[Page 451]

After WWI, when new provinces were annexed by Romania- Bessarabia, Bukovina and Transylvania- history presented an opportunity for Jews living in countries with different regimes and separate statehood conditions to live together in unity as citizens and as Jews. However, their national consciousness and their political understanding was quite changed. It was not possible to bridge, overnight, with instructions from above. It could only be done for matters concerned with building Eretz Israel.

When citizens from annexed provinces were invited to participate, for the first time, in elections for the Romanian parliament, in 1920, the hunt for votes began. The various political parties changed often as heading the government. In districts with a large Jewish majority, it was common, mostly, for these parties to put their “own Jews” on the list. Usually, without paying attention to public opinion or to national tone, people followed the lead of the estate owner, factory owner or such. These leaders were helpful in obtaining votes by appearances in synagogues, promises to all Jews and by giving real rewards to their helpers. In this manner, the political parties did not have to make promises to the Jewish public as a national minority. This is what happened also in the 1922 elections.^[1]

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In the following years the Oniona (Jewish union) in old Romania, led by important public figures such as Dr. Z. Filderman and Horia Karp (well-known public figure), cooperated mainly with the Liberal and Avaraskany parties. However, they were not allowed to appear in front of the electors. It would have seemed a defence of Jewish minority interests. This was in national education or autonomy. All they wanted was to be integrated into the cultural and political lives of the Romanian people. It was felt that it was enough if the religious community is involved. It supplied all the needs of the Jews. They did not wish for more. This was on one side. On the other side- they were committed to instructions by the party from which they would receive a mandate.

When Romania annexed Bessarabia, the Zionist organization saw the lack of proper Jewish representation in the Romanian parliament. It, therefore, began to work towards the establishment of a unified political body, for the entire country, which will wave the Jewish national flag and will insist on the preservation of the rights given to Jews during peace time.

The first attempt to represent the national Jewish entity was done towards the elections in May 1920. It was together with the Zionist Federation and the Oniona from Rigat. In the District of Kishinev (Lapushna), an independent Jewish list for parliament was presented, headed by Dr. Yakov Bernstein-Cohen.^[2]. Rabbi I.L. Tsirelson was proposed for the senate. In Beltz, the list was headed by attorney Moshe Shechter (Meshar), a well-known Zionist leader^[3]. There was also an independent list in Jassy, led by Dr. Adolf Shtern from Bucharest and attorney Moshe Shechter.

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A considerable number of votes was collected. However, due to the falsified election regulations, based on the principle of relativity and the awarding of special rights to the list that received a majority-to the detriment of minority groups- not one Jew was elected. However, the fact that an independent Jewish list was presented was seen as an important Zionist demonstration and political direction for the Jewish population towards the next election.

-it came in third, after the lists of Stara and Inkulatz. They divided the seats between them.^[4]

(Following the disagreement with Bernshteyn-Cohen the Zionists of Orgeyev canceled the list)^[5]

The voting system in those days where the percentage of blocking was very high, did not allow the Jewish lists to gain even one mandate. Some people did not only blame the internal election procedures, then prevalent in Romania, but also on the inside struggle and the undermining of public opinion. Therefore, the handling of the elections caused a temporary rift even among the leaders of central Zeirei Zion. As a result, some left the group. This hurt the soul of the party and a long time elapsed before matters returned to normal and the election storm subsided.

In the end, after the election of Rabbi Tsirelson in Kishinev, there was great pressure on him, from the Jews as well as the authorities, not to give up his seat in parliament to the benefit of Dr. Filderman. The rabbi postponed his resignation until the second session. Actually, 5 days before the winter session, which opened on 28 November 1922, he handed in his resignation to the speaker of parliament. However, parliament unanimously rejected the rabbi's request. Filderman did not rest and even sent a special envoy to the rabbi demanding his sending in his resignation a second time. The rabbi could not agree to this and he was harshly described in the Oniona newspaper, “Coriarol Israelit”. The rabbi had to defend his honor and wrote an open letter in the Kishinev press about the development of the lengthy discussions with Filderman. Among the convincing words of the rabbi, we read:^[6]

…On 23 November I signed, willingly, the resignation letter proposed by Dr. Filderman, saying I was unable to fulfill my commitment. My signature was notarized and it was sent to Filderman for presentation. I did not even think about parliament from then on. It turned out that, from a judicial point of view and from a purposeful point of view it was not foreseen. In the Monitorial Ofitsial (government publication) of 8 December it was announced that the request for resignation was presented to parliament on the 6th of the month and it was unanimously rejected. In addition, on December 9 I received, unusually, a letter from the speaker of parliament, Mr. Orlianu, asking me to participate in the full sitting of Same, #22, 19 February 1922 parliament. I again received a telegram from

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Mr. Filderman and a letter from Mr. Magder. The latter even visited me in Kishinev and demanded from me to write a new letter of resignation. I replied, most assuredly, that I did not have a moral obligation towards Mr. Filderman. It is not possible to spit in the face of parliament. It had shown me unusual honor and therefore, I cannot be rude and send in a second letter of resignation.

(By the way, the president of Uniunia, Dr. Adolph Shtern, was elected to the senate, in Bucharest, under the Agrarians list).

As a direct result of the chaos in this election battle, the fate of the daily “Der Yid” (the Jew) was sealed. It had been founded at the end of April 1920.^[7]

The Zionist movement in Bukovina, headed by its veteran leader Dr. Meir Abner, then chair of the Jewish community in Czernowitz, believed in real politic and decided to employ all possible opportunities to bring a Jewish representation to parliament. It would counterbalance Koza's people who were to be elected. This was also the opinion of the chief rabbi of Bessarabia, Yehuda-Leib Tsirelson. The Zionist organization of Bukovina was one of the important parts of the “Opposition bloc” which had recently been organized in Czernowitz. It managed to bring down the regime of the Liberals in the municipality. The mutual work continued towards the general elections. When the partners in the “bloc”, among them representatives of other minorities, accepted the proposal of the “People Party” of General Avarescu- a shadow party of the Liberals- calling for a change in regime, so did the Zionist organization. (By the way, the election agreement was only technical. In other words: representatives of the “Opposition bloc” were included in the list of candidates for the election from the ruling party, without having to be part of it after the elections). All this in spite of the fact the Minister of the Interior was a well-known antisemite, the poet Octavian Goga. He controlled the elections. As a result of the agreement, Dr. Abner was elected to parliament. His friend, Dr. Carl Kliger from, Czernowitz- was elected to the senate. In this way, also was chosen Rabbi Yehuda-Leib Tsirelson in Kishinev, to the senate.^[8]

The position of the Zionist organization in Bessarabia was different. It would not agree to help the People party, that of Avarescu. Its minister of the interior was well-known antisemite, a zealot with strong oratory. The Zionist organization had close and friendly relations with the leaders of the National Tsarists (National farmers), the famous professor Constantin Stara, Pan Khalifa and others. This party was considered to be progressive and there was a feeling of

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an atmosphere of democracy. The joining of the Zionists with this party in the last municipal elections in Kishinev, brought, as described above, a convincing victory for the Democratic bloc and a defeat for the Liberals.

However, due to the difficulties created in managing a free election campaign, all the Zionist centers (GZ, ZZ, Mizrachi) decided, unanimously, to: a. not participate in the elections as a unified body, in conjunction with any political party; b. to ask the Jewish population to help in the campaign all those who are known to be progressive and democratic and who did not show themselves to hate Jews, in deed not in inclination. There was even an appeal to the Jewish public in the Jewish press.^[9] In this manner the Zionist organization was seen as clean, but only hinted at instructions of how to behave. In spite of this, the GZ and Mizrachi later approved the candidacy of attorney Michael Landau on the National Tsarnist list in Hotin district. This was done without promising to conduct an open, official campaign. The chances for the list to be successful were quite slim, since the Minister of the Interior, Goga, would win and there was also fear in all the parties, at that time. Still, the Zionist organization did assist the National-Tsarnists. It had political aspirations for the future, when, finally, the party would be at the helm and that directed its efforts. Landau was not elected this time. The Jewish vote only served as an expression of their feelings against the reactionary black regime and its hatred of Jews.

In his debut address in parliament, on 13 July 1926, replying to the speech from the throne, Dr. Meir Abner declared clearly the Jewish problem in the country.

It is not enough to pass laws only. There must be real solutions.

Therefore,

It seems the issue of the Jews is new… We demand, from the authorities, equal rights like all other citizens. It is not only to defend our property and our lives, in honoring the laws of the land, but also the worth of our religion and its respect. This is why we are sensitive, like other citizens and peoples residing in this country…I am standing up in great sorrow about the fact that at times, in this house, the word Jew is used as a disgrace and an insult -jidan. We are Jews and not “jidans”. I protest in my own name and in the name of all Jewish electors against the insulting

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treatment. I turn to the chairman, and to all members of this house, in a request to respect us and the entire Jewish people.

This speech of 15.12.26, Abner illustrates the antisemitism that is spreading to other parts of life in the country. He is a true representative of the Jews in Bukovina. There, the Jews are seen, by the antisemites as foreigners who “penetrated” as unwanted guests. Abner wants to teach them about rights. Also, by the way, to show all those who deny the truth, a chapter in the history of these Jews. They, many years ago, were invited by the authorities to come and develop commerce, and especially, the lumber industry that is typical of this area, at the foot of the Carpathian Mountains.^[10]

In spite of the fact that the author wishes to limit himself to topics that pertain to Bessarabia only, or to those that are about Judaism in all Romania, it is impossible to ignore the tragic event in Czernowitz. It was discussed heatedly in the Romanian parliament as important in the situation of all Jews in Romania.

Dr. Abner replied that as a representative of the Jewish nation he was obligated, in spite of everything, to fulfill his mission and that the Minister of the Interior would be responsible for the results of the demonstration. Indeed, the Kozist delegates- only 10–together with representatives of the majority, continuously interrupted Dr. Abner's speech. He stood alone with courage and pride against the attack on the Jews. At the same time, the remaining five Jewish delegates elected on government slates in various areas, because they were connected to the ruling party, did not find it in their hearts to react at all. Dr. Abner debunked the lies and baseless accusations and demanded from the government to control the libel campaign against the Jews and a proper defence of their lives. The Minister of the Interior replied that “the Jews were the provocateurs and the students- what can one say against youth when wine is fermenting?^[10*]

By the way, there was an aside from Koza, saying that even the Jew Shalom Shvartzburd acted as did Toto when he shot Petliura and went unpunished. Dr. Abner contradicted him: “Petliura is guilty of the murder of 100, 000 Jews. It is not at all the same as the Palik incident!”. Abner continued in his remarks about the attack on Jewish students by the antisemites who insisted on “numrus nolus”. One of the senators denied the fact and Abner repeated his remarks by emphasizing that even the Minister of Culture can attest

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to his remarks. He declared:” In the Hebrew University in Jerusalem there will be no numerous clausus!”

If the haters of the Jews in the senate had been able to tolerate Rabbi Tsirelson's maiden speech, in July of that year, when he vociferously demanded the establishment of Jewish schools in their national language, and to correct the defect caused by the previous Minister of culture, Dr. K. Angelescu^[11], - this time it was not the case. He was constantly interrupted: “The history of the chosen people does not interest us”, “This beautiful speech has its place in Palestine”. The Archbishop of Moldova, added: “I serve these people on the other side of the Milkov River and I find that they are too quiet and too naïve. In addition-in their nature these people are to overpower others, until it will become a stranger in its homeland, what Rabbi Tsirelson said is simply an affront”. The archbishop insisted that,” in future, the senate should not allow such annoying speeches. They can only hurt the state”. This was followed by the proposal of the chairman of the senate, General Koanda, to archive the rabbi's speech and to not include him in government publications.^[12]

This proposal was received with loud applause by the honorable senators. The elderly sage, a representative of an ancient people, had come to ask for his right to live on the earth where he lived. He could not stop his reaction and accept this difficult insult. As a protest, he chose to resign from the senate. His resignation was not justified by other Jewish circles who thought he was running away from confrontation.

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The rabbi wrote a letter to the chairman of the senate, General Koanda and it was read by him in a full seating on the 29th of the month. In it, the Rabbi explains that he is quite sorry that his words were misinterpreted. He had not come to accuse the Romanian people of lack of patience, but he only wanted to denounce the violent deeds of the antisemites. The unfriendly attitude of the members of the senate towards him forces him to give up his mandate. The resignation was passed with a deciding majority of 80 for and only 17 against.

The bold appearances of the Jewish delegates did not, really, bring a change in the attitude of the state towards the Jews. However, they did bring about strong echoes in foreign lands. The government was forced to order the closing of the file on the 15 students who had been arrested in Czernowitz and to free them.

Dr. Theodore Fisher replied to the speech from the throne at the opening of parliament on 28 December, 1928. Dr. Meir Abner did the same in the senate on 29 December of that year. This is what was mentioned:^[13]

A large majority of the Jews who participated in these free elections proved their belonging to a people that not only kept its existence for thousands of years, but also showed its loyalty to

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national ideals as a minority ethnic entity-especially among the general population of the country.

This was expressed fully and obviously in that Zionists were elected. They were well-known in the community as leaders of the national Jewish movement.

Dr. Abner appeared in the senate on 5.3.1929 to discuss the rights of the Jews as a national minority and the frequent disturbances by the antisemites. In reply to interjections, he said:

The disturbances are common in all parts of the world. It does not matter whether they were caused or not caused by thinkers in that country. What is most important -what is the reaction of the government to these disturbances.

The world never stopped seeing us as a people. When the League of Nations, under the San Remo agreement, prepared to let us have our national home in Palestine, it operated from the point of view that the Israeli nation is alive and well in the world. This point of view was accepted by our government not long ago when the chairman of the Zionist movement. Mr. Nachum Sokolov, was well received. Sokolov earned this honor not as a representative of a religious sect, but as one of a people scattered throughout the world.

However, our people do not represent a majority anywhere. In every place we are only an ethnic minority.

Landau even proved, in great detail, how far removed were the deeds of the government towards the Jewish minority from what happens in state schools. At the end of the extensive speech, he outlined, one by one, the demands from the government, as formulated in the Tarbut conference by the jurist Shmuel Rosenhaupt^[13*]

Minister Kostaksku, in his reply to the request, and as a sign of friendship with member Landau, admitted the justice of most of the demands and promised to change things in future. The exception was issued concerning additional funds, due to the dire situation of the treasury. The minister also pointed out the high rate of illiteracy in the country, where 600 000 children of farmers are not attending school. Only due to the lack of funds.

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He asked Landau- “What is the percentage of the Jewish population that does not attend school?”. He answered himself- “In spite of your difficult situation and everything you have to overcome; you are in a good position. The percentage of children attending school is very high. My wish is that the Romanian people would reach the same level”.

In order to urge the government towards concrete actions in order to improve the legal status of the schools, parliament proposed an amendment to the law governing private schools. It was prepared and written by Tarbut central. Due to the short tenure of the national farmers government and in spite of its unsympathetic attitude towards it, the proposal did not make it to the discussion stage. The fact that it was even proposed in front of the highest forum in the country and the publicity accompanying it, helped considerably in the existence of the Hebrew school and its standing in educational circles. The latter were forced to treat it in a special way, using logic, in spite of what was explicit in the law.

Member M. Landau was not averse to attacking the minister of religion, Aurel Vlad, when he brought forward suggestions to allow any Jewish group that so wished to have two separate congregations- Orthodox and liberal. Landau gave an all-encompassing speech in parliament proving that this would cause a rift within the Jewish community and would not truly organize it, as meant by the minister.^[14]

After the Hungarians and the Germans^[15], it was due to the fact that it did not have a homeland. Also, it was separated on the inside and not united on the outside.

The Jewish community in Romania had over three quarters of a million people. From an ideological point of view, there were three groups- Bessarabia and Bukovina in one, Transylvania another and old Romania on its own. Their ideas differed when it came to organization of the life of the community and education. This was different from the blocs of Hungarians and Germans. Each Jewish group had different demands of the government. The government used this difference and did not give them the rights of other minorities. There was no school where Hebrew or Yiddish were taught, with a budget from the authorities. There was not even a Romanian school where the Jewish minority would study in their language. They were all considered as private schools, to be supported by the community. The budget of the Hungarians in Transylvania and the Germans in Bukovina, Bessarabia and Transylvania was entirely covered b y the government.

It is no wonder that the Jewish parliamentary group meant to ameliorate conditions for the Jewish minority, was handicapped from the beginning and did not have real success.

When the government of the National Farmers fell, in April 1931, thereins were taken by Prof. Nikolai Yurga. K. Argatuanu, a former member of the Liberal party, became Secretary of the Interior. At this time, the Onionia made a pact with him in anticipation of the new elections. It was given 8 mandates. They were convinced that this way they would lower the chances of the independent Jewish list. This is not what happened. The lists of the Jewish Party were shown in 49 out of 71 districts, except for Beltz. There, the list, led by Rabbi I.L. Tsirelson, was at first disqualified.^[16]. In the meantime, the government canceled the agreement with Onionia. The latter mustered all its strength and its publicity channels to decisively beat the new obstacle- the Jewish party.^[17]. It missed its goal. The Jewish Party received^[18] 64,193 votes- 2,38% of the voters. Indeed, it was more than the percentage needed to block it.

After the final tally, the Jewish Party had 5 mandates due to the cancelation of the Jewish list in Beltz and acts of violence in Hotin (Michael Landau, first name on the list, was badly beaten during his campaign), where there was a large concentration of Jewish voters, District of Soroca, in Bessarabia, only had one representative. In Bucovina, where the terror from the governing party did not

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Nation On Trial- Proclamation by Rabbi I.L. Tsirelson prior to the elections of June 1931

[Page 474]

Reach considerable dimensions, each district: Czernowitz, Struzhinitz, and Kimpolong had one delegate. The fifth came from Marmoresh in Transylvania.

The leadership of the Jewish party calculated in advance the rightful distribution of the mandates so that not one of the four provinces would be deprived. At the least, each would obtain one mandate. Following this reasoning, the lists were prepared in districts where there was a chance for the election of representative. However, the growing terror, especially in Bessarabia, disrupted all predictions. The party leadership was true to its principles and needed a bold strategy to accomplish them. Dr. Meir Abner gave up his place in Czernowitz in favor of the second person on the list, Dr. Sami (Shmuel) Zinger from Bucharest. The latter represented the party in Old Romania. Dr Theodore Fisher gave his place in Soroca in favor of the second candidate on the list

Jewish Election Committee in Beltz We inform the Jewish population that the Jewish List has been given to the Tribunal. It is number 8 with the symbol H. The candidates are: Rabbi Tsirelson (chief rabbis of Bessarabia) Dr. Meir Abner Michael Landau Yosef Lerner Eliezer Gurfel Jews! Pick up your voting bulletin! Remember the Jewish Symbol H
No. 41. List of candidates for election in Beltz district that was disqualified

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To the Entire Jewish Population in Bender Circular We wish to inform the Jewish population that the list was given to the tribunal. The sign is H. Rabbi Leib Tsirelson Yosef Lerner Israel Blank Binyamin Belatzerkovsky Dr. Michael Bersutzky Remember the sign H for the Jewish party! Jews! Anyone with a beating Jewish heart must vote for the Jewish List No.9
No. 42 List of candidates for elections in Bendery district

The make-up of the party was: 1. Advocate Michael Landau (Soroca), 2. Dr. Sami Zinger (Czernowitz), 3. Dr. Max Diamant

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(Storozhinitz), 4. Dr. Manfred Reiner (Kimpulung), and 5. Dr. Yosef Fisher (Marmarosh) who served, this time, as the last on the list.^[19]

Elections of 1932

In July 1932, the National Tsarnists governed, were led by Velda-Veiavod. The Jewish list was presented in 52 districts. 67,582 people voted for it- i.e. 2.48% of all electors. Again, 5 representatives were elected- two in Bessarabia: 1. Advocate Michael Landau -Soroca, 2. Advocate Mishu Veisman (Michael Amir) from Bucharest- Hotin; two in Bucovina: 1. Dr. Meir Abner-Czernowitz and 2. Dr. Ernest Martin from Cluj- in Storozhnitz; one in Marmoresh, Transylvania-Dr. Yosef Fisher. Again, Dr. Avner served as head of the party.

It must be noted that the division of mandates between different provinces- also according to the principles of the party- saw two mandates for Transylvania this time. The second mandate of Bessarabia was given to the Rigat representative.

Another important fact: all the representatives were leaders of the Zionist movement in Romania. In all their appearances in parliament they showed their civic loyalty to the state, but they were concerned mainly about defending the rights of the Jewish population, as a minority. This was from a cultural point of view as well as a spiritual-cultural one. They often had to instruct, in this lofty forum, about Zionism and they even emphasized the historical necessity to help our people in rebuilding their national home.

The chief rabbi of Bessarabia, Yehuda-Leib Tsirelson, gave full support to this national party. Usually, he appeared as first on the list in Kishinev, Beltz, Orgeyev and Bendery and took part actively in all conferences and important consultations.

As a rule, the Jewish list earned a mandate in those districts where there was a large concentration of Jews. It was then possible to obtain a large percentage of all electors. However, in Kishinev, where there was a great hunt for Jewish votes,

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The political parties kept in close touch with various Jewish organizations. There was a lack of strong national-Jewish concentration, as there was in Czernowitz under the leadership of the popular Dr. Meir Abner.

 

No. 43-circular of the Jewish party for the July 1932 elections

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No.44 circular of the Jewish Party in Akkerman District for elections in July 1932

 

On the other hand, there were districts such as Soroca and Hotin in Bessarabia, Czernowitz and Storozhintz in Bukovina and Marmoresh in Transylvania, where the Jewish list was a natural. The results of the 1931 elections showed Hotin District did not win any mandates. It can be explained, as above, by the increased terror. It was, by sheer accident that the Jewish list was somehow “compensated” in Kimpulung.

The following table shows a clear picture of the results of the elections in 1931 and 1932, according to their areas.^[20]

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Bessarabia[21]	% Jews in Population	Voters for list % of votes 6/1931		Voters for list % of all votes 7/1932
1. Orgeyev	7.0	1778	4.12	2739	6.2
2. Izmail	2.9	1151	3.36	829	2.55
3. Akkerman	3.3	2575	2.50	2474	4.43
4. Beltz	8.3	list canceled		3571	6.31
5. Bendery	5.5	1475	3.43	951	2.58
6. Hotin	9.2	2925	4.41	4364	7.09
7. Soroca	9.3	3688	7.20	4203	7.97
8. Cahul	2.3	837	3.33	546	2.29
9. Kishinev	12.1	2112	4.31	2559	5.12
Total	7.2	16541	–	22236	–

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Bukovina	% of Jews in population	Jewish list voters % of all voters 6/1931		Voters for % of-all 6/1932
10.Sutcheva	5.5	1368	6.25	1275	5.77
11. Storozhinitz.	9.1	3033	9.98	2533	8.44
12. Czernowitz	16.9	4570	10.80	4940	10.26
13. Kimpulung.	8.2	1236	6.91	1423	8.07
14. Radautz	7.2	1814	6.41	1821	6.62
Total	10.9	12021	–	1199	–
Transylvania
7. Alba	1.5	623	1.62	546	1.44
8. Arad	2.4	1378	1.36	1387	1.37
9. Bichor	5.4	2575	3.31	2083	2.79
10. Honadora	1.5	707	1.09	726	1.14
11. Timeshare-Torontal	2.2	1912	1.83	2017	1.91
12. Marmarosh	21.1	2641	11.59	3750	16.35
13. Morosh	3.6	1549	3.23	1414	3.18
14. Nasaud	4.4	1037	3.99	859	3.31
15. Savarin	1.0	650	1.26	578	1.10
16. Satu-Mare	8.6	3270	6.27	3243	6.26
17. Salazh	4.0	2422	3.87	2302	3.63
18. Somazh	4.8	1605	4.26	1602	4.40
19. Cluzh	5.3	1715	3.81	1514	3.78
28-35 Districts which had less than 500 votes each[22]		2096		2303
Totals	3.5	24180	–	24324	–

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Rigat
36. Bacău	5.5	571	1.39	536	1.26
37. Botoshan	9.2	1820	5.30	1514	4.06
38. Bucharest	7.7	1237	1.33	1273	1.11
39. Dorohoy	7.0	1611	4.50	1260	3.41
40. Iassy	14.9	1771	4.40	814	2.15
41. Niamatz	6.7	856	2.61	353	1.32
42. Kovorloy	9.8	642	2.21	410	1.32
43. Roman	4.9	116	0.46	522	1.90
44-52 Districts with less than 500 votes each		2827		2318
Totals	3.0	11451	–	9030	–
Overall total	4.2	64193	2.38	67582	2.48

District	# votes 1931 For Jewish list	% votes For JL	# votes 1932 for Jewish List.	% of total For JL	Compared to Jewish population in Romania
Bessarabia	16541[23]	25.77	22236	32.90	27.34
Bukovina	12021	18.72	11992	17.75	12.30
Transylvania	24180	37.67	24324	35.99	25.48
Rigat	11451	17.84	9030	13.36	34.88
Totals	64193	100.00	67588	100.00	100.00

The situation in Bukovina depends, to a large extent, on the influence of the newspaper “Ust Jewish Newspaper” in Czernowitz. In Transylvania, it was” Oy Klat.” This was not the case with “Unser Tzeit” in Kishinev which had more say in the smaller towns. In Rigat, “Unionia” was in power.

In spite of this, it is essential to note that the 1932 elections, mainly ruled by

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The National Farmers party were completely free. There was no violence at all. That is why it should be seen as a true picture of the voice of the Jewish voters. This fact was also emphasized by member Mishu Veismanin his reply to the speech from the throne in parliament.^[24]

The following table shows the strength of support of the Jewish party on the part of the Jewish population in Bessarabia, according to districts:

District	#Jews	% of Jews in Bess.	# of communities for JL in 1932	% of voters for JL in 1932
Orgeyev	19566	19.46	12739	112.3
Izmail	6433	3.10	829	3.7
Akkerman	11400	5.50	2474	11.1
Beltz	31916	15.42	3571	16.1
Bendery	16594	8.20	951	4.3
Hotin	36132	17.46	4364	19.7
Soroca	29510	14.26	4203	18.8
Cahul	4444	2.15	546	5.2
Kishinev	50603	24.45	22236	11.5
Totals	206958	100.00	22236	100.00

Elementary agreed, they have to organize their religious affairs and to establish their own schools. There, in addition to Romanian culture which the Jews adopt with enthusiasm, Jewish culture will also grow.^[25]

We must add to the achievement of the Jewish party in 1931-32 the following: the allowance, by the Ministry of Religion, of $.5 million lei to the Jewish community. Of that amount, 1490 thousands to Bessarabia^[26], allowance for Jewish student dormitories, Aliyah permits for members of Hechalutz who had reached the age of compulsory army service and a special discount of 75% of the cost of passports for them. There was also an easing in the organization of Zionist youth movements and more.^[27]

In the third time, before the elections of 20 December 1933, the scare tactics increased. On 9 December, the government dismantled the union of young antisemites – “Iron Guard”, led by Cornol Zaria Codrianu- and stopped them from participating in the elections. (As a reaction to this, the Prime Minister, Doha, was assassinated in Sinaia on 30 December). In order to balance the decision, there were stronger attempts to put down the Jewish list^[28]. In 10 important districts with large Jewish populations, it was impossible to present the list. This was in Akkerman, Bendery, Cahul, Bacău and Galatz. In the remaining districts, Jewish candidates were arrested by the police, and they wee unable to appear in public and to stay in touch with their representatives and voters.

[Page 486]

By the way, this time Zeirei Zion did not actively participate in the elections. Its representatives did not appear on the Jewish list. In a communication which appeared in “Erd und arbeit” on 15 December 1933, it was stated that the decision to do so came from the fact that it was discovered that the Jewish party sought ways to to form a coalition with the “Unionia”. The intention was to cooperate with the party in power, the Liberals. This seemed to Zeirei Zion as a denial of the Jewish party of its main purpose. This denial could bring it to a total defilement. The negotiations with the social-democratic party did not succeed because of its refusal, as a result of influence by the “Bund” to announce its identification with the workers of Eretz Israel.

The number of votes garnered by the list in 40 districts only came to 38565 (57% of the number of votes received in the previous election). This constituted 1.29% of all the votes and was less than the minimum limit. Not one member was elected. The following is an example of a list of comparisons:

Number of votes given to the Jewish List
District	1932	1933
Orgeyev	2739	1752
Izmail	829	597
Beltsy	3571	2901
Khotin	4364	1513
Soroca	4203	2211
Kishinev (Except for Akkerman, Bendery, and Cahul where it was not possible to present slates)	2955	1309
Totals	18256	10282

  A typical fact: due to the tense situation, which grew even before the elections, prime minister Duka was asked to include in the governing party list, at least two representatives of the Jewish party. He did not agree. On the other hand, he entered an agreement with the German minority, which later became the Nazis, and awarded them 12 places.

[Page 487]

Still, the Jewish party did not fold its flag. On the contrary, the Nuremberg racial theory had spread and found a ready reception among the Romanian people. Thus, the Jewish party strengthened its explanations among the people and warned of the danger facing it. It was preparing them to defend themselves.

Indeed, there were incidents.

[Page 489]

These were violent incidents which did not have any reaction form the regime. The Jewish population, headed by the Jewish party, warned the authorities against the escalating danger. They sent memos and demanded general and individual endeavors. However, the authorities remained indifferent to everything and did not take any real measures to control the incitement and the plotting.

In 1935, in addition to the German curse that lay on the Jews of south Bessarabia, a terrible drought hit them. It caused difficulties for the entire population, but the situation for the Jews was even worse.

In view of all this, the Jewish party immediately went to work. At the end of October, there was, in Jassy, a district conference of representatives from Bessarabia and Bukovina. There, too, the slanderous propaganda against the Jews, with 94 representatives, grew stronger. Representing the central Aid Agency in Kishinev was Z. Rosenthal. After hearing reports of conditions in various places, a plan was made to brake the antisemitic incitement and to increase aid to those starving in Bessarabia. Also, there would be a boycott of German products. The leadership of the party was called to a special conference in Kishinev, in order to encourage the authorities to put an end to the deceptive acts of the Germans in south Bessarabia. These could bring about the destruction of the Jews of the province. Some time later, there was an all- Bessarabia conference of all the communities (3.11.35). 96 representatives participated. There was also a district conference in Akkerman (17.11.35) with the participation of the party member, advocate B. Klepner.

The Jewish Party, which had no representation in parliament, had a difficult task, but it stayed vigilant and fulfilled its debt with great loyalty and devotion.

The Jewish Party is calling on you to a struggle. It calls you to fulfill your debt in the name of an ancient religion, in the name of a tradition which keeps us spiritually, on our rights for life and work. The elections on 20 November will be a true test of your consciences and your being. Not one of us is in doubt that in the heart of every Jew there exists a voice calling: every Jew must vote for the Jewish list.^[31]

Rabbi Tsirelson wrote in “Unzer Tzeit”, addressing the Jewish population with the following enthusiastic declaration: “Brothers, think hard! Can we continue to exist in a political sense, or not?”

The members of the central committee of the united party (Poalei Zion- Zeirei Zion) were all enlisted to the election battle. They published articles in Unzer Tzeit in Kishinev and Tribuna in Bucharest. They appeared in assemblies and visited towns in other areas. At the top of the list in Bessarabia were Rabbi. I. L. Tzirelson, Dr. T. Fisher, Dr. Meir Abner, Dr. Sh. Singer, Advocate Vineberg, P. Rosenstein and others. The official Zionists in the lists were: Sh. Berliand, Dr. M. Kulik, Advocate Y. Korn, Sh. Rosenhaupt, Z. Rosenthal, M. Brauer, Al. Vinitzky, Dr. N. Fidelman, Advocate Feldman, A. Krasiuk and others.

The results were: Instead of 50 election districts (out of 71) where lists could be entered, it was only possible to do so in 45 of them. It was due to the terror activities towards the nominees as well as the electors. The Jewish lists only received close to 44000 votes. According to the following table^[32]- less than the minimum limit of 2% of all voters, as the law stated. Again, the party came out on the bottom, without any Jewish representation.

[Page 491]

#45. Circular of the Jewish Party, Bendery (Tighina) for the elections in December 1937

Province	# Districts	Votes for JP	% all voters	Compare to % of Jews in Romania
Bessarabia	9	12923	29.5	27.34
Bukovina	5	8174	18.7	12.3
Transylvania	21	19551	44.7	25.48
Rigat	10	3133	7.1	34.88
Totals	45	43781	100	100

[Page 492]

The Liberal Party also was weakened and did not manage to obtain40% of the votes so it could, with an addition of a premium, as the law dictated, to hold on to the regime. King Karol was helpless as he feared the Iron Guard Party, especially its leader, “Captain” Cornel Zalman Kodrianu (shot to death 30.11.38, supposedly while trying to escape while moving from one prison to another). The party gained votes in the election and received 15.6% of votes- 70 members out of 378. Finally, a solution was found: the second antisemitic party would be in charge- “The Front of National Christians”. It had been founded by the veteran antisemite Koza and his friend Goga (9.8% of all votes in the election!) and in cooperation with factions from other parties, it would “supervise” new elections at a later date.

In his first words to the people, the prime minister, Goga, repeated his mantra: “Romania for Romanians!”. It was a pretext to unleash his temper on “foreigners” who had entered the economy of the country. Soon, orders were announced to realize this basic line: a new test of the rights of the Jews to citizenship, as most of them “infiltrated” Romania after the war in large numbers of hundreds of thousands; cancellation of permits for the sale of liquor that had been given to Jews; appointment of government commissars to supervise businesses of foreigners, in order to preserve jobs for Romanians; Romanization of businesses and firms employing foreigners, etc. Even the pioneering preparatory groups became a target for assassinations and abuses by the new authorities.

The Aliyah department of the Jewish Agency gave Dr. N. Goldman the power to include the question of Aliyah and preparation^[32*] in Romania among the issues dealt in Geneva. These were part of the discussions about the rights and the fate of the Jewish minority in Romania. They were held with representatives of the superpowers who signed, in 1920, the peace treaty with Romania, with Foreign Minister of the time, Istrati Mitchascu. However, it did not happen.

Pornaka Vrami (Order of the day), the newspaper of the Goga-Koza party, published an article under this title: “A-confused Jew!”. It demanded the government to fulfill the requests of the antisemites, especially- to conduct a new census of the population. The previous census had only 800 000 Jews “while the numbers reach around 2 million!”. Koza declared: “Not even one centimeter is left from our plan. We swore to God, I and Goga, that we will fulfill our plan.

[Page 493]

“Romania for Romanians!” We will stand strong behind the barricade for which I have been fighting for the past 50 years!^[33]

There was great panic among the Jews. All groups united together. There was even a bridge between erstwhile opposing political organizations- the Jewish Party on one side and the “Onionia” on the other. A central unified council was established for the defense of the suffering Jewish crowd. However, the council did not succeed, and its days were short.

The ruling days of Goga-Coza did not last long- only 44 days. It was only from 28.12.37 to 10.2.38. During this short period they managed to appeal the political and economic bases of the country^[34]. It goes without saying, the situation of the Jews worsened. On the other hand, the short rule also fanned the dark inclinations of the people of the Iron Guard. They gained favor with the public and were secretly supported by the department of foreign affairs of the Nazi Party in Germany.^[35]

After the Goga-Koza regime failed, they were thus consoled:

Indeed, they were successful in removing us from authority, but what we sowed, during these few weeks, will produce fruit (Koza). I wrote a page in the history of Romania. What is written there about the Jews will not be erased. (Goga)

When the government fell, a new one was formed. It was that of National Concentration (among them members of the previous government). It was led by Patriarch Miron Krista^[36]. It paved the way for fulfilling the wishes of the king. The time seemed right to Karol to introduce an autocratic regime and to disband all political parties. At first, (24.2.38) there was a new constitution and later (20.3.38), all political parties were dismantled. Even earlier, (18.2.38) an order

[Page 494]

was given to shut all the newspapers and publications written in minority languages- Yiddish, Hebrew, Russian, German, Ukrainian, etc.

The Jewish Party was also dismantled and thus ended a national instrument for the preservation of the Rights of the Jewish minority. It must be emphasized that, in spite of the unfriendly attitude to the Jewish Party as such, as it existed in the Romanian parliament, members respected the official members. They were all on the same level, be it their cultural-educational standing or their political understanding.

Truthfully, all appearances of the Jewish parliamentary faction were guided by the three schools of policy: political policy and its ways. The Austro-Hungarian school with its refined outlook, polite, respecting rivals and followed by Dr. Meir Abner and Dr. Theodore Fisher; The Russian school- especially the post revolutionary one- attacking and demanding- as represented by Rabbi I. L. Tsirelson and even M. Landau, after he had spent years Bessarabia. (That is why the Romanians were so suspicious of them-as if rebellion and revolution comes out of their mouths). The Romanian school with its sharp style and witty tongue, attacked its opponents with extra arrogance, spewed by Koza. Members S. singer and Mishu Veisman used this approach, when necessary. These three schools of conduct blended and complemented each other.

The members of the Jewish factions, elected freely according to special lists, proudly and respectfully represented their electorate. This was not the way of the various “intermediaries”. The Jewish members listened to the opinions of the Romanians and the world, the Jewish population- over three quarters of a million people-second in Europe after Poland. They served with loyalty, defended their rights and reacted to their detractors.

The” Onionia” was also disbanded and there was somewhat of a fortification of Jewish participation in political life. Individual organizations that could somehow still operate were the union of communities and the Zionist movement.

Finally, it must be said that the Zionist movement was aware of the present difficulties of the Jews in the diaspora, and there were many areas where the seal of a special national body, as a Jewish Party, had been useful. The absence of this lively and aware body at the end of the thirties, dangerous years fateful for the Jewish population in Romania, was deeply felt.

The years of activity of the Jewish Party were few, but it managed to write an important, shining page in the history of the Jews of Romania in the 20^th century.

Original Footnotes:

1. We can bring many examples of the manner in which Jewish voters were lured by political parties. There are also many anecdotes about propaganda before the elections. It is sufficient to relate wheat happened in Jassy, Moldova, although it was not really in Bessarabia:
   Several Jewish personalities, supporters of the Liberal party list, led by I. Bratianu, addressed the Jewish public with a leaflet in Yiddish- half archaic and half non-Yiddish, with this missive: “Hear O Israel.Vote for the cross, the symbol of the party.
   The national Liberal party, in the parliamentary elections. After strong reactions, about blasphemy, were published in the Jewish press (Erd und Arbeit, Kishinev, established by Zeirei Zion, #23, 26.2.22 and Mintuiria, Bucharest, founded by Av. L. Zisu, #947, 3.3.22), a decal in the shape of a cross was glued in specific places. The patch meant: vote for the cross- the sign of the national Liberal party. Return
2. The other candidates were: Dr. Vassterman-Beltz, Dr. Adolf Shtern- Bucharest, attorney Moshe Shechter (Meshar)-Jassy, attorney Fisher-Bendery, Rabbi Yosef Panis-Orgeyev, I. Sanilevitz-Kishinev, Moshe Milshtein-Akkerman, and Avraham L. Zisu- Bucharest. Return
3. In 1928 he founded a farming unity in Pardes Chanah and died in 1966. His wife, Clara Hirshezon was the last remaining representative in the First Jewish Congress. She accompanied her brother as a representative from Jassy. Return
4. Erd und Arbeit, Kishinev, #26, 19 March 1922 Return
5. Same, #22, 19 February 1922 Return
6. Complete, original letter is in the archives M. Beit David, in the library of Beit Hatfutzot, Tel Aviv. Return
7. See details, Book A, “National Press”, page 57. Return
8. See pages 458 and 459. Sections from the response to the speech from the throne at the opening of parliament, by Dr. Meir Abner- 13 July 1926 and by Rabbi I.L. Tsirelson- about the same time, pages 651-654. Return
9. Erd und Arbeit, # (109) 18, 7.5.1926 Return
10. The full speech can be found in Addendum, pages 628-633 Return
    10* “The Struggle of my Life”- Michael Landay, Masada publishers, Tel Aviv, 1970, page 188. Return
11. The entire speech can be found in Annex, pages 651-654 Return
12. The archived speech can be found in Annex, pages 625-628 Return
13. Ost-Yiddishe Zeitung, Czernowitz, #1154, 2 January 1929 Return
    [13*] Copy of the Tarbut recommendations, in Romanian, was published as part of the Landau speech in “Moniturul Ofitsial”, #76, 24 September 1930. See further in the Annex, page 666. Return
14. Additional details can be found in the chapter “Organization of the communities”, pages 418-419
    Sections of Landau's speech can be found on pages 623-624. Return
15. ibid “Jewish population in numbers”, page 400 Return
16. The “conduct” of the elections was well known to most of the parties invited to supervise. Acts of violence were common. It did not, of course, skip over the Jewish Party. This is what happened: when the list was sent to the tribunal in Beltz, a small error was discovered in the name of the Rabbi. His name was written as Yehuda-Leib instead of Leib- as written in his identity card. The error was immediately corrected. When the list was sent again, the representatives , on their way to the tribunal, were arrested by the police. They were kept until the legal deadline for entry had passed. This is how the list was canceled in a district that had 7,000 Jewish voters. At least half of them were potential voters for the Jewish Party. Return
17. A deciding reason against voting for the independent Jewish list, the newspaper of the Onionia, Kuriarol Israelite, cited the words of the Secretary of the Interior, Argatuanu. He said:” The Jews have all the rights of all Romanian people. According to the law there is no difference between any Romanian citizens. It is, therefore, necessary to quicken the process of assimilation between Christians and Jews. Those who create, or wish to create, separate Jewish parties, are not only wrong, but they act against everything that is right” (Haolam, 20, 26 May 1931). Return
18. The logo of the Jewish Party, signifying unity, was X. Return
19. “Haolam”, 30, of 4.8.1931 published an article from Kishinev by A. R. (Isser Rabinovitch) about the results of the elections- number of votes and names of elected representatives- which is totally distorted. It seems the author wrote his conclusions before the final results were announced. Return
20. Monitorul ofitzieal (Lists of the government), #131, 10 June 1931 and #173, 26 July 1932. Return
21. The district lists in Bessarabia for the 1932 elections were the following:
    1. Orgeyev- Rabbi Yehuda-Leib Tsirelson, Yosef Lerner (Laron), Dr. Yosef-Nachum Bercovitch, Avraham Lifshin, Moshe-Yosef Goychman and Intel-Meir Yagolnitzer;
    2. Izmail – Moshe Helman, Michel Veinberg, Asher Zusovitch, and Rabbi Yeshayahu Reicher.
    3. Akkerman- Yosef Lerner (Laron), Monis Volman, Isak Feldshteyn, Nachum Sirota, Nachman Shtulgrut, Moshe Shochet and Eizik Shapiro.
    4. Beltz- Shmuel (Sami) Zinger, Yosef Lerner (Laron), Yeshayahu Tumarkin, Pinchas Wollach, Mendl Massis and Eizik Rot.
    5. Bendery- Michael Landau, Yefim Rubashauvsky, Israel Blank, Zeidel Turiansky and Michel Bursotzky.
    6. Hotin- Michael Landau, Mishu Weisman (Michael Amir), Zvi Braunshteyn, Avraham Milgrom, Dr. Yankel Lerner.
    7. Soroca- Michael Landau, Mishu Veisman (Michael Amir), Solomon Fuchs, Menashe Tzukerman, Yechezkel Kumarov and Chaim Krupnik.
    8. Cahul- Nachman Akerman, Avraham Chabat, Matityahu Gutman and Shayna Rubinger.
    9. Kishinev – Rabbi Yehuda-Leib Tsirelson, Yosef Lerner (Laron), Yosef Babitch, Chaim Cohen, Israel Broynshteyn, Moshe Kaushansky, Netanel Averbuch and Shlomo Berliand.
    Return
22. In 1931 28-33. Return
23. There were less votes because the list was disqualified in Beltz. Return
24. Michael Amir- “Thirteen Years since his Death”- published by friends, Tel Aviv-Jaffa. 1967, page 62. Return
25. Michael Amir- “Thirteen Years since his Death”- published by friends, Tel Aviv-Jaffa, 1967, page 70. Return
26. Haolam 25, 30 June 1931 Return
27. M. Landau- “The Jewish National Movement in Romania in the 20th century”. “Gesher”,( #12) 3, 1957, pages 110-111. Return
28. The dimensions of the scare tactics were described by the newspaper “adovarol”: “Is it possible that in Sighet, where the Jewish population is 22% of the population, that only 567 would vote for the Jews!” (In the 1931 elections the Jewish list received 2641 votes and in 1932, a little freer, 3750 votes) Return
29. The majority of the villages in Bessarabia- over 40- with large Jewish populations, was rural. Return
30. Historical antics: In June 1940, the Red Army entered Bessarabia. One of the secret sections of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact came into being. All the German residents of Bessarabia were transferred, on the Danube, to Germany. They were permitted to take with them belongings on a wagon attached to two horses. The remainder of their belongings was exchanged for gold coins by the Soviet regime. At the same time, thousands of innocent citizens were threatened by the M.G.V of being imprisoned. They were questioned harshly, tried in person and not in person, and were exiled to distant labor camps. The evacuated Germans paraded wearing special insignia on their shirts. The words on them were “immigrants”- so they would not, God forbid, be harmed. In the years after the war, the writer of these words and his friends, had the occasion to meet, in labor camps in the north, some of these evacuees of the past. They stayed in their new residences, in Konigsberg, East Prussia, and were arrested there. All of them declared their ties of deep friendship with their “former good Jewish neighbors” in Artziv, Tatarbunar, and Tarutino, in Akkerman district. They were not even ashamed to ask us for advice and help in their dire circumstances… Return
31. Rinastria Nostra, #604, 18.12.1937 Return
32. See Book A, page 278 about the negotiations with Dr. Goldman about the preparatory program. Return
    [32*] Ibid #605, 25.12.1937 Return
33. Unzer Tzeit, #4549, 7 January and #4550, 9 January 1938 Return
34. King Karol published a pronouncement to the people after the government fell. Among the rest, it was said: “In a short time, the government of Goga managed to bring the country into turmoil. It acted against the constitution of Romania. This could have ruined the country. (Davao, 11 February 1938) Return
35. Zion-a monthly researching Jewish history, Jerusalem, 5724, vols. A-b, pages 133-152. Return
36. The Patriarch did not avoid declaring his affinity with the Iron Guard and its leader, “Captain Kodrianu.” In a reply to an inquiry by one of the newspapers about his relationship with the Jews, he replied with an article full of hatred for the Jews. The entire Orthodox Church blessed the contents of the article. (Haolam, E, Cheshvan 5698, 7.10.1937) Return

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