriate hospital and ritual bath. The existing since 1786 Jewish clinic in the old Jewish quarter in the house no. 244 that Schmul Jakob Weibel maintained, was sold on August 26 1791 for the amount of 100 ducats to the Jewish community,^[82] and was already outdated and far too small. However, such efforts for a hospital could not be realized in the forties, as the Government had refused to build a hospital. They had to comfort themselves with the old clinic until 1853.

The Jews did not participate much in this time period in the general political life of the country, The small number of enlightened Jews had no connection with the intelligentsia of the country's population. These and the nobles were dissatisfied with the connection to Galicia since time immemorial. Although they were authorized to attend the Galician Estates Assemly (Sejm Stanowy), they boycotted it.

The polonization tendencies, those e.g. by the Galician Sejm in his memorandum to the emperor from Count Golejewski (1826) and the petition of the deputy v. Vasilevsky (October 7, 1841), strengthened within the Bukovina peoples the desire to break away from Galicia. Complaints and petitions followed to Vienna, in which an autonomous position in the federation of the Habsburg monarchy was requested as the only best solution for Bukovina. These endeavors were also made shortly before the revolutionary years of 1848 by the then county governor Bach, a brother of the Minister of the Interior Bach and promoted and recommended to Vienna . The separation of Galicia took place only in 1849 – and only for a short time.

Footnotes

1. A.d.M.d.J. Protocols Galicia 1787–1788, 65 ex November. Return
2. A.d.M.d.J. Vienna, Protocols Galicia 1787, 88 ex Junio. Return
3. Governmental Decree of 9 Febr. 1789, reprinted in dr. M. Reifer's: Historical Writings, p. 86, No. VIII. Return
4. Protocols Galicia 1787, 71 ex July. Return
1. Protocols Galicia 1787, 147 ex October. Return
2. Polek, 1st c., P. 9. Return
5. Joseph's resolution to a lecture of the Court Chancellery on the new Jewish system in Galicia of March 19, 1788, cited in Dr. Katz. Gerson Wolf: The Jews, Vienna 1883, p. 44. Return
6. According to a census in 1783, 101 Jewish fathers were suitable for crafts. Return
7. A.d.M.d.J., Carton 2579, no. 72 ex Junio 1790. Return
1. In 1787, the magistrate of Sadagura, Jakob Stimmer, together with 5 other inhabitants, requested on behalf of the whole congregation to raise their place to a royal city, to renounce the unauthorized base interest, and cancel for the petitioners the tax of the “Spirit Counter–Arenda”. The district office expressed itself to the fact that the petitioners were admittedly given liberties by Baron von Spleny at that time, but that afterwards the owners had identified themselves with their rights and therefore the municipality was obliged to cover the payment of the owners debts, at the same time however the “moderation” was instored by that those Christian inmates, who do not practice agriculture, pay annually only 1, but the Jews 2, from which time on, even the wine–tavern according to the country's use is enjoyed by the landlord. The following resolution was issued to a petition filed by this community in 1783: “It is not ethical to cut the landlord's right, and consequently the landowners of Sadagura and Rohoz have the same right to lease the spirit counters as others.” In the same year, in 1783, the administration of the Magistrate, which until then had been in which until then had been in Sadagura, was to be abolished, and the place because “ it was not suitable for suitable for this, should be excluded from the number of Bukovina cities”. (W.St.A.State Council Acts 1871/1787, also 3351/1787. Return
2. Court Decree of 8 June 1792, ZI. 53^rd Return
8. Court Decree of 19 August 1804. Return
9. Court Decree of 10 September 1812. Return
10. Court Decree of 17 June 1819. Return
11. From the year 1810 we have the following interesting figures about the population:
    In the 3 cities, 2 suburbs, 3 market towns and 267 villages were 38,890 cottagers,
    77,101 housing parties .Natives: 223,139 people (men: 114,833, women: 108,306).
    Strangers: 447, clergy: 485, Nobles: 1285, officials and notables: 268, business owners and artists:
    656, farmers: 19,570 Houses, gardeners: 986, Jews: 3608 (1798 men, 1810 women).
    In Czernowitz one counted: 1820 houses and 5414 inhabitants.
    Livestock throughout the country: 14,992 horses, 3 mules, 42,710 oxen, 42,484 cows, 99,549 sheep.
    (A.d.M.d.J.Wien, IV, T. 11, Carton 2659)
    (A.d.M.d.J.Wien, IV, 11, Carton 2659) Return
12. Zeckendorf was then a teacher in Drohobycz and submitted from there in 1794 to the Vienna government a memorandum in which he proposed for the compulsorily introduction of German dress costumes lawfully and under threat of severe penalties, as well as marriage ban for young people, prohibition of burning spirits for Jews, better education and prohibition of imports of foreign Siddurim (IV T. 2, Carton 2580, No. 6 ex Jannuario 1794). Return
13. IV. 11, Carton 2658. Return
14. A.d.M.d.J. Galicia, IV T. 11 ad. 99 ex Julio 1789. ad 13 ex May 1791. Return
15. IV T 11, 42 ex April 1792. Return
16. of these belonged , 310 families to the 1st class, 14 to the II., 28 to the III., and there were 3 poor.
17. I. Class: 136, II. Class: 12, III. Class: 22 families.
18. IV T. 11 ad no. 81 ex Martio 1805.
19. M. Stöger 1. c. Vol. I, § 28, p. 161^st
20. Court Decree of 14 May 1792, ZI. 73 Return
21. Dr. Reifer: Historical Writings, Document Collection, Document no. XV, p. 95. Return
22. A.d.M.d.J. IV, T. 11, Gubernial verordnung ddto 7 May 1802, Z. 189.
1. Carton 2581, 37 ex Julio 1805:
   According to a report of the Bukovina district office there are 50 Frankist families under the leadership of Michael Czerniewski who came with those immigrants from Galicia and settled themselves on the Ground of Religion Fond in Kuczurmare. In 1804 a number of Frankists still lived here. This estate and St. Onuphrie were leased to the Lemberger Gubernial councillor Baron Lerzeni. In 1795 the Gubernial clerk in Lemberg, von Stecher wanted to sublease it.
   But the estate had been subleased to the Jew Kriegshaber by Baron Lerzeni and closed in 1795 a renewed contract, for which he paid to the baron a sum of 20,000 florins against an interest rate of 5%, in addition he paid an annual rent of 10,795 Fl., plus 5,000, together 15,795 Fl., for which in case of cancellation of contract the Baron would have had to pay an indemnity of 9000 Fl.
   (Council of State Records 1795, 386). Later, the estate was handed over in leasehold to the brothers Lazar and Isak Brunstein. Return
2. Carton 2581, 61 ex Junio 1806. Return
3. Carton 2581, 155 ex Maio 1807. Return
4. The Jewish agriculturalists settled as follows:
   
   Czernowitz Municipality:
   
   

   Sadagura	7 Jewish families
   Szypenitz	6 Jewish families
   Kabestie	4 Jewish families
   Upper Stanestie	4 Jewish families
   Ober–Scheroutz	4 Jewish families
   Toporoutz	4 Jewish families
   Banila	3 Jewish families
   Boian	3 Jewish families
   Hlinitza	3 Jewish families
   Ispas	3 Jewish families
   Kuczurmare	3 Jewish families
   Michalcze	3 Jewish families
   Ostritza	3 Jewish families
   Pohorloutz	3 Jewish families
   Under–Stanestie	3 Jewish families
   Wilawcze	3 Jewish families
   Boianczuk	2 Jewish families
   Czamypotok	2 Jewish families
   Doroszoutz	2 Jewish families
   Molodia	2 Jewish families
   Rarancze	2 Jewish families
   Unter–Scheroutz	2 Jewish families
   Woloka	2 Jewish families
   Zastawna	2 Jewish families
   Together:	88 Jewish families

   
   also 1 Jewish family in Babin, Berbestie, Czahor, Horoszoutz, Ivankoutz, Jurkoutz, Juzynetz, Korowia, Lehuczeny, Lenkoutz, Lukawetz, Mahala, Malatynetz, Millie, Okna, Rewakoutz, Samuszczyn, Stawczan, Sziszkoutz, Teutului, Vasileu, Zadowa, Zamostie, Zuryn, together 24 Jewish families, thus in total: 112 Jewish families.
   
   Suczawa Municipality:
   
   

   Hliboka	2 Jewish families
   Kalinestie	2 Jewish families
   Parhoutz	2 Jewish families
   Presekareny	2 Jewish families
   Together:	8 Jewish families

   
   furthermore 1 family each in Bahynestie, Bajasheshtie, Gaureni, Gropana, Idzestie, Horodnik, Kalafindestie,Kamenka, Kindestie, Komanestie, Kupka, Kimpolung, Mardzina, Mihowa, Muszenilza, Opriszeny,Pertestie, Petroutz, Putna, Sadova, Sherboutz, Sereth, Storozynetz, Tereblestie, Waszkoutz, together 25 families of Jews, thus a total of 33 Jewish families.
   (A.d.M.d.J. IV T 11 Carton 2580 ca 1804 .
   (The names of the Jewish farmers in the list which is printed in Dr. M. Reifer, 1. c. document No. XXII, p. 105–109).
23. IV, bar 11, 1808 ex Maio, no. 18^th. Return
1. Haus Hof und Staatsarchiv 1805,1709,1696,1603, A.d.M.d.J. Carton 2582, 71 ex September 1812. Return
2. A.d.M.d.J. Carton 2583. Hofkammerarchiv 1824 ad 292 January, also reprinted in dr. Reifer's document collection p. 118–123.
24. IV, T. 11, 1810 no. 83. Return
25. M. Stöger, 1. c. I §§ 29, p. 45.
1. Below is the list:
   
   

   Suczawa:	Elias Mexian Sara Schoberin		Families No. 10
   	Moises Schober Sara Starnberger		Families No. 50
   Czernowitz:	Juda Rosenberg Rachel Grahsel		Families No. 302
   	Wolf Fichter Sarah Therin	4	Families No. 496
   	Moses Zoffinger Esther Schoetzin	5	Families No. 497
   	Isak König Rosa Neumayer	6	Families No. 498
   	Israel Gottfried Mania Grieshuberin	7	Families No. 499
   	Hirsch Huttman Susanne Friedraann	8	Families No. 334
   Sadagura:	Jos. Geisinger Sarah Löbenschuss	9	Families No. 129
   	Abraham Tson Lea Schajowicz	10	Families No. 494
   	Hirsch Better Judith Gottlieb	11	Families No. 495
   	Moises Fuchs Theresia Straucher	12	Families No. 500
   Wiznic:	Salamon Leker Lea Rudichin	13	Families No. 364
   Radautz:	Jakob Gerbel Esther Zahler	14	Families No. 382
   Sereth:	Samuel Gott Rachel Mindlein	15	Families No. 53
   Mahala:	Wolf Bauer Sarah Truchmer	16	Families No. 159

   
   (IV T 8, 1807 November 47) Return
26. IV T 8, 1818 April 252 Return
27. IV T 8, 1806 February 208 Return
28. IV T 8, 1806, 278 ex Maio 1806 Return
29. Carton 2582 (1811–1812).
    In Czernowitz there were 166 Jewish families with 821 souls (407 men, 414 women),
    In Suczawa: 85 families with 435 Jewish souls (216 men, 219 women).
30. Carton 2583, 152 ex junio 1819; 225 ex August 1823. Return
31. A.d.M.d.J. IV T 11, 61 December 1827. Return
1. Each independent Jewish community was allowed to build its own graveyard and to buy or lease a land for it. (General Instruction for the introduction of the Josephine Jewish order). Every construction of a new burial place or extension of an old burial place required a special permission from the state office. The tax was 2000 guilders and 100 guilders a year for Synagogues. Only since 1819 was the license tax–free. 100 guilders a year for Synagogues.
   Only since 1819 was the license tax–free. (IV T 8, 1807 November 47).
   
   One of the oldest cemeteries in Bukovina is the old Jewish cemetery in Czernowitz.
   The oldest gravestone still preserved there before 1839 was from the year but that does not exclude the possibility that the cemetery is not much older.
2. Of the older tombstones worth mentioning are the tombstone of the Rabb. Baruch ben Schlomo (1794). – Here are buried the Khazan of the Czernowitz synagogue Pasternak (1842), the Hebrew writer Jakob Hodek from Lviv (1819–1855), who visits Czernowitz his boyhood friend Rabb. Dr. Hedgehog came and died there during the cholera epidemic in July 1855.
32. IV T 10, 119 ex January 1799. Return
33. IV T, 10 1805, 8 ex February. Return
1. W. St. A. Cabinet Archive: Cabinet Files K.A. 1804, 12. Return
34. IV T 10, 1805. 34 cx February. Return
35. protocols Galicia 1789, Gubernial regulation 1789, no. 3474^th Return
36. שם הגדולים ע'48, ר'אברהם דוד מבוצאץ; ס'מחזה אברהם הקדמה; שבת קנעביל:
    ס'גרם המעלות וינה תרפ”א ע'26 אליעזר ריבלין ס'תולדות חכמי ירושלים, חלק ג'ירושלים תרפ”ט ע '78, ס'כד'. Shem ha–Gadolim, p. 48, Avraham David of Buczacz; S. Avraham Introduction; Shabbat Kneabil: Sgrem HaMa'alot Vienna 1926 Eliezer Rivlin The History of the Sages of Jerusalem, Part III Jerusalem, p.1929–1978. Return
1. A great–granddaughter of R. Chaim Czernowitzer, Dwora Dlugacz, who bore his wife's first name, died in Tel–Aviv in 1953 and is buried in Petach–Tikwah. She left behind a daughter, Sofie Neuborn, who lives today in Tel–Aviv and is the only surviving direct descendant of the great Talmudic scholar.
37. R. Chaim Czernowitz worshiped him despite his opposition to Hasidism.
    In his work: שער התפילה he describes R. Igra as one of the greatest gaonim.
    ”מופת הדוד, אביר הרועים, רכב ישראל ופרשיו, הגאון האמיתי, שר התורה אור עולם, אספקלריה המאירה,
    מגורה טהורה, עטרת תפארת ישראל he master of the generation, the shepherd's knight, the chariot of Israel and its horsemen, the true genius, the minister of the Torah, the light of the world, purely stimulated, the crown of the glory of Israel Return
38. His son Kalman lived in Kishinev, where he ran a large wine shop. He joined the Haskala movement, read secular books and began to break religious rules. When his father–in–law, Apter Raw, found out about this, he asked his daughter to divorce him. She received the divorce letter and returned to her father, where she married the son of the Radzowitz Rabbi (great–grandson of R. Jechiel Michel from Zloczow).
    אשר פוריצקר ר'קלמן מקישינוב. רשומות תל–אביב תיש”ג 162 –164. Asher Foritsker Rikelman of Kishinev. Tel Aviv Records
39. ”מדעה יבחרו להם למודים נכרים ואין חכם כבעל הנסיון, שאנו רואים ד 8 בחוש, שכל באיה לא ישובון, ולא ישוגון
    ארחות חיים, כל מי שהתחיל בדרכי למוריהם, להכניס עצת דבריהם בלבו, תיכף געשה רשע מרושע,
    עבעבכרעע דדד בשאטבז דבשאטבשאטבשאט, בשאטבשאטבנפש ,ג, גבנפשער ,הה
    ששאר הפושעים כשעוברים העבירה, לרוב מתאוה, שלא יעצרו כוח להתגבר על תאות לבם,
    אבל נפשותיהם עליהם תאבל, ובשרם עליהם וכאב בשעת משעה, אבל הללו לא נשבר לב, כלל בעת העברה
    ועושים בנחת בכל תאותם – ימח שמם וימח זכרם לעד ולעולמי עולמים (באר מים חיים, קרח) אש
    ר פוריצקר: ההשכלה בעיני מתנגדיה. רשומות תל–אביב תש”ו ע '168.
    From science they will be chosen to be taught by gentiles, the wisest learn by experience, that we see with a sense that nothing moral will come back from them, All those who started to hear their teachers, to put their advice into their hearts, immediately heard a vicious evil roared, In the Shatbaz, Dabshtubshabtashat, in Shtab shtabnabesh, That the other criminals, passing through the offense, usually wishing, that they would not have the strength to overcome their desires, But their souls will grieve for them, and their flesh and pain in an hour, but these are not broken hearted at all during the sin.
    And they shall do with ease in all their tribulations: May their name be blotted out, And their remembrance shall melt forever and forever. (A well of living water, ice) Fire R. Foritzker: Education in the eyes of its opponents. Tel Aviv Records, p. 168 Return
40. Opinion of Elias Straucher from Sadagura dated 1822, printed in dr. Reifers Document collection no. XXXIII a, p. 127 Return
41. A.d.M.d. I. Protocols Galicia, March 1805, 8. Return
42. 174 ex Augusto 1804. Return
43. forbidden by high court decree of 10 December 1808, Z. 55662, cancelled by All High Resolution of January 22, 1851 (R.G. Return
44. Gub. Ordinance of 20.XII.1793, Z. 23117 and of May 8, 1827, number 23744. Return
45. Vaterländische Blätter 1810, (3rd year), no. 7, p. 88^th Return
1. High Chamber Archive Hofkammerarchiv, fasc. 10 ex January 1811, 79/18. Return
46. Patriotic Leaves 1815, no. 81^st Return
47. A.d.M.d.J. 1802, 39 ex January, no. 59 ex Julio. Return
48. A.d.M.d.J. T IV, 1824 June 202.
49. IV T 12, 1802 April 80. Return
50. IV T 12, 1802. January 66 R1) IV T 12, 1798. October 51. Return
51. IV T 12, 1798 October 51. Return
1. Thus on accusation by Hersch Birnbaum from Sadagura the Jews Moische Welt with 10 strokes and Yankel Eber punished with 5 Ruts. (IV T 12, 1812 August 137).
52. IV T 12, 1808 April 188. Return
53. IV T 12, 1806 May 215. Return
54. IV T 12, 1806 May 215. Return
55. State Archives Vienna, 1816, no. 4785^th
1. IV T 11, 1824 May 158.
2. IV T 11, 1827 December, 31. Return
56. Michael Stöger, presentation of the legal constitution of the Galician Juvenile Prison. Bd I, § 161, p. 258 Return
57. Stoeger, Illustration, vol. I, § 127, p. 202–206. Michael Stöger, Notes on the Bukovina Jews in the “New Archive for History, Geography” 1830, no. 43^rd Return
58. IV T 11, 1805 ex Martio 82. Return
1. IV T 11, 1805 ex Martio 82. Return
59. IV T 11, Carton 2659 ad 18 ex May 1809. Return
60. IV T 11, 1809 ex Maio 18. Return
61. IV T 11, 1809 ex Maio 18. Return
62. IV T 11 1809 ex Maio 18.
63. Dr.Viktor Hofmann von Wellenhof: “The special taxation of the Jewish population in Galicia and Bukovina until 1848. “(Quarterly Journal of Social and Economic History, Berlin 1914, Vol. XII, Vol. 3, p. 434). Return
64. IV T 11, 1816 October ad 277. Return
65. IV T 11, 1817 ad 267 ex Februaryio.
66. IV T 11 ad 255 May 1817. Return
67. IV T 11 ad 146 ex a. 1818 Return
68. IV T 11 ad 10th August 1818. Return
69. IV T 11 1820 to 50961. The Czernowitz main community with 23.307 Fl. 31 Kr. (Of which 4664 Fl. Acquisition tax), Suczawa 13,655 Fl. 14 Kr. (Of which 3002 Fl. Acquisition tax). Return
70. IV T 11, 1823. 68 ex Martio. Return
71. High Chamber Archive Vienna, Fasz. 10 ad 68 July 1824 Return
1. The guidelines on the introduction and handling of the kosher meat added tax, which count 26 §§ and were issued on 25 June 1824 by the Galician Gubernium to the Bukovina district office, are printed in Dr. M. Reifers: Historical Writings, Document Collection, Czernowitz 1938, p. 131–143 Return
72. Dr.Viktor Hofmann von Wellenhof, 1. p. 436. Return
73. His father, Awigdor Horowitz was a rabbi in Kamionka (Oslgalizia), his mother Freide was the daughter of the Zolkiewer Rabbi Moses Zwi Hirsch ben Shimshon Meisels. Until his election in 1833 as a rabbi in Czernowitz, he represented since the year 1821 his grandfather in the Zolkiewer rabbinate. He held the Czernowitz Rabbinate until 1870. Due to the quarrels within the community between the Orthodox and the enlightened, he left Czernowitz and took over the rabbinate in Zolkiew, where he died in 1879. Rabbi IIorowitz–Meisels was a great Talmud scholar and published a collection of responsibles: גאוני בתרא Czernowitz 1860. Return
74. Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, 1844, no. 37, p. 525. Return
75. Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, 1844, no. 41. p. 486. Return
76. Orient, 1844, p. 127. Return
77. A. S. Horodetzki: Religious Tendencies in Judaism, Bern – Leipzig 1920. p. 211. Return
78. ד”ר א.ש. הורודצקי: החסידות והחסידים ברלין תרפ”ג כרך 3 ע'קטו Dr. AS Horodtzki: Hasidism and Hasidim Berlin 1923 Volume 3.
    The related documents in my book: Out of Two Centuries, Vienna 1924, p. 117–121. Return
79. His son 1) Shalom Josef became his successor, died 1851 in Leipzig, where he was on cure. His widow returned with his son, Nuchim–Beer, at the beginning of the sixties of the 19^th century to Ruzin, the former residence of R. Israel. After she had collected considerable sums of money from the Hasidim, she returned with him to Sadagura, where he married the daughter of his uncle, R. Abraham Jakob. 2) R. Abraham Jakob succeeded his brother Shalom Joseph and resided until 1885. 3) David Moshe, who lived on the family estate Potoki, settled in Czortkow in 1870, where he founded the Czortkow court of the Ruzyner dynasty. 4) R. Beer settled in Leova, 5) R. Nachum founded a court in Stefanestie (Moldau), 6) R. Mordche–Schraga in Hussiatyn, Return
80. Orient, 1844, p. 127.
81. Town Archives Lviv. Court Chancery Decree of June 26, 1806, Z. 9845, Gubernial Number 3407 g. Return
82. The well–known printer and publisher in Tarnopol, Nachman Pineles, when he asked the Galician authorities in 1816 for the confirmation of his Hebrew printing house built at the time of the Russian occupation of Tarnopol, had submitted a testimony of the Czernowitz printer Eckhardt – that he understood the art of printing (A.d.Min.d.J.Wien IV T 11, 1816, February 16) Return
83. ChaimDavid Friedberg: History of the Hebrew Printing in Poland, Tel Aviv, 1946, pp. 163–162.

  History of Jews in Bukowina     Yizkor Book Project     JewishGen Home Page

Copyright © 1999-2024 by JewishGen, Inc.
Updated 6 Sep 2020 by LA